Venice: August 1553, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

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'Venice: August 1553, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554, (London, 1873) pp. 379-389. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp379-389 [accessed 25 April 2024]

August 1553, 1–15

Aug. 5. Deliberazioni Senato (Secreta), v. lxviii. p. 149. 760. The Doge and Senate to the Bailo at Constantinople.
The King of England has died; he was a youth from 15 to 16 years of age, son-in-law of the most Christian King, whose daughter, now in her tenth year, he had promised to marry. So he died without heirs, and the claimants for the crown are two women (doe done), who have [each] their partisans.
Ayes, 174. Noes, 3. Neutral, 1.
[Italian.]
Aug. 6 ? MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. No date of time or place in MS. 761. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal [Alessandro] Farnese.
His love for Cardinal Farnese and the whole of his most illustrious family, moves him to condole with him on the death of his very dear brother, Duke Horatio. (fn. 1) The wound being so fresh and great, the office is difficult to perform, and by so much the more with the Cardinal as the affection between him and the Duke exceeded that of the other brothers. Exhorts the Cardinal to have recourse to the true medicine, namely, the firm faith that everything is regulated by Divine Providence. The King, being so magnanimous and generous as he has shown himself hitherto by his protection of the Farnese interests, and the Duke having been killed in his Majesty's service, will by so much the more console the Cardinal and his family.
[From Maguzzano, on the Lake of Garda, 6th August 1553 ?]
[Italian.]
Aug. 6 ? MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. No date of time or place in MS. 762. The Same to Cardinal St. Angelo [Ranuccio Farnese].
Condoles with him on the death of his brother, Duke Horatio.
[From Maguzzano on the Lake of Garda, 6th August 1553 ?]
[Italian.]
Aug. 6. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x; Printed in v. iv. pp. 91–106. “Epistolaruni Reginaldi Poli.” 763. The Same to the Master of the Sacred Palace. (fn. 2)
Thanks him for the zeal with which he defended Pole's character. The Master had written to him that on the day after Pole's conference at St. Paul's with the Cardinal of Naples, (fn. 3) he was invited by that Cardinal to dinner, together with two other learned men of his Order [Dominicans], and that after dinner the Cardinal narrated to them his conversation with Pole, and the regret he felt at the malignant insinuations whereby it had been sought to disturb the friendly intercourse existing between them; that he was ready to give Pole himself any mark of his esteem and love; that the Master was also to write to Pole in his name how much the interview had pleased him, and to request he would send him the Books which he addressed heretofore to the King of England. (fn. 4) Of these the Cardinal of Naples had seen a part when the work was not yet completed, and approved it highly, so that by so much the more did he wish to see it in its finished state, in order to have a greater opportunity for showing his love and esteem for the author. Now the Father-Master had already heard from Pole's own mouth how much the interview with the Cardinal of Naples had gratified him, there came to pass what had been predicted by their mutual friends: the conference removed all false suspicions, and they will be linked by a stronger tie of affection. Accustomed as Pole is, religiously to cultivate all his friends, he is most especially mindful of those with whom he has been linked, not by country and kindred, but by Divine Providence and the study of religion, of whom (when despoiled of those acquired through nature and birth-place) God gave him many, and amongst them, for age and rank (turn vetustate ipsâ, turn dignitate), the Cardinal of Naples was preeminent; and that he should be torn from him by the artifices of Satan, never having lost any of those whom God had given him, was a blow that Pole could not but lament bitterly. He therefore by so much the more rejoiced at the Master's colloquy with the Cardinal of Naples, as it proved that God, who had bound the friendship between him and Pole, chose in like manner to restore it.
With regard to the edition of Pole's “Books” (illorum librorum) demanded by the Cardinal of Naples, and for the delay in the publication of which, as also of his other works (de cœteris meis scriptis), the Master so vehemently reproves Pole because he has so long suppressed and hidden the talent given him by God for his own use and that of others, he will not answer the Master, as he does others, by saying that he does not acknowledge his writings to contain such an amount of talent as to render so great an increase of their circulation desirable, but he will trust neither to his own judgment nor to the Master's in this matter; and whether anything should be edited in full (an vero illiquid omnino edendum sit), and at what time, if found to be of any probable use, this he leaves to the decision of him to whom God has given the right and power to decide about all matters relating to the benefit of the universal Church. Is aware that in this he pursues a very different course to that of other writers, although he does not consider himself an author, having certainly never written anything with the intention of publishing it, (fn. 5) as he sees that when printing anything they generally profess to do so by the advice of their friends, a motive which has never seemed just to him even should the work be very much read; nor is it more justifiable than if a man gifted with eloquence were, on the advice of his friends, to call the public to the platform to harangue them about his private affairs, (fn. 6) or than if an able juris-consult were to seat himself on the bench (in tribunal ascenderet) to teach the public law, because his friends persuaded him to do so. Does not see any difference between publishing a work and haranguing the people in public, or publicly passing sentence, if the author disputes contested matters and decides what should be thought about them.
That which it is not lawful to do by word of mouth Pole has never allowed himself to do with regard to anything written by him, and especially in the matter of an apology (fn. 7) written by him in defence of himself. Cardinal Caraffa, with great friendship, dissuaded him from publishing it, whilst others advised the contrary, in accordance apparently with Scripture, where it is written, “Maledictus homo qui negligit famam suain;” but, on the other hand, self-defence might be, or imply, accusation of his neighbour; so Pole had recourse to the Pope, laying before him his doubts, and his Holiness, like the Cardinal of Naples, counselled him to publish nothing in defence of himself (ne quid publice mei defendendi causâ scriberem), the Pope saying that he exhorted him to abstain from writing an apology, not for the sake of Pole's honour, which was well able to defend itself, but for the honour of the order of Cardinals and their College, which might incur some mark of infamy were it but to transpire that such strife prevailed there as to compel him, especially from such a cause, to condescend to an apology; and the Pope ended, not only by exhorting Pole, but by requesting him utterly to renounce this mode of defence. He was thus reduced to silence, and deprived himself of an infallible weapon for refuting the calumnies with which he had been assailed. Viewing matters in their temporal light, he ought to have made himself heard, but he had more at heart the spiritual interests of the Church than those of himself individually. His silence, therefore, was not induced by the dictates of human prudence. Cardinal Caraffa remarked to him that, however just his defence, it must convict him of having been suspected of crime. This would imply that he was silent from self-interest; but he could use so many arguments in favour of his innocence that his judges themselves would perhaps feel ashamed of having compelled him to defend himself.
Is it to be supposed that Pole's manifestations of piety and obedience towards the Church, especially as that Church is Roman, can need defence in Rome against suspicions of impiety and apostasy? Should he not appear Catholic to others, to that Church he assuredly gave so many hostages of faith and obedience, that if those who preside over decisions about religion at Rome distrust them, it would be no less odious and ungrateful before God and man than if Pole himself were to fail giving constant thanks for having been enabled thus to do. No better security could be given by God to prove Pole's faith and obedience to the Roman Church than by his causing him to sacrifice everything to its honour; nor was the supreme testimony of the blood of martyrs wanting; what blood did he not shed for his faith and obedience to the Roman Church? The lives of the many victims slaughtered for this cause by the rabid enemy of the Roman Church were far dearer to Pole than his own blood; and if he did not shed it, he shunned no danger which could enable him to demonstrate his obedience and faith, as exemplified by his performance of the various missions assigned him by the Pope.
On a certain occasion Paul III., having refused him audience, and even turning aside, explained the cause by telling the bystanders that on that day he had received such grievous news of Pole's family that he had not the heart to look him in the face, and by no means could he speak to him. From that time forth Pole's adversites have augmented, and always from the same cause, and in like manner as he has hitherto borne these marks (stigmata) of his obedience, so will he continue to bear them; and should anyone hear that the Roman Church is so forgetful of all these things, and so averse to bear in mind so many wounds inflicted on him for his defence of its honour, as not only to feel no pity, but to allow him to be branded in its own presence with fresh marks of infamy such as had never been inflicted on him by any enemy, could it perchance ever be apprehended that whilst with just reasons and sure arguments he dispelled every unjust suspicion, his defence could brand him with a mark of infamy, rather than those who, after so many testimonies from God of his fidelity and obedience, should allow them to be impugned? And indeed, could they, by reason of their not having defended him ever defend themselves against the charge of ingratitude? It is true that attempts were made to render suspected those two luminaries of the Church, the Cardinals [Gasparo] Contarini and Morone, and finally Pole himself, but the attacks recoiled upon their authors.
In conclusion, if Pole individually abstained from defending himself, it was not from fear of injuring his character, but solely to obey the Pope. Some persons will perhaps have accused Pole of giving too easy access and of having been too kind (nimis benignum) to persons of suspected faith in matters of religion, but he believes that the Master of the Sacred Palace will approve of this conduct, which is taught by St. Paul. Concerning the books mentioned by the Cardinal of Naples, Pole will publish them, should it seem fit to the Pope; and by so much the more willingly as in a proem (quasi proemii loco) he answers those who accuse him of imprudence for having assumed the task of writing at such a time to a King who would not derive any advantage from it, Pole having, moreover, written with so much vehemence. In this proem he refutes the charge.
Again assures the Master of the pleasure caused him by being reconciled to the Cardinal of Naples, as it is very advantageous for persons of the same order to be true friends, and that the fact should be generally known.
From the Monastery of Maguzzano, 6th August 1553.
[Latin, 458 lines.]
Aug. 7. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. 764. Cardinal Pole to Pope Julius III.
The news of the succession of the Princess Mary to the kingdom of England on the death of her brother, which might reasonably have been doubted on account of the first advices, being now confirmed through several channels, I cannot delay congratulating your Holiness until the receipt of further intelligence, the nature of the event appearing to me such that since many years nothing has occurred in Christendom on which one could more reasonably congratulate any Christian mind, and especially that of your Holiness, this being a manifest victory of God over the long cogitated malice of man, corroborated by such great forces and means for the attainment of his perverse ends. And God of his goodness, to render his proceeding (operation) more illustrious, has chosen to annihilate in one moment all these long cherished projects by means of a woman, who for so many years has suffered contrary to all justice, being in a state of oppression shortly before this took place, and who is now victorious and called to the throne, thus affording reasonable hopes that, together with her, there will be called to reign in that island, justice, piety, and the true religion, which have hitherto been utterly crushed, and that the kingdom will return to its obedience, in like manner as its alienation was the commencement and cause of its utter ruin. And the Almighty having willed that this should take place in your Holiness's time, and not previously, although often attempted by your predecessor of blessed memory, by so much the more ought I to congratulate you, as I now do with my whole heart, praying God that, having caused you to witness the end of this holy work, you may also likewise see the fruits which may be hoped for, by using such means as Divine Providence has placed in your hands to attain this end. And as I think it might perhaps not be unacceptable (discaro) to your Holiness, as I am of the country and heretofore negotiated this matter, to hear my feeble opinion, and being unable at present to deliver it in person, I have sent to your feet, together with this letter, my Abbot (l'Abbate mio) of San Saluto [Vincenzo Parpaglia], who is acquainted with what little I could tell you were I on the spot, and to whom I beseech your Holiness to give gracious audience, and such credence as you would to myself; and with all due reverence, kissing your most holy feet, I pray the Divine clemency to vouchsafe long to preserve you for the benefit of your Church.
From Maguzzano, on the Lake of Garda, 7th August 1553.
[Italian.]
Aug. 10? MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. No date of lime or place in MS. 765. Cardinal Pole to the Imperial Ambassador [Francesco de ?] Vargas [in Venice ?].
Announces the accession of Queen Mary, being certain that the piety of Vargas will cause him to rejoice at the event.
[Maguzzano, 10th August 1553 ?]
[Italian.]
Aug. 13. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x 766. Cardinal Pole to the Queen of England.
Blesses the hand of God, that “right hand of the Lord,” not only for having placed her Highness on that high throne and put her in possession of the kingdom which belonged to her since many years—all good persons desiring the event and asking it of the Divine goodness in their prayers—but also for bringing the thing to pass in such a manner that not only the effect itself, but yet more the mode of producing it, heartily rejoices all her true servants, and above all (as Pole knows for certain her own pious disposition) from its having happened without bloodshed, which might with reason have been feared, considering the malignant devices of her adversaries, backed by no small force, employed by them to deprive her of her just succession, and the long period conceded them by God, for the yet greater manifestation of his Divine providence, at the moment when they thought already to have accomplished their iniquitous design, which was instantaneously frustrated, without the aid of any other forces or resistance save that which the Spirit of God roused in the hearts of men, converting those who, having previously been utterly given to the cause of human malice, now all devoted themselves to the honour and service of God and of her Highness, and to the benefit of the whole kingdom.
Should any one marvel and inquire how against such great malice and power her Majesty, without any external forces, and not many soldiers with the. heart to declare themselves for her, could have recovered her crown—should any one ask in surprise, “quo-modo factum est istud?” —the fact itself will reply, “Spiritus Sanctus supervenit in corde hominum,” and willed by these means to give her the kingdom, and by this very notable example to make it manifest, not only to her own people but to all those of the rest of Christendom, and to the Infidels likewise, “quod non sit consilium, non sit prudentia, neque fortitudo contra Dominum, et quod excelsus Dominus dominetur in regno hominum, et cui voluerit et quando voluerit dabit illud.” If ever the conviction that Divine providence governs human affairs, as principal foundation of our faith, required to be introduced and confirmed in the Queen's kingdom by some evident proof, this was above all necessary at the present time, when, through the authority exercised there since so many years by the wicked, it was become so weakened in the hearts of men, most especially of those who considered themselves more sage and prudent than others, that it seemed quite extinguished. It having therefore pleased the Divine goodness to show its power by evident signs, through her Highness's exaltation at the time when her enemies, and many others likewise, believed her to be completely crushed, all pious souls rejoice at this extremely.
Is certain that her Majesty rejoices more at the proof thus afforded than at the royal crown itself; and if ever woman had merciful grace (gratia) for which to magnify and praise God in the words of his blessed mother, whose name the Queen bears—used in testimony of the joy felt by her at the Divine providence in her own favour and salvation and that of the human race, when, replete with the Holy Spirit, she sang, saying, “Magnificat anima mea Dominum,”—the Queen herself has more cause than any one to sing likewise the sequel of that canticle, feeling within herself—what everybody perceives—that the goodness of God respexit humilitatem ancillœ suœ, fecit potentiam in brachio suo, and at once, deposuit potentes de sede et exaltavit humiles.
Hopes this effect of the Almighty's providence with regard to her Majesty will become daily more manifest by her [form of?] government, with such increase of joy and contentment as desired, to the honour and praise of his Divine Majesty, for whose Church, and for the sake of the Queen herself, Pole is bound to warn her of one single thing at this commencement of her reign, which is, that having received such especial favour from the Divine goodness she be pleased well to consider from what root the great disorders in matters relating to justice and the true religion proceeded; the which disorders in England have for many years been seen to increase daily, greatly to the ruin both of private and public interests.
By doing so, her Majesty will perceive that the beginning and cause of all the evil, commenced at the time when the perpetual adversary of the human race placed in the heart of the King her father the perverse desire to make the divorce from the blessed Queen her mother. To this great injustice towards God, towards her and Queen Mary, and towards himself at the same time (alla quale grande ingiustitia verso Dio, verso lei et voi et se stesso insieme—atque illi magnœ in Deum, in ipsum, in Te, in se ipsum injuriœ, majus additum est scelus, etc.), he added another much greater, that of divorcing himself from Queen Mary's spiritual mother, and from all faithful Christians, that is to say, from the Holy Catholic Church, from which he departed by departing from the obedience of the Apostolic See. From this iniquitous and impious seed there subsequently sprang up those pestiferous fruits which have so corrupted every part of the kingdom, that since many years scarce any vestige has been seen either of justice or religion, as if both one and the other had been banished the realm when reverence and obedience towards the Church were abolished; and I venture to make this prophecy, that they will never return, be the government whatever it may, until this divine obedience be again received into the mind of the ruler (di chi regge).
This the Queen may believe on the authority of one who is her servant, and who, of all those yet living, has suffered the most both on this account and for the Queen's cause, never neglecting any opportunity for defending it, whenever it seemed possible to find any remedy whereby to extricate her from her grievous troubles. If his diligence and toil failed to obtain the fruit always most earnestly desired by him, he having several times risked his life for it, he now perceives the reason, and is much more comforted than if he himself had been the means of assisting her. Acknowledges in this instance the manifest compassion demonstrated towards her by the Almighty, who has not chosen any other hand to be interposed, neither that of the Emperor, who always showed himself anxious in this matter, nor of the Pope, who never failed aiding it, he likewise being prepared to give the Queen all favour and succour. Pole's intercession with both one and the other was assiduous, he having always urged this most pious cause, for which the goodness of God had determined to give the Queen assistance, at the time appointed by Him, with his own hand, and in the meanwhile to treat her in the way He is wont always to adopt with his most dear and chosen children, placing and educating her in every sort of adversity and tribulation, that the flower of his grace might strike deeper root, so as to blossom better, and then, when it should please Him to give her prosperity, produce more noble fruits, which the hope of all good men now expects from her, and that of Pole above all others, as he has had a better opportunity of knowing from her infancy (fanciullezza) the virtues (gratie) with which the graciousness of God has endowed her.
This renders him also the more anxious to warn her Highness of this great and important point of obedience to the Church (della obedientia della Chiesa), knowing that he is now so much the more bound to desire and seek to learn how her mind is inclined and disposed towards this matter; for being at a distance of 300 miles from Rome, in a monastery—whither he betook himself some days ago to be able with more quiet to pray God for her Majesty and the whole kingdom—immediately on hearing the auspicious news of her accession, he was informed by the Pope and Cardinals that he had been elected Legate from the Apostolic See to her Majesty, and to both those two great Princes, the Emperor and the King of France, to congratulate her on the victory of God in this cause, which is so thoroughly his own.
Before doing anything further, knowing how important it is, he has thought it well as aforesaid to endeavour to learn in what way God now moves the mind of her Majesty (in qual modo Idio mova horn la mente di Va. Mta.) For this purpose he sends the present messenger [Henry Penning] (fn. 8) with this letter, not indeed from any doubt of her Highness's goodwill (buona mente), having always known her gratitude towards God, and the internal affection of her heart for obedience to the Divine laws and institutions, including the obedience of the Apostolic See (la obedientia della Sede Apostolica), which her Highness, above all others, is bound to favour, as for no other cause did the King her father renounce it than because the Roman Pontiff persevered in favouring her cause, and would never consent to his strange and iniquitous desire; but as this great change was made many years ago, and as such great malice has been used to alienate the minds of the people from this obedience and extinguish it completely, Pole has therefore thought fit to endeavour in the first place thus to hear from her the time and mode (il tempo et l'ordine) which she would wish him to observe (che Io tenghi) in performing the embassy to her from the Vicar of the Lord, for her own comfort and the benefit of the realm, the quiet and happiness of which have been crushed (oppressa) more and more, hourly, ever since the government commenced opposing and depressing this holy obedience.
Has therefore determined to await her Highness's reply, and prays God that it may be in conformity with his hope and expectation, and such as all pious persons have conceived from the grace of his Divine Majesty vouchsafed to her, to the confirmation and increase of the joy felt universally at her exaltation. Should her Majesty grant him gracious audience, he hopes by the grace of God to convince her (farle conoscere) that in this point of obedience to the Church (la obedientia della Chiesa) consists the establishment of her crown and the entire welfare of her kingdom; and praying the Almighty of his infinite mercy to uphold and prosper her royal state with that same hand which placed her in it, he ends his letter beseeching her Highness to accept it cordially, as God has always prompted him to act (as he is certain she knows) for her honour and felicity.
From Maguzzano, 13th of August 1553.
[Italian, “translated from the English”] (fn. 9)
Aug. 13. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x 767. Cardinal Pole to Pope Julius III.
Had despatched the Abbot of San Saluto [Vincenzo Parpaglia] to congratulate the Pope on this auspicious and truly miraculous event in England, and to mention what little occurred to him on the subject. When near Bologna the Abbot met the Papal messenger with the briefs and Pole's legatine commission. Yesterday the Abbot returned with the messenger, who rejoiced the Cardinal by his account of the Pope's ardour, from which he anticipates that this good beginning will produce an equally good result. As his Holiness has authorised him to proceed in this matter as he deems most expedient, thinks fit, before moving further, to send a messenger express to Flanders, there to apply to the Cardinal Legate, (fn. 10) hoping thus to obtain from him, as also from natives of England, some additional intelligence whereby to regulate his negotiations; and that, in the meanwhile, the Bishop of Worcester (Mons. di Vigornionsi (sic) (fn. 11) ) should be sent to the Imperial Court to perform such offices with his Majesty as the Legate shall think desirable according to the advices received through Pole's messenger in the first place, and from such news as shall be heard from day to day. Sends his Abbot [of San Saluto] to give the Pope particular account of his proceedings, referring the whole to his Holiness's most prudent judgment, being always most ready to obey and serve him with his life blood; and with all due reverence kissing his most holy feet, he prays the Almighty to vouchsafe this great favour to his pontificate, to restore England to the union and obedience of his Church, as it may be hoped of his goodness He will do.
From Maguzzano, 13th August 1553.
[Italian.]
Aug. 13. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. 768. Cardinal Pole to the Cardinal of Imola [Gieronimo Dandino], Legate [at Brussels].
The Pope having elected Pole Legate for the affairs of England, as the Cardinal of Imola will perceive by the accompanying copy of a brief from Rome, he thinks fit, before moving further, to send the present messenger to Flanders to obtain such more precise information as seems necessary in this matter, to avoid the risk of doing what might prove undignified and unbecoming the authority of his Holiness and the Apostolic See. Has charged him to apply in the first place to the Legate whom he (Pole) requests to give him such intelligence as shall have been received through the Imperial Court. The messenger will acquaint him with such intelligence as has been obtained through other channels; and, if necessary, will then go as far as England. Has also thought it well for the Bishop of Worcester (Vigorniensi) [Richard Pate] to proceed to the Emperor's court, as the Legate will hear from the bearer of the present letter. Will send by the Bishop copies of the briefs, and write also to the Emperor, hoping in all matters to receive every possible information from the Legate about this business, concerning entirely the honour of God and the benefit of his Church, which they may hope will be attained, having in truth such great and miraculous security from his divine hand. Thanks the Legate 'greatly for the letter written by him to the Cardinal of Trent for communication to him (Pole) who for the rest refers himself to the statement of the messenger [Henry Penning ?].
[From Maguzzano ?] 13th August 1553.
[Italian.]
Aug. 13? MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. No date in MS. 769. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal Santa Croce [Marcello Cervini]. (fn. 11)
Considering that the superintendence (la cura) of the affairs of England is common to himself and Cardinal Santa Croce, and, as usual, relying much on his prudence and piety, Pole has desired his Abbot [of San Saluto], the bearer of the present letter, to acquaint him with the cause of his going to Rome, and to request Santa Croce to give the Abbot and himself such suggestions as he shall think opportune and expedient for the service of God in this matter, which is of such great importance that it must make all the faithful (as it certainly will Cardinal Santa Croce) heartily pray for the Divine goodness to grant the desired result, which may be anticipated from so good and auspicious a commencement; and for the rest he refers himself to the Abbot's statement.
[From Maguzzano, 13th August 1553 ?]
[Italian.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Horatio Farnese, Duke of Castro, being in the service of France, was killed when defending the Castle of Hesdin on the 16th July 1553. (See Litta, Genealogies, and Pallavicino, History of the Council of Trent, vol. iii. p. 286.)
  • 2. The Latin title is “Magister sacri palatij apostolici.” The person elected to this post was necessarily a Dominican, and officially the Pope's theologian. In September 1553 this post was held by Girolamo Muzzarelli, a Bolognese nobleman, on whom Julius III conferred it in the year 1550; and at the close of 1553, he resigned it on being made Bishop of Conza. Muzzarelli had distinguished himself at the Council of Trent where he probably formed a friendship with Cardinal Pole, and he died at Palermo in 1561. (See Dizionario dí Erudizione Storica Ecclesiastics, di Gaetano Moroni, vol. xli. pp. 200–210 ed. Venezia, 1846.)
  • 3. Gianpietro Caraffa became Archbishop of Naples in the year 1549. (See Cardella, v. iv. pp. 166, 167.)
  • 4. The first four books. “De Unitate et Primatu Ecclesiæ.” (See note to letter dated February 1548.)
  • 5. Qui si quid scripsi, nunquam certe eo artimo scripsi, ut ederem.
  • 6. Ut privato nomine populum ad coneionem vocaret, atque e suggestu verba faceret.
  • 7. The “apology” here alluded to must not be confounded with the “Apologia Reginaldi Poli ad Carolum V. Cœsarem. The apology which Cardinal Pole suppressed at the instigation of Pope Julius III. and Cardinal Caraffa, had for object to confute the calumnies devised to prevent his election at the time of the conclave in 1549–1550. They are touched upon in his letter to the Bishop of Badajos, dated 17th June 1550. Amongst the accusations brought against him by his competitors for the Popedom, were the following:—During his Legation at Viterbo, he caused but few people to be put to death; he entertained heretical opinions; and he had a natural daughter in a convent at Rome. The reply to these charges may be read in Pole's Life by Beccatello (vol. v. Epistolarum, etc., pp. 371, 372). These libels had tempted him for a moment to think of swerving from his general rule, but the aberration was momentary and did not take effect.
  • 8. The name Henry Penning is given by Pallavicino in his History of the Council of Trent, vol. iii. p. 289. In Dr. Hook's Life of Pole, p. 220, it is stated that Penning arrived in London with Commendone on the 8th August, but as this letter was written on the 13th August, the supposed date of his arrival is a mistake, and Pallavicino (p. 289) says distinctly that the mission of Commendone preceded that of Penning, nor were they in London together.
  • 9. The foregoing letter is diffuse, as most documents of the period are, but it contains something more than “the usual commonplaces” (see Hook, p. 219). I have given it in full, because the Italian translation is more complete than the Latin version in Quirini, iv. pp. 428 and 116–119.
  • 10. Gieronimo Dandino, Bishop of Imola, Legate at Brussels.
  • 11.