Venice: April 1623, 3-10 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

'Venice: April 1623, 3-10', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, (London, 1916) pp. 41-51. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp41-51 [accessed 12 April 2024]

April 1623



April 3. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	56. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Although the French ambassador hoped to obtain the transport of a good part of the munitions of war for his master if not all, he has not obtained the passport yet. This is because he has not contrived things well. One must also add the constant vigilance of the Ambassador Carleton, who opposes with all his might. Hearing that there was some intention of granting the passport, he went two days ago into the Assembly to make the usual protest, from which one may conclude that this affair is in its original position.
	A gentleman of the King of Sweden passed this way for the French Court. He will represent the deplorable state of affairs in the North and the prospect of the total ruin of so many good friends of the French Crown unless some remedy is applied. In this way he has instructions to proceed to suggest an adjustment of the difficulties with the English. With the coming of this individual there is a report of proposals made by Sweden to the Dutch, England, France and the Hanse towns of an offensive and defensive league to secure the sea against the Spaniards and Imperialists. He made great offers of assistance, but they are in no position here to take up any fresh embroilment which would involve further expenditure. It is easy to see that England and France will not consider the proposals.
	Carlisle is expected, but they have no authentic news of his coming. It is expected to be very soon, as it is announced that he must start before parliament meets, in which it was thought that his creditors, who are numerous and for large sums, would present some petition to be satisfied. The king himself would not be able to remedy this, and so it was thought advisable to give him this employment, although at the expense of the royal purse. Carleton says he must not leave before Carlisle arrives, and I think he is glad to put off, for the reasons I have given.
	The Hague, the 3rd April, 1628.
	[Italian.]
April 5. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	57. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The courier, Giuponi, despatched by your Serenity on the 12th March, arrived the night of the 26th, having been detained a day at Turin for the duke's service, who gave him a packet for Scaglia, two in Paris for the passport, and two more at Calais on account of the wind. He brought certificates of all this, and he has therefore performed his journey with fair speed and without any mischance.
	In the first place I return most devout thanks to your Excellencies for the vigorous protection you have afforded me. Of the three conditions referred to for my guidance, my previous letters show that two were very near being obtained. I could not have advanced so far without negotiating with the king, as the circumstances of the affair prevented the courtiers from speaking about it; the condition of the Court did not allow of my being as punctilious as I might have been, and the king was well inclined to satisfy. Thanks to your protection you will see that one of them, which I consider the most important and which is most prominent, has already reached the highest condition we can aspire to; the second is a step lower, and the third is hopeless. To insist might be detrimental, but the state is free to take such course as may seem best.
	Before the arrival of the courier, his Majesty appointed five commissioners to give me satisfaction, to wit, the Earls of Pembroke and Carlisle, the two Secretaries of State and the President of the Council. (fn. 1) They had not held any sitting when the letters from Wake arrived, brought by the same courier, who handed them over to the Secretary Conway, as if received apart and without receiving any fee, according to my instructions. Wake sent the precise words in Italian, and asked for instructions. They consider it hard to intimate the recall of ambassadors, for, as I have always intimated, the outrage is generally known here to have arisen from mere lawless curiosity without intending more, and they did not think things would go so far. The king somewhat resents it, and that is not amiss.
	My negotiations with the confidants were carried on as commanded. I found them disposed to make a most ample apology; no one chose to interfere in it, and I could only drop a few vague hints about it. The commissioners, although much in my confidence, would have retired, and observed to those who discussed the matter with them privately, that besides the risk to themselves, it might bring about a rupture and amuse the enemy. This required great consideration at the present moment, seeing what very often takes place even when the national interests are concerned, and remembering the king's affection for the duke.
	Four days after the courier's arrival, the Earl of Carlisle and the two Secretaries of State came to this embassy and told me that the king, before the arrival of the advices from Venice (this to show that they did not act from fear of the protest) had commanded them to confer with the other commissioners about the affair of the letters, in order to give me substantial satisfaction. From Wake's account received since then, they inferred that I had represented the matter very harshly at Venice, although I knew that their intentions were perfectly upright. However, after examining the point raised by Wake himself, they had come to get me to help them to devise some remedy for an affair unlike anything else. His Majesty protested that what had occurred was against his will, it displeased him extremely and he promised it should never occur again. No prince loved the republic more than he, as he considered the interests of the two countries identical. All this had been expressed before, but he would confirm it again in the face of the whole world. They invited me for the next day to a public audience, thinking thus to restore me to the post, although I had never lost it, and make manifest to all men how far he was from having any suspicion and how determined he was to prevent similar accidents from ever occurring again. For the opening of the packets he had caused the secretary of the Lieutenant of Dover to be imprisoned, and he would remain at the disposal of the republic. If it claimed more, it could refer to the magistrates to draw up the process, without which neither the king nor the Council could inflict a blood penalty (castigo sanguinario); they could not do so even in cases of direct rebellion. They begged me not to reject these testimonies of his Majesty's good will, which Wake had expressed, and thus settle the business, which became more perilous the more it was prolonged, owing to the insinuations of malignant persons. They said all this without further reference to the jealousy of the French or suspicion of their writing under the name of the Signory's representatives, of my correspondence in France or, indeed, anything except apology and regret.
	I replied that the republic never had any doubt of his Majesty's affection until facts proved the contrary. To this their lordships expressed dissent by shaking their heads. I added that I had always maintained this correspondence. The republic had always shown its respect and esteem for the king and his ministers. Before the arrival of the courier it was allowable for me to treat about a settlement, but now the matter was in the hands of the republic. At this they became angry and endeavoured to persuade me to arrange the matter immediately, otherwise everything would be broken off, and what they had promised withdrawn. It was no one's interest to prolong the business and the king's reputation suffered too much by its being rejected. They would consider how to excuse the fact as well as they could, without giving me further satisfaction.
	I knew that this was merely to help their negotiations, and so far laudable, so I withdrew gradually until they departed. After looking over my instructions, in order to play the same game, I made the Secretary Agostini repeat that I would not consent, whatever happened, and they must give me the final answer to send by the courier. On the following morning they sent word that his Majesty would not compel me to disobey my orders, and as these did not suffice for a complete adjustment, as they had expected, they would cause Wake to make the same proposals at Venice, in the hope that you would accept them as the most conspicuous evidence of his Majesty's affection and regret for what had taken place. Although this silenced me to some extent, I pointed out that it is customary everywhere to pass sentence on the culprits, and then refer them to the clemency of the parties concerned. I noticed some scruples of conscience, but these were just as much violated when an innocent person was declared guilty as when one pronounced guilty remained unpunished. They understood what I meant, and by oaths and solemn protestations always alleged the custom of the realm and that the laws stood in the way.
	Thus Wake will lay the two proposals aforesaid before your Excellencies, and he is to be on the watch about their recalling him, in case you recall me, promising to employ him elsewhere for his reputation's sake, writing that there was an opinion in favour of doing so. In that case, I suggest that the orders should reach me very secretly, as if he left before me, I might meet with awkward accidents in crossing the Channel. The condition about the audience is doubtless the most high sounding, because of the display made with the late French Ambassador Blainville, in very similar circumstances, and it will produce the greatest effect in the world. The second about the blood penalty on the culprit at Dover would do, but I believe that the king would not care to commit an act of injustice, lest he should be reproached with it, and suffer remorse. The third about Buckingham is impracticable so long as the affairs of this Court remain in their present state. From underhand experiments I see that the ferry cannot be forded. The commissioners will not speak about it to the king, or give the command to Buckingham. The king will never admit that he had any share in the matter, in order not to compel him to apologise. I have never mentioned him explicitly, as I foresaw these rocks. To make the demand and not succeed commits us, to raise the mask under which he has always appeared on the stage, cancels the attestations, supposing he has given any, and these, coupled with the king's disapproval, condemn him more than his own apologies. It will at least be necessary to ponder all that happened with France and Scaglia. For all these reasons I did not insist, especially as your Excellencies still remain masters of the business, though I suggest that if you accept this public apology, the prisoner, at that same audience, should be placed in the king's hands, so that he may not be released without it being known, or else that nothing be said about the matter again.
	I send back the courier with all these particulars. He has been detained eight days owing to the parliament, which prevented the Lords of the Council from assembling. The Secretary Conway, in the king's name asked the delivery of the royal packet to his ambassador at Venice. Your Excellencies will give the courier his orders. He tells me to represent Wake's proposals to you in the best possible form, so that the king may not be offended by their rejection. I made a summary of the principal points, and sent it to Conway to know if that was what they meant, as at present my office is merely to advise, and I can only state that the sympathies of his Majesty and the whole kingdom are certainly in favour of your lordships. Until I receive a reply I shall not see either the king or the Court, happen what may, and I will not execute any order I may receive touching this affair with reference to my past despatches, to avoid confusion.
	London, the 5th April, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
April 5. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	58. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Parliament met on the 27th March, the king going thither with the usual cavalcade of lords, which was more than usually scanty. His Majesty spoke briefly, but with nerve. His declaration that he will use the royal prerogative if he is not supported is the same as I have frequently reported. The result wavers between hope and fear. The Court would like parliament to agree to impose taxes, if not absolutely, at least for some time, making it appear that the necessities of the war, or rather of many wars, require a constant fund. Parliament, on the other hand, sees that by once assenting to the taxes, these may subsequently be increased and prolonged, when the people are accustomed to them, to the total destruction of parliaments, which would prefer voting a naval reinforcement at the sole cost of the country, provided the money were expended by their own commissioners. But the king will not so easily consent to this, as he considers it a practical submission. With things going thus, even without a mishap, the people will not give more than five subsidies, to be levied in one year, as usual; but to renew this tax annually is absolutely impracticable. Five subsidies only yield about four or five hundred thousand pounds, and this, after deducting the money due to the army lately returned from Ré, and some relief which must be given to the courtiers, whose salaries are in arrear for two, three and four years, will barely suffice for more than a slight reinforcement of the fleet, for the defence of the kingdom, and at the utmost to send a few vessels towards the Sound.
	The issue of this parliament is most important for the common cause, no less than for the kingdom. If money is contributed without investigation of many things which they pretend have been done illegally, the example would debar the people from their rights for ever. If they choose to examine matters, the king will have recourse to absolute power, to the destruction of parliaments, with the risk of insurrection. It is very difficult to take the middle course of mildness.
	During these few days they have done nothing but verify the returns of the members of the Lower House, administering the oath to them, and so forth. The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Lincoln and the Earl of Bristol, who had been forbidden by the king to take their seats, were readily allowed by his Majesty to do so, at the request of the House of Peers, for the maintenance of his liberty and privileges. It is said that the king left them at large purposely, in order to mollify parliament by this first act of grace. Between the duke and the Earl of Bristol in particular, some negotiation for a reconciliation is on foot, whereas in the last parliament each accused the other of high treason.
	In the Lower House they are debating presenting a remonstrance to the king for having made an agreement with the Catholics, and that the laws against them are not enforced. In order to extirpate them entirely, the House petitions that their children be henceforth educated in the new faith, away from their mothers; but the kings have never consented to this barbarity. Also that they be forbidden to send their children to study abroad in France and Flanders, as they do at present very freely, under the Jesuits. Above all that the troops billeted on the peasantry be removed, as it is very disquieting, and if not remedied might cause disturbances. This happened a few days ago in two places, one of which was half burned, and in the other a bloody fight took place between the peasants and the Irish, in which some thirty persons were killed. (fn. 2)
	A few days before the opening of parliament five Jesuits were arrested in the house of the Earl of Shrewsbury, under suspicion of holding conventicles. (fn. 3) It is believed that this was done to anticipate parliament with some satisfaction, as their first complaints and exigencies are always against the Papists, whom the Puritans invariably attack with acrimony.
	London, the 5th April, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Enclosure.	59. Speech of the King to Parliament on the 17/27 March, 1628. (fn. 4) Now is the time for action, and so I will not multiply words. Following my example I hope you will decide properly because time presses and we must not waste it upon unnecessary or rather dangerous things, as long discussions in the present state of Christendom are almost as hurtful as deciding nothing.
	I know that you expect to hear from me the reasons why you have been summoned, but I know also that none of you can suppose there is any other reason besides the common peril, which requires your prompt help. I will not therefore insist upon persuasion because if the support of the true faith, the laws and liberty of this realm, the defence of our friends and allies are not enough to give vigour to your resolutions, I am certain that no tongue of man or angel will do so. Let me only remind you that my duty and yours is to maintain this Church and State. God never before urged this duty so strongly. We know that parliament is the true, ancient and proper way to obtain help for ourselves and our allies and we have therefore convoked it, urging every one to be ruled by his own conscience. If you should refuse this, which God forbid, which the needs of the realm demand in a time of common peril, I shall be constrained to take other means, which God has placed in my hands, in order to preserve what others will risk losing for the sake of their private passions.
	I ask you not to take this as a protest, as I should disdain to threaten those who are not my equals, but as an admonition from one who naturally has a greater care for your preservation. I hope your decisions will be such that I may have to thank you cordially and meet you frequently in this place. I assure you that I have nothing more at heart than good relations with you.
	I have only one thing to add, and for the rest I refer to the Lord Keeper to make a brief paraphrase upon my text.
	You may think that I come to this place with great misgivings about your decisions seeing what happened at the last parliament, but I hope that you and I together shall have reason to forget it totally, as if we proceed in unity of spirit and will, I shall be as ready and glad to forget as you perchance may have occasion to wish me to do so.
	[Italian.]
April 5. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	60. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The reply of the commissioners to the Dutch ambassadors consisted of a narrative of the causes which induced the king to go to war with France, together with some hints that the Dutch themselves were responsible for the ruin of the Huguenots by helping the Most Christian with ships against La Rochelle two years ago, arguing that the States, as well as the English, are interested in the same quarrel on the score of religion, to counterbalance the union between France and Spain and to defend the sea, the mere command of which might to some extent delay the annihilation of the common liberty. They dropped something about the alliance signed with the French, since the minister had not been punished, and therefore might be supposed to have acted by order. I do not hear that they declared themselves in full about the liberty of navigation I believe they mean to couple it with the Amboyna claims, by seizing vessels. This happens more and more, and with other maritime disputes will make a long business. They have repeated the order to the Ambassador Carleton to return, but it is thought he will prefer to wait till parliament is over.
	They were expecting advices about peace with France. These have arrived but are unsatisfactory, as the French ministers demand that the alliance shall be ratified first. I believe, however, that the adjustment will be easily effected should La Rochelle receive succour or absolutely despair of it.
	The ambassadors have not yet replied, but are expected to do so from day to day, declaring both that they will persist in their neutrality and that they are compelled to give up the blockade of Flanders as they require the men-of-war to convoy the merchantmen in case navigation is impeded, as that matters more to them than all the rest.
	The duke has been to Plymouth to hasten the departure of the Earl of Denbigh, which has been delayed, both to prepare twenty ships of war for convoy of the relief and also because many of the provisions were spoiled and they had to make a fresh supply. At any rate they say he will sail at the end of a fortnight. Three small Rochelle ships have gone; after purchasing provisions they put to sea without convoy and expect to reach the place without hindrance, as there is little fear of its fall as yet. They state publicly that the stockades and the sunken vessels will never completely block the channel.
	Achins, who took the French prisoners to the queen mother, (fn. 5) has returned with a handsome present. He was well treated and says that were it not for La Rochelle the French Court would be equally well disposed towards peace.
	M. de Rilegia (fn. 6) has come express from Lorraine, whose duke employed him lately in France for the release of Montagu. He represented to the king the strenuous efforts of his master and the promises made by the French. They subsequently retracted them and put him back in the duke's territory from which he was taken, by the 25th February, apologising with a gentle pretext that the duke had not had recourse to arms lest the prisoner should be put to death. The king welcomed him and though he had no title but that of a simple gentleman he was defrayed at the Court. He has been caressed by everybody solely for the sake of making the French uneasy, although he certainly had no other business. He only stayed a week, and left with a present of a jewelled portrait of the king. He came and went by way of Dunkirk with great freedom. His accounts of the imperial forces under Count Mansfelt round Strasburg were approved, as whether turned against France or Italy they are bound to keep the French busy, and that is what the English desire above all.
	The Earl of Carlisle talks of starting on his journey in a few days. He told me he might go to Venice, and so he acted very courteously about the letters. I do not hear that he has any commission except to justify his Majesty's proceedings against France, to urge the princes who love liberty to counterbalance the union of the French and Spaniards and the like. This shows the mission is what I have represented all along, and is quite opposed to the Spaniards. He may arrive opportunely, whereas Scaglia proclaims openly that his master is joined with them and the emperor in order to obtain some part in the division of Monferrat, and above all to injure the French, with whom he is deeply offended, because of the past, and because with the Valtelline neglected France can have no share in Italy save through him. On this account Scaglia is making up to the duke, who, being of the same mind, tends rather towards the adjustment with the Spaniards, guided by the advice of the Jesuits. So possibly, by means of Savoy, he may hope to attain his ends, as it is in Savoy's interest to keep the French embroiled with England, lest they turn their thoughts to his territories on this side the Alps, which would be in danger.
	I will keep on the watch, as I am sure that if these negotiations continue one can no longer hope for good offices in favour of the common weal from that quarter or peace between these crowns, for which Scaglia never did anything. The Dutch also are suspicious, being dissatisfied with the last reply; but I hope that the king will persist in his aversion for the Spaniards, and that marvellous inventions will be needed in order to make him change his mind.
	The King of Denmark has sent a ship with an earnest request to be supplied with a thousand pieces of cloth for the clothing of his soldiers, and that British subjects be prohibited from trading in Holstein, where he hopes to create a general scarcity. His Majesty has given orders for the cloth to be provided, and all they need is the money. (fn. 7) He would have complied about the trade, but the English Merchant Adventures, who trade at Hamburg, and are apprehensive of a like prohibition, offer some opposition. In other respects the state of affairs there is only moderate, as the king and his people are not entirely agreed.
	The King of Sweden seems to incline to the proposal for a league with England, Denmark and the States for the defence of the sea and of the interests of Germany. This gives hope of some adjustment with the Poles, who confess that the proposals of the Spaniards, the pope and the emperor are solely for the purpose of pledging them to constant war for the advantage of the monarchy. Sweden will not make a treaty, as he wants first to see the English do something; and when assured of this, after some months, he will gladly take command of the expedition. Otherwise he will have nothing more to do with it, and will attend solely to the defence of the Baltic, for which he was arming forty ships; but the ablest politicians agree that now is the time to act rather than to negotiate.
	A ship laden with arms and ammunition and with the Governor of Guernsey on board, on its way to the islands still held by the English on the coast of Normandy, has been taken by Dunkirkers, who got it through a spy. (fn. 8) They are doing great mischief on these coasts, and meet with no resistance, so that English ships themselves dare not pass from one place to another, causing great inconvenience and scarcity of everything.
	London, the 5th April, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
April 5. Bibl. S. Marco. Cl. VII Cod. MCXXV.	61. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE. (fn. 9)
	Including cash and letters of credit I have caused the courier Giuponi to receive 250 bank ducats for his homeward journey, such being the custom, he assures me. He showed me the certificate of the extraordinary cost in the passage of the sea, the passage money now exceeding 15 or 20 crowns when the charge for an express boat used to be seven or eight at most. I can testify to having paid as much as 100 francs for sending a boat to Calais. He asked me to inform your Serenity of this, and I hope you will take into consideration the extraordinary nature of the circumstances, his faithful service and the steadfastness with which he refused a present of 150 florins offered him on behalf of the Secretary Conway.
	London, the 5th April, 1628.
	[Italian.]
April 7. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	62. ZORZI ZORZI, Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	After long and fruitless negotiations the Danish ambassadors have nothing to show and are also without hope of any succour for a long while. France digests her shame for breaking her promises by laying the blame upon the English and by the departure of the king and the ministers. This habit has become nature in them, so that it does not pain them to abandon all their friends.
	Since the entry into La Rochelle of the last two barques, the cardinal has formed, behind the mole, a barricade of large ships, chained together by very large cables, so as to cut off all possible succour on the sea side. They write from the camp that even if the English come to relieve the place, they will find so many impediments, and this one above all others, that they will have to retire in disgrace without effecting anything. In short they write of La Rochelle as a thing finished, if the king and ministers will only hold on for a few months.
	Paris, the 7th April, 1628.
	[Italian.]
April 7. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Svizzeri. Venetian Archives.	63. GIROLAMO CAVAZZA, Venetian Secretary with the Swiss, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Count Antonio da Gazolo has passed this way, who is going as ambassador extraordinary for his Highness to the Most Christian and the King of Great Britain. I paid my respects, but learned nothing of moment about current affairs, as he is only going to impart the assumption of the duchy by his prince.
	Zurich, the 7th April, 1628.
	[Italian.]
April 7. Consiglio di X. Parti Comuni. Venetian Archives.	64. With respect to the case of Pasqualin Alberti, referred to the Lords of Night for Criminal cases, they shall despatch that case with the authority of their magistracy against Alberti and any of his accomplices in the said crime.
	Ayes, 15.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
April 8. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni, Costantinopoli, Venetian Archives.	65. To the Bailo at Constantinople.
	Commend his reply to the English ambassador in the conversation about Prince Gabor, as well as his observation of the proceedings of that prince. He must report fully upon the negotiations, and word shall be sent him of all that takes place at Venice.
	Ayes, 158.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 5.
	[Italian.]
April 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Roma. Venetian Archives.	66. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	News has come that Scaglia in England is boldly and openly advocating a union of the Spaniards with that crown. This increases the ill opinion already formed of the Duke of Savoy in this Court, and they prognosticate a bad end for him in his plots and intrigues.
	All news of this or any other kind upon current affairs renders the pope very sad, as he would like to live quiet, away from troubles, without fear and without obstacles to the aggrandisement of his posterity.
	Rome, the 8th April, 1628.
	[Italian.]
April 10. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	67. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The disputes go on between the ambassadors of France and England, upon the matters reported. Nothing has been decided about them, and this is considered an advantage for the English, who only ask that the granting of the passport may be delayed.
	The French ambassador saw me yesterday morning and told me his king had granted his recall, which he had asked for so often. He proposed to substitute him for Arbo to treat with the ambassadors extraordinary of these States. Those ambassadors wrote recently that they hoped some means would be found of completing the alliance, but they saw no favourable opening for an adjustment between the two crowns. Nothing remained but to confer with the cardinal, but they feared the result if La Rochelle was not relieved.
	The Ambassador Carleton has said something to me about the letters seized in London, expressing the wish that the matter has been terminated to the satisfaction of your Serenity. He showed me letters from the Ambassador Wake saying that he had had a troublesome affair, namely this one, but he hoped all would be settled and that if the Ambassador Contarini continued to make a fuss, he would lose credit. I think they expect too much, and despite the offence committed they cry out upon the ambassador, who sustained the dignity of the state. I would not enter upon the subject, as I had not sufficient information, but I remarked that Contarini need not fear the threat, as he did nothing by hazard, and less complaint could not be made over such an outrage. Carleton replied: I cannot commend the act, but the difference will be satisfactorily adjusted, as every proper satisfaction will be given.
	The Hague, the 10th April, 1628.
	[Italian.]