Appendix II

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 20, 1626-1628. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

'Appendix II', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 20, 1626-1628, (London, 1914) pp. 614-625. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol20/pp614-625 [accessed 26 April 2024]



	NOTES FOR RELAZIONE. (fn. 1)
1626. Bibl. S. Marco, Cl. VII. Cod. 1126.	French expelled by Buckingham in order to possess queen entirely, the ladies and some of the duke's relations being introduced to serve her.
	The weakness of France published on every side; shewn by the treatment of their allies at Monzon; effort to incite the republic and Savoy to a union and to show that they can uphold affairs without France.
	This is mere trifling, because the king has no money; he is also the enemy of Spain as well as enemy of France; he has not the love of his subjects; the ill-feeling increased by the dissolution of parliament, with the punishment of those who spoke most freely about privileges and the imprisonment of Arundel, because he spoke for the parliament, under the pretext of his son's marriage. The king was accuser and judge.
	The French who left the queen's service demanded an opportunity to defend themselves. They demanded the return of money lent to the queen, saying she was exceedingly poor. The Bishop of Mande wished to remain in England, but was not allowed.
	The English were pleased at the expulsion of the French, who behaved badly.
	They try to obtain money by sending out notes asking for loans, about 500 in number.
	They offer the property of the crown for sale, but no one wants to buy it, because the king cannot alienate it without the approval of parliament. The efforts to find money increase their difficulties, because they aim at destroying the fundamental laws of the realm.
	Bassompierre and Tilliéres nominated to go to England to settle about the expulsion of the French.
	Montagu went to France to intimate that the king would not receive Tillières or anyone else who had been in the queen's service.
	They re-coin the pounds, but the people will not take them, and so the king gets little advantage from it.
	Pensions are suspended, but it is of little use amid so many embarrassments.
	There are no revolts, because the kingdom has no fortresses, and there is no leading man at hand to foment them. ...
	Carleton went to France to justify the expulsion of the French. ...
	The Spaniards whisper about peace if they will abandon the Dutch.
	The King of England instinctively avoids all arduous and difficult business.
	Montagu not admitted into France, not even to offer congratulations about Monsieur's marriage. Duchess of Chevreuse banished from Court...
	King would like to help Denmark, but cannot.
	Must avoid being taken at sea, because no way of restitution. Legal proceedings as to whether it is lawful booty or no take a long time and are very corrupt; the costs are exorbitant, and without some present one incurs more serious injuries. The Dutch, French, Hamburgers and others have found this out, besides the Venetians.
	At the beginning of the disputes with France, Buckingham inclined to peace with Spain, but the Spaniards did not respond, because the game was too propitious for them. They captured ships from their enemies daily, even off the English coasts, and were sure that the English could not hurt them, owing to the straitness in the kingdom and the differences between the king and his people. The rupture with France, the assistance to the Huguenots, which weakened both kingdoms, and upon this they built their designs for universal monarchy and their plans against Italy.
	Bassompierre demanded the re-instatement of the French.
	Weakness of the duke. All decisions changed several times. This due to never being sure of money.
	England ruined Germany, first over the provision for the Palatine of the crown of Bohemia, then by delusory negotiations and finally by failing in promises for the wars.
	French and English naturally antipathetic, more than other nations. Trade, proximity, the Huguenots in France and the Catholics in England make this alienation incurable.
	King James made much of the Scots and adopted their customs more than the English ones. The present king is close fisted (scarso) with them. He has never been crowned, a necessary thing; he has never summoned their parliament; he has talked of incorporating church property with the crown, which was mostly divided among the nobles at the change of religion, so this could not be done without a great disturbance. The Scots are resolute and fierce. They are not friendly with the English and prefer the French.
	The English plunder ships at sea; the French seize all English property.
	Bassompierre arranged for the reinstatement of a bishop, six priests, excluding Jesuits, a chamberlain, two ladies of the bedchamber, and forty to fifty others. They promised relief for the Catholics from persecution. He undertook the payment of the remaining 400,000 crowns of the dowry, if the English, in parliament, assigned 40,000 crowns yearly to the queen. The English found themselves in a worse position by this agreement, because the French did not respond, owing to fresh humours.
	The permission to go privateering is most pernicious, because when they get to sea they want to recoup themselves from friends as well as enemies.
	Bassompierre only settled appearances, not essentials, because he left the question of the negotiations untouched. The English complained that they wanted advantages for the Catholics in England, and said nothing about the Huguenots in France or about French interests in Germany. Bassompierre became too intimate (si strinse troppo) with the duke for the adjustment. He tried to win him the queen's favour, and that made him suspect to the Court of France.
	They wanted five subsidies from the people. They replied that they would not discuss it, unless parliament was summoned. The king wanted to compel them, but with little success, though some paid out of fear. The lawyers would not subscribe to the payment for fear that parliament would punish them, although when they entered their offices they swore not to consent to any payment of money without parliament.
	Bassompierre left without settling anything except the queen's household.
	England would like Gabor and Baden to take the field. ...
	After Bassompierre left, they decided Buckingham should go to France to settle the naval disputes, to secure advantages for the Huguenots, who had made the last peace with the king under the interposition of the English ambassadors, to whom many satisfactions were promised for them, but never carried out. To obtain better information about these matters they fetched Soubise to Court, who had never been to the king since he took refuge in England, to avoid offending France. Buckingham went on that embassy to renew his amours with the Queen of France, to obtain the release of Chevreuse and to be safely out of the way at the meeting of parliament. But this did not avail him, because the people suspected that he was sent for amorous affairs rather than the welfare of Christendom; that England would receive more injury from his prodigality than advantage from his negotiations; that they knew everything depended upon and originated with the Duke of Savoy, whose fancies and intrigues Buckingham had always imitated, and his Highness, offended with France over the treaty of Italy, was pricking at the throat of that kingdom by his plans and intrigues.
	Bassompierre's treaty was disowned in France on his return, although he showed that he had not exceeded his instructions. The French, dismissed from the service of the Queen of England, some 500 persons dependent on the Richelieu faction, constituted the most obvious cause. A more secret one was to ruin the Huguenots from their knowledge of the weakness of the English, who were not strong enough to save their friends. Hostilities occurred over reprisals at sea, with the seizure of English capital and of quite 500 English ships that were lading at Bordeaux, amounting to over 500,000 crowns, besides the value of the ships, the sailors and the guns. The French could offer no resistance to the English at sea, who made much booty, and answered the French measures by ordering the seizure of all French goods and issuing letters of marque against the French. These circumstances stopped Buckingham's journey to France, increased the quarrel and practically began war. This was really due to the secret designs of Richelieu against the Huguenots, based on the information of the expelled French on the weakness of England. In England it was fomented by the contempt Buckingham thought France showed him, by the disavowal of Bassompierre, by the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine, who were very ill pleased with France and tried to engulph her in internal broils, and by the representations of the Huguenots, through whom Buckingham thought to win favour with the Puritan party. It was easy to win Buckingham, and the Abbot Scaglia was sent, who had a grudge against Richelieu for not getting the red hat for him, of which he was ambitious, though opposed by the Cardinal of Savoy, if not by his master. The abbot, by the will of God, became very intimate with Buckingham, put straight the weakness of England, and with great ease, by deceiving Buckingham, got three fleets prepared. He also made use of the Duchess of Chevreuse, who was expelled from Court from suspicion of complicity in a conspiracy against the king, and had withdrawn to Lorraine, where she contrived to gain an illicit influence over the duke. She had previously done the same with Buckingham and perhaps with the King of France himself, to whom she made a sorry return for his amorous courtesies.
	The Spaniards seized the opportunity of proposing to the French a joint war against England, suggesting an attack on Ireland, on condition of each keeping his own conquests. On the other side they professed a leaning to peace with the English, in order to encourage them against France, the game being entirely in their hands.
	The English Catholics wished to pay money to the king to escape the visitation of their houses and the subjection to pursuivants or spies. There are some 10,000 of that faith in England. The Catholics are heavily burdened, the king gains very little, but the ministers enrich themselves at the expense of those poor things.
	* * * *
	The Spaniards propose an accommodation through the Infanta and Rubens. The king knew nothing about it.
	* * * *
	The Dutch, foreseeing the proposals Carleton would make to them, offered their interposition for a reconciliation with France; but this was based upon their own interests. ... Denmark also offered his interposition, but the Huguenots and his relationship to England rendered him suspect to the French.
	Fleet prepared. Rumours against France, Isle de Ré, Brest, islands of Garonne, of burning ships in port to deprive the French of the means of attacking England. 4,000 infantry could not do much. England being in no position to give great help.
	Savoy played his own game best of all. He promised the Spaniards to induce England to make peace with them. He promised England to help Rohan and the disturbances in France; above all he negotiated with the English for a powerful fleet to overawe the Genoese in his dispute with them about Zuccarello. The Spaniards offered ships to the French.
	Buckingham's hatred was, however, against the cardinal, and he wanted to hurt him at sea. He devoted his chief attention to scouring the seas, and thus rendered the French more subject to England, but as more than one of the French ships was found carrying the goods of various friends, it was decreed that any goods found on French ships should be seized, and supply the shortage of money by means of the booty. To the merchants who applied to the king for compensation for their goods sold in France, they gave letters of marque to go privateering against the French, and in this way the king relieved himself of compensating them. This constitutes the most difficult matter to accommodate.
	The Dutch were pressed hard by the English to declare themselves on the plea that it was a matter of religion for the Huguenots, but they insisted on remaining neutral in order to be mediators.
	It is noteworthy that when Buckingham only wanted a company of 100 gentlemen on horse for his guard for the Ré expedition, it was difficult in all England to find arms for them, such was their defenceless state in troops of that kind.
	Private subsidies from lords and earls; crown lands pledged. Many months wasted in obtaining money, but with little or no result. Sale of booty.
	The fleet being ready, it remained to find an honourable pretext for using it. Every effort was made to stir up trouble in France, with Monsieur, the Count of Soissons, with Savoy and Lorraine, and to arouse the Huguenots, on whom, chiefly encouraged by the brothers Rohan and Soubise and their followers, they based their hopes. The Huguenots in general were very perplexed at that time. They knew that Soubise and some others of their leaders were trading upon religion for their personal advantage. They had stirred England to move under the pretext that the cause was hers since the Most Christian had not kept his promises to their party. The English lost prestige by their operations. Failure due to the feebleness of the attack, as they only landed 400 to 500 horse, owing to their lack of money; to Buckingham's inexperience; to the interests of a favourite not to remain too long away from the king. ...
	Carleton was sent to Holland to justify the steps taken by the English against France, on the grounds of the disavowal of Bassompierre, the rejection of Buckingham, the intention of the French to strengthen themselves at sea and to reduce the Huguenots. He tried to get the Dutch to declare for England or remain neutral. He had orders to suggest a reconciliation in order to lull the French to sleep. This agreed with Scaglia's plans, under pretext of a reconciliation to intimidate the Genoese in the interests of Savoy.
	Refer to my offices with the duke when Buckingham sailed with the fleet, shown in my letter No. 84 to the republic. (fn. 2)
	The King of Denmark, England's uncle, apart from this tie, may be called an unfortunate friend, because England launched him in the affairs of Germany. He is creditor for 6 million francs. He obtained troops in plenty from England and Scotland, and could scarcely get them elsewhere after the defeat. The English are necessarily friends of Denmark, because of the passage of the Sound and the trade in the Baltic, Poland, Muscovy and Danzig. The value of Norway for the building of ships and the other materials from Hamburg, Lubeck.
	On the 2nd July, 1627, Buckingham took leave of the king at Soduich, a pleasure resort five miles from Portsmouth. The king gave him the greatest assurances of affection, and wished before his departure to arrange about the commanders of the succour which was to follow at a short interval. The fleet sailed on Sunday, the 4th July. It was composed of 90 ships; 42 armed ones, including 7 royal galleons with 40 bronze guns and 500 sailors on each; 30 merchantmen with 20 guns and 60 to 100 sailors each; 14 Dutch ships; 34 Scottish colliers to carry munitions, horses etc.; 7 infantry regiments of 900 men well armed, mixed with new troops; 300 horses, besides 16 for coaches and 6 parade ones for the duke. The duke was generalissimo; the Earl of Lindsay Vice-Admiral, the Earl of Denbigh third, and Sir [William] Arvi fourth. Soubise sailed with the fleet, but without a command, although he was director of everything. They sailed towards La Rochelle and the Islands.
	In England they have the finest and best money to be seen in the world. The gold is made of Spanish pistoles; the silver of reals. The money is coined in very small quantity and for the requirements of very few, rather than for the common use of all. There are some silver mines in Wales, in addition to the reals, but in very small quantity...
	Nothing pleases them better than arbitrament between the two crowns. The English like to play off France against Spain, just as the French fear an accommodation between Spain and England.
	Savoy tries to negotiate an accommodation. He offers Villefranche as a free port to both, in order to intimidate the Genoese. He wants to take away the trade from Leghorn. But the difficulty of disposing of goods at Villefranche, the demand for liberty of conscience and for security from the bankers have prevented him from succeeding.
	In the king's need for money, they offered the Catholics to touch their goods only, and to make one contribution only, but they preferred to pay according to the old assessment, which is only a third of the sum.
	At the first news of the renewed preparations of England, the French also sent troops towards La Rochelle, so that when the English fleet sailed the people there vacillated, some inclining to England and some to the king.
	From young Montagu, sent by Buckingham to Savoy, Lorraine and elsewhere, to make trouble in France, Savoy obtained a paper made for him by the King of Great Britain for the accommodation with France. Savoy hoped to profit from the arbitrament, but he gave support to Soissons. This arrangement caused the Venetian ambassadors to be very cautious about offering interposition, but after a long time, when appealed to by ministers, they called attention to the advantage of union between the two crowns.
	The English have no agreement with pirates like the Dutch, but defend themselves by force, and the Companies send from 12 to 14 ships at a time, all well armed, which frighten the pirates.
	Savoy wishes to use his intimacy with England to obtain the title of king, but the king recognised that it was not his business to concern himself in such matters.
	On the 22nd of July, after the English had been repulsed with the loss of 500 slain in their first attempt, they landed in the Isle of Ré, and on the 25th laid siege to St. Martin, where the French had about 2,000 foot and 1,000 horse under M. de Toras. Although they had ample warning, the fort was ill supplied with provisions and in danger of succumbing to famine.
	The Rochellese received the English sick, and helped them at first, but they could do no more, because the king closed them in, and they had to attend to their own defence.
	Although things were going well for the English, the people did not rejoice, and in spite of the accounts printed by the king and Buckingham's supporters of a thousand advantages, yet these would not extinguish the flames of hatred against the duke.
	When the English landed in the Isle of Rhé, Lord Carleton arrived in Holland with orders, among other things, to find out the intentions of the Dutch about some proposals for peace or truce made by the Spaniards to England through Rubens, a famous painter of Antwerp, not because they wished to conclude anything, but in order to encourage the English to proceed against the French in the confidence of arranging peace with Spain. When the landing took place at Ré, they considered it as open war, which agreed with the wishes of the wisest.
	The Spaniards considered the nearness of the Isle of Ré to the coasts of Spain, and that if the English took possession and kept a certain number of ships there they could scour the coasts of Spain and prevent intercourse with Dunkirk, Hamburg and other northern parts. As they did not want enemies so near, they would have to make peace or a serious alliance with the French, which was contrary to their policy of weakening France, at a moment when circumstances favoured them in Italy, disturbed by the hostilities between Savoy and Genoa, with their ambitions in Mantua, for which the French Duke of Nevers was a claimant. Their artifice was clearly shown by their offer of ships and assistance to the Most Christian, under the head of religion. (fn. 3)
	They considered that although the introduction of peace or a truce would bring about the immediate ruin of the republic, owing to religious differences which would break out at once, yet they took into consideration that they had little help from the two crowns, and were fearful of breaking with either of them, with their nearness and the interests of trade, owing to the claims of both upon them without regard for their neutrality, overwhelmed by excessive expenditure ... with the Prince of Orange disinclined for quietness, and doubtful of the intentions of England. (fn. 4)
	The Spaniards also considered that the English would do them more harm, because of the fleet and the fear of lack of gold, while their object was to separate the Dutch from both crowns. But it did not matter, because the English did not take the island.
	For England there was the consideration of the quarrel of the duke with the French; the impossibility of keeping up a war with France and Spain at the same time; the damage to English trade in Spain; the hostilities committed by the Dunkirkers so near the kingdom; the slight loss suffered by the Spaniards, who traded under the name of other nations. the laws of the country give greater authority to the King of England in a war with France than with any other country. The hope that parliament would contribute more readily against the French, owing to the natural antipathy.
	The Spaniards encourage the idea of peace with England by releasing imprisoned sailors, by allowing letters to pass, by favouring all those going to Piedmont.
	The English found St. Martin strong; they wished to push their trenches close to prevent succour. They therefore asked for a reinforcement of 5,000 men, but lack of money delayed this. The Earl of Holland had command, and they proposed afterwards to take the island of Oleron, important as commanding the mouths of the Loire and Garonne, and producing large revenues from the salt works of Oleron and Brouage.
	While matters were doubtful the Dutch thought fit to offer their interposition. Joachim made the overtures, to whom the king replied that if the French made the first advances he would come to a decision, a haughty answer based on the hope of taking the islands; which was so strong that they were drafting decrees, one for declaring open war and issuing a printed manifesto, the other for giving La Rochelle greater freedom and allowing free trade on the islands of Ré and Oleron, which anciently pertained to the crown of England. But some of the wiser ones said that before issuing such decrees they ought to make sure of the capture, which was still doubtful.
	Ambassadors of Denmark came on purpose to represent the plight of their king, as he could no longer look for help from the friendly crowns, because Tilly had crossed the Elbe and was pushing him hard. They also made the most of the doubtful issue in the islands. They wanted the king to direct Carleton in Holland to assent to negotiate peace with France. They thought they could obtain some words from their king's nephew to obtain a response from France, whither he was going. They spoke to the king and begged him to consent to some compromise with France, as their king had taken up the war in Germany for the sake of England. The king replied, speaking of the affronts received from France and his obligation to avenge them if the French did not keep the promises made to the Huguenots under his guarantee. He assured them he would not forget his uncle; but actually he did nothing.
	When Buckingham entered the island he at once published a manifesto, laying all the blame for the rupture on the nonfulfilment of the promises to the Huguenots, and the determination of the king to defend them; but the real reasons were the private quarrels of the favourites.
	Ships left England to prevent the passage of some galleons bought by the Most Christian at Amsterdam. One of them, the St. Esprit, bought by Toras, was captured in the port of Amsterdam, laden with arms, and taken to England, where the arms were deposited in the Tower of London.
	Buckingham solicits help, which is promised, but the lack of money prevents its realisation. This and the scanty support he received from the Huguenots prevented a favourable issue at fort St. Martin.
	When Gregory XV instituted the congregation de propaganda fide at Rome, he decided to send to England a bishop in partibus infidelium to rule the flock there instead of an archpriest. The pope had two objects in this, one general, to console the Catholics and perform confirmation and other episcopal offices; the other to avoid the disorders introduced by the Jesuits there both by taking away from the other regulars the collections made by every one throughout the kingdom and using them for the support of their own houses and colleges in Flanders, where many English flock for the education of their children and for the laudable purpose of confirming them in the true faith. The alms collected in some years amounted to 20,000l. sterling and more, and it seems they were appropriated by the Jesuits in the kingdom to such an extent that they became rich as the other regulars grew poor. As time went on the bishop proposed to extend the scope of his office, and he declared that no priest, secular or regular, should administer the sacrament to Catholics without his permission. He also proposed to set up a tacit form of chancery whence should issue excommunications, approbations of testaments, dispositions of laws, ... of the houses of Catholics, etc. So far as the administration of the Sacrament was concerned, the bishop was not without reason on his side, as . . . some sacriligious persons give themselves the title of priests and administer the sacraments and other offices in the houses of Catholics, and under the pretext of religion they took possession so to speak, of those houses and did their will, marrying the children and conducting the internal arrangements at their pleasure, not . . . the father and mother of the family to have . . . for prayers and other pious works. The regulars at once opposed the bishop's decree strongly, maintaining that it was contrary to the canons for a bishop to be ordinary of an entire kingdom in parte heretico, where the laws against the Church compel him to keep in hiding; and he can do nothing except with those who are open Catholics. They maintain that his approval is neither possible nor necessary, since the apostolic missions, so they call them, are sent from Rome, and they do not perform the Sacraments unless they first obtain recognition from their superiors, and so no religious needs to have recourse in England for further authorisation in anything. They add that many Catholics, who keep their faith secret in order not to lose their goods . . . would not make themselves known either to the bishop or to the regular clergy, but keep a religious and maintain the utmost secrecy. They want the bishop to confine himself to the confirmations and the superintendence of the priests and not to command the regulars. Each of these two factions writes its own decrees. The schism once entered among the Catholics here may spread to other countries as well, and a beginning of schism is dangerous to the Church of God unless provision is made in good time. It dismays Catholics and makes the heretics mock.
	An ambassador from Denmark came to arrange peace between the two crowns, with the more insistence because of the pressure of the Austrians upon their king; but in repeated audiences they received no satisfactory reply from the king or Council, only complaints against France. They saw the king was hopeful of winning fort St. Martin, and that he had promised Buckingham not to engage in any negotiations during his absence. In this way the king had surrendered his own freedom. Accordingly the ambassadors decided to go to France to see if the could do something there towards an accommodation. But seeing the difficulties, they gave up the task and devoted themselves to trying to obtain some assistance for their master. It seems also that the King of England refused the interposition of his uncle, showing that it was all due to the favourite's pique against Richelieu, and that by capturing the islands he expected to supply the needs of his master and fortify himself against parliament.
	At Leghorn there are substantial merchants who immediately buy the goods and ships are unloaded at once. At Villefranche it would not be so, and there would always be danger of the duke scheming to raise money. The king inclines to gratify his Highness because his present interests require it; but the merchants are strongly opposed, even to transferring that portion of the trade which has been interrupted with Marseilles owing to the war.
	The Spaniards send ships under the pretence of helping the Most Christian against the Huguenots. From them the English get the idea that the pope is arranging a league of religion, which Richelieu would accept because he is a cardinal, and they would build upon the treaty of Monzon, so that the two crowns united would impose their will on all the rest of Europe. This announcement merely aimed at interesting the Dutch and all the others of the same party. ...
	The idea of a league of religion excited by the promises to the cardinal was credited the more because of Father Berulle of the Oratory, deeply distrusted by the English, when he had been confessor to the queen, and considered more Spanish than French, more religious than a politician, though he might use religion to win honours of every kind.
	The Danish ambassadors would also have gone to Italy if they had had money, but they were in need, and the king had to succour them.
	Fort St. Martin relieved. Colonel Boros killed. Buried in London with great honour. He always advised abandoning the enterprise after scouring the islands and supplying La Rochelle. He foretold the disasters which subsequently overtook his countrymen through Buckingham's obstinacy in his hopes of winning the fort. He knew well what was needed to achieve this, because the delay had invigorated the defence.
	The English prefer trading at Venice to Leghorn, owing to the convenience of Germany being near.
	The French saw through the artifices of the Spaniards, especially when they saw them inclined to come to terms with England, and when Sobl went to England, who really went to spread ideas of peace. The French would not treat while enemies were within their borders, the English not until the issue of the fort was decided, and so the ambassadors of Holland and Denmark could do nothing in spite of their desire for a reconciliation between the two crowns and impelled by their own interests. ...
	Abbot Scaglia was driven from France owing to his bad relations with the favourite, Richelieu, the ill opinions of that realm which he disseminated and his relations with the king's enemies because he did not find Richelieu so ready to help him to get the red hat, for which he was most anxious. He also encountered strong opposition at Rome, where neither he, the duke, his master, nor the Cardinal of Savoy was acceptable to the Barberini, the ruling family . . . He came to England with the title of ambassador extraordinary to congratulate King Charles on his accession. This pleased the king and profited him, as he made 50,000 francs merely by the export of hides. He became most intimate with the favourite, and he also had correspondents in France, so that Buckingham valued his advices more than any other information. This and many other circumstances caused him to be expelled from the Court of France. He thereupon obtained a commission from his master to proceed to Flanders, where he tried to create the impression that he was negotiating a composition between the Spaniards and English. From Brussels he went to Holland, with the same ostensible object, but really to alarm the Genoese with the naval forces of those States. He arrived in England on the 1st October, 1627, without the character of ambassador, with no definite negotiations or objects except to gain some advantage from his intimacy with Buckingham. He was well received, and under such appearances cloaked his poisonous feelings against France, against which he hoped to strike some blow. With this intent he backed the ideas of Buckingham, who readily believed him. Every day he reported some disorders from France, and when these did not come he incited the king by hopes of conquest through their jealousies, and of dictating his will to the French. In short, the good prelate, contrary to the maxims of his profession and of loving kindness, brings fire and not water; but this fire soon loses its force through the weakness of the English, owing to their bad behaviour, and through the operations in the other direction of the Dutch ministers, not from private interests, but from their zeal for the public cause.
	[Italian.]