Venice: March 1558, 16-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

'Venice: March 1558, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558, (London, 1877) pp. 1471-1482. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1471-1482 [accessed 27 April 2024]

March 1558, 16–31



March 16. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives.	1196. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
	Yesterday, when I went to take leave of Cardinal Vitelli, he spoke about the State of Paliano and the proposed compensation.
	The Cardinal then told me that to-day at 2 p.m. congregation general was to assemble, in which the Pope would speak about the peace between those two kings, having received at the hands of the Bishop of Terracina a reference (una remission) from King Philip, which reference (la qual remissione) being drawn up in general terms, Vitelli thought it unimportant; adding that Cardinal Caraffa wrote that he should commence his homeward journey six or eight days after the departure from Brussels of the Bishop of Terracina, which would be about the 10th inst.
	Rome, 16th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 16. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. (2nd letter.)	1197. Alvise Mocenigo and Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassadors at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
	On Monday, I, Alvise, made my entry into Rome, being met by my predecessor, by many prelates, and by the attendants of the Cardinals.
	In the congregation general, the Pope had a letter read from the King Catholic, dated the 2nd inst., and consigned to him by the Bishop of Terracina, with a writing from the Bishop of Arras and Don Ruy Gomez, whereby King Philip answers what had been written to him, and the verbal statement of Cardinal Caraffa about the most Christian King's wish for peace. His Catholic Majesty says, that if the King of France has this goodwill to the quiet of Christendom, he, Philip, will not fail to do whatever is becoming for so great a good, but that he suspects this good will to be a wish to delay until the arrival of the Turkish forces, and that should there be a difficulty about any article, he would readily refer it to his Holiness; adding that the Pope having offered to attend a conference, should it be wished to hold one, he, King Philip, would also go thither for such benefit as might result to Christendom, as also to kiss his feet, and referring himself to what he had said more diffusely to Cardinal Caraffa.
	After perusal of these documents, the Pope said that, decrepit as he was, yet for so signal a benefit he would not fail to go to Nice or some other suitable place, to effect an interview between these kings, and that he would take with him such of the Cardinals as chose to go. About this there was a long debate, part of the Cardinals recommending his Holiness to go, and part saying it was not well to depart hence, unless he had something certain in hand; others suggested that it would be well to propose a suspension of hostilities, during which the peace might be treated more commodiously; and they came to the conclusion to await Cardinal Caraffa, as by his letters, and according to the statement of the Bishop of Terracina, his right reverend Lordship was to set out on his return to Rome about the 10th of this month. It is understood that today these Lords are writing to France to announce this desire of King Philip, and this is perhaps the reason why his Holiness did not give us audience.
	The Duke of Paliano sent to tell the Pope, the Countess [Montorio] his mother, and the Duchess [his wife], that by letters from Lyons of the 3rd inst. he is advised that his son and nephew are coming, and that their delay was caused by the captain of the galleys, Flaminio da Stabio, not having been expedited (espedito) sooner.
	Rome, 16th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 18. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1198. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
	I have this moment heard from the Legate that he has received a fresh letter from Cardinal Caraffa, dated Brussels the 10th, announcing his intended departure thence on the 14th, and that at his last conference with King Philip about the peace, his Majesty told him in conclusion that he was content to refer all the disputes (differenze) capable of adjustment between him and the King of France to his Holiness' arbitration. Considering this news of great consequence, the Legate sent immediately to ask for audience, and in the meanwhile his opinion is, that this reference will be taken very much amiss by his most Christian Majesty and his chief ministers.
	It is also heard, through the gentleman sent hither lately by the Constable, that the King Catholic gave it to be understood that he would consent to a suspension of hostilities for six months, having however assured the Queen of England that he would never leave St. Quentin nor the other fortresses of Picardy without the restitution of Calais.
	I am also told on good authority that M. de Vaudemont brought hither a form of treaty given him at Brussels, and according to its articles King Philip would make peace; and having shown this document to King Henry, his Majesty, after reading the first articles about the restitution of Savoy and Piedmont, immediately ceased its perusal, and being vexed, he said, “Enough, I will read it afterwards.”
	A report circulates of a muster of troops at Valenciennes for an attack on La Capelle, a place of great importance on the frontier of Picardy, but nothing being heard as yet of any extraordinary provision there is apparently no fear.
	Moret, 18th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 19. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1199. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
	I wrote my last on the 14th, and on the morrow the right reverend Legate departed privily and suddenly (secretamente et alla sprovista) for Italy, not having chosen to let it be known to anyone. To go more safely he travels in disguise, and with only five post horses as far as Augsburg, where he will wait for part of his household, and proceed on his journey with more accompaniment (con più compagnia), as beyond Augsburg there is no more danger. On that morning the King went out hunting, and the Cardinal, having dined with him in the country, mounted on horseback immediately after dinner, and went to Namur that evening. These last conversations passed off very lovingly, and much to the satisfaction of both sides. As already written by me, the Cardinal's object was, under pretence of treating the peace and adjustment of the religion, to arrange his own affairs and those of his family, but as to the peace, he did little or nothing, as your Serenity will have heard from time to time by my letters, and by the writing, declaring the King's will, which I sent on the 10th. In this matter nothing is visible, save that when the difficulties which delay the matter are removed, and some point remaining in the end for settlement, his Majesty is content to refer it to the judgment of his Holiness; and these are the precise words of the writing, the interpretation of which by Cardinal Caraffa is that his Majesty refers the entire negotiation to the Pope, as he says the King of France has also done (che sua Maestà rimetta tutta la trattatione nel Pontefice, come dice che ha fatto anchor il Re di Franza).
	It also seems that there is not a very good understanding between the Cardinal and his brothers, his Lordship being dissatisfied with them, and they with him; and I have been told that several times at Rome abusive language passed between him and the Duke of Paliano, and had not the Lord Pietro Strozzi placed himself between them, they would even have proceeded farther. One day the Cardinal complained to me greatly that the Marquis [Montebello] communicated everything to the Duke of Alva, to whom he said that his right reverend Lordship had authority to conclude, and to do what he pleased, and reminded the Duke not to let him depart hence until this business be settled (fin che non si risolva questo negotio); and he spoke to me with so much passion and anger that he could scarcely restrain his tears.
	The Marquis obtained favour with the King and all these lords, as likewise a character for goodness and sincerity, so that he is loved and caressed by everybody, and thinks of returning with his son to reside at this court.
	Thus did the two brothers depart, a Bolognese remaining here as agent and inter-nuncio until the return of the Bishop of Terracina, who will have to reside at this court.
	Brussels, 19th March 1558.
	[Italian, in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
March 20. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1200. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
	From various things said to me by his Majesty I elicited that the French are strengthening themselves on these frontiers, but more slowly than was said some days ago, and that, although they are raising troops in Germany, they have not yet a sufficient number to do anything of importance, nor is it even heard that they have any expedition in hand. This side, on the other hand, has made due provision everywhere, and everything is secure, St. Quentin and those frontiers having been abundantly victualled, besides which, orders have been given to fortify the frontiers towards Calais; and for this purpose the Duke of Savoy went with Ascanio dalla Cornia and the engineer, G. Thomaso dalla Schala, to commence with Berbourg and to complete the works at Gravelines and St. Omer, and with those three places that quarter will be secured. His Majesty will also have a part of the “Blacksmiths” who served him last year, and has therefore sent them their arrears of pay as stipulated; and he will have six regiments of Germans, four from Upper Germany and two from Lower Germany, one part of them being actually in service on these frontiers; the payment of these troops to be derived from the subsidy promised by the States, one third of which will be spent in raising foreign troops, and the other two thirds on those of the country.
	The King also told me what had taken place at the Diet of Frankfort about proclaiming the King of the Romans Emperor, and concerning the protest made by the Count Palatine against the coronation being performed by the Pope. With regard to what was told me in secret heretofore, (fn. 1) and which was subsequently divulged through the court, viz., that the most serene King would have Imperial authority in Italy, when I (now ?) dropped a word about this to his Majesty, he told me that he has no other authority in Italy than what he derives from the States possessed by him there, and that he does not wish for it, because he has as much trust in the new Emperor as he had in his own father, and from his Imperial Majesty he expects all assistance on every occasion.
	Subsequently, when speaking with his Majesty about the Turkish fleet, he greatly commended your Serenity's prudence in securing your affairs, having to do with an enemy who, for the misfortune of Christendom, has become so powerful and insolent that he holds no one in account; and he said that he likewise had been in consultation lately, and gave the necessary orders for the defence and conservation of his realms, having also conceded some assistance demanded of him to Malta, and that he hopes to secure himself in every quarter, so that the Turks may be prevented from doing what is desired by the French.
	Brussels, 20th March 1558.
	[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
March 20. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1201. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
	Yesterday evening there arrived here the auditor of the Legate Trivultio, who came hither express from France with letters of credence to Cardinal Caraffa, or, in his absence, to the Bishop of Terracina, but not having found either one or the other, he went to Don Ruy Gomez, together with the person who has remained here as the Cardinal's agent, and stated his commission, which is to effect a conference between two or more confidants of these kings to set forward this affair of the peace.
	Brussels, 20th March 1558.
	[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
March 22. Original Dispatch, Venetian Archives.	1202. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
	When the Legate had audience of the King, to make the announcement from Cardinal Caraffa, his stay at Brussels being useless, as King Philip was content to refer to the Pope's arbitration whatever could not be adjusted by other means with King Henry, that henceforth, through the intervention of the ministers and ambassadors of the two crowns, the affairs might be treated in the presence of his Holiness himself; this proposal was not only not received contemptuously, as was feared by the Legate, the identical offer being, on the contrary, made by his Majesty himself, and confirmed by the Cardinal of Lorraine, who said that “if by other means, and especially by a conference of ministers, matters could not be adjusted, he would not fail to demonstrate to the Pope that he continued to place the same trust in him as he had shown him from the commencement, when Cardinal Caraffa was sent hither for the same negotiation.” (fn. 2) With regard, however, to the conference, they are still waiting for news of what may have been done by the Legate's Auditor, who was sent to Brussels, being followed by a courier to warn him that, should he not find there either Cardinal Caraffa or any resident nuncio, he was to return immediately. Such and so great is this Legate's respect for Cardinal Caraffa, that neither in this nor in any other business will he do aught without his knowledge and consent, choosing to attribute to him whatever authority he can, rendering it notorious that the proposals in this matter are in the first place all made by him, and emanate from this source.
	Particulars touching the intended despatch of Marshal de Brissac to Piedmont, to assist the Turkish fleet in an attack on Genoa.
	They are also intent on the despatch of the Vidame (fn. 3) to Scotland, with whom ten companies of Germans will cross, besides many others of Frenchmen, as in that direction they will make the strongest effort to harass the English, and turn aside their forces.
	I hear on good authority that the Duchess of Lorraine is exerting herself, for that the Constable, by giving security in 300,000 or 400,000 crowns, may be taken under good custody to Nanci in Lorraine, and have convenience to remain there during three months, so that in the meanwhile he may be seen, and more easily treat the affair of the agreement with his Majesty's ministers, and with his Majesty himself; to the which Constable I understand that the King lately wrote a letter in his own hand throughout, replete with infinite friendship, his most Christian Majesty continuing more than ever to speak of him, when the opportunity presents itself, with much affection.
	Moret, 22nd March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 24. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1203. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
	Having obtained audience of the King, I performed the office in favour of the peace in the manner enjoined me, and his Majesty, in reply, greatly commended your Serenity for so earnestly seeking peace. He told me that the Auditor had proposed to him a conference in which to discuss particulars, but it had been seen on former occasions that these conferences produced no good effect, as nothing passed at them but mutual recrimination about past offences and injuries: besides which, at the last conference held at Calais (sic), (fn. 4) the French, with the convenience they had for investigating his Majesty's affairs, and spying, laid a plot to rob him of his towns, by which I believe him to have meant Douai and Calais, as Douai was attempted by the Admiral more than a year ago, which caused the rupture of the truce, and it is said that since more than six years the French had been practising against Calais. His Majesty then added that it would be better for the mediators of this peace themselves to treat the particulars, and possibly (et facilmente) the negotiation, reducing the difficulties to a few heads, which might then be more easily terminated in a conference.
	From the King I went to Don Ruy Gomez, with whom I performed the same office. Speaking about the gentleman who came from France, he told me that this gentleman being addressed to Cardinal Caraffa or to the Nuncio, and having found neither of them, no answer could be given him, either by his Majesty or by the Council. I prayed his Lordship not to let any opportunity escape for bringing this business to a good end.
	To-day the Auditor of Cardinal Trivulcio came to tell me that Don Ruy Gomez sent word to him to put to writing what he has in commission, that it may be seen in the Council, as he did immediately, and presented the writing to-day; so he hopes for some good reply.
	Brussels, 24th March 1558.
	[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
March 25. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1204. The Same to the Same.
	According to your Serenity's order, I have been with the Duke of Alva, and performed the warmest office I could with his Excellency about the affair of the peace. He spoke at great length about the nature of Frenchmen, and said that they have no right to any state, and that whatever they acquire they choose it all to be theirs, by right; that they annex to the crown all that they take, so that when the occasion comes for restoring, they may excuse themselves; that it seems that they have little state in Italy, but they have Piedmont and Savoy there, and the whole territory commencing with Bayonne on the ocean-sea (mare oceano) on the confines of Spain, and from Calais on this other northern ocean (sopra questo altro oceano settentrionale) as far as Valenza, which belongs to the state of Milan; and they have not only Turin and Casale in Italy, but Paris and all the towns of France, so that from Paris to Valenza they can go as securely as any man can go over his own house; nor is Italy any longer defended by the Alps, as they have all been made French (poichè sono fatte tutte de'Francesi); that he marvels at the Emperor's having been suspected of aspiring to (universal) monarchy (alla monarchia), and that now there should be no suspicion about the King of France, who has his forces in the heart of Italy, and in greater number than the Emperor ever had. That it is manifest that the French do not wish for peace, nor would they keep it if they had it, because they are always intent on occupying what belongs to others. King Philip on the contrary, from his wish for quiet, has given away his own, as the French have now for boundary of their state, in Italy the Po, and in Germany the Rhine, and they are always meaning to advance farther; so it is necessary for this King always to have arms in his hands against them, until the one humble and crush the other, so that when one of these kings be humbled and crushed, the remaining one will be monarch, and the world will thus be at peace, as every one will be compelled to remain at his discretion; nor will this result be long delayed, for it will certainly take place this year or the next, and this must be considered certain, because both the two are exhausted, and continue exhausting themselves, and the one who at the end remains with vigour will be the lord of everything. His Excellency continued, that the King of France cannot be trusted, and that he now appears inclined towards peace, because he has many deficiencies; that he has exhausted all his funds, has lost his chief cabinet and military councillors, has ruined his cavalry, which is the nerve of his forces; so he will now talk of peace, to put this King to sleep, and have time to recruit himself, and when recruited he will immediately give rise to some occasion for making war, or will indeed make it without waiting for the occasion, as the French by nature desire nothing but war.
	Brussels, 25th March 1558.
	[Italian, in cipher; deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
March 26. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1205. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
	Yesterday the Auditor of the Legate in France had the reply from the Secretary Gonzalo Perez, in the name of the Royal Council, thus, that as to the agreement proposed by him, it was unnecessary to give him any farther reply, as it is not sent either to the King, or to any of the council; but he is not to return by the frontiers by which he came, though if he wishes to follow the Legate Caraffa, a letter will be given him addressed to that Cardinal on this subject.
	Brussels, 26th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 26. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1206. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
	To execute the commissions in your Serenity's three sets of letters dated the 5th instant, I went yesterday to the King and congratulated him in your name on the acquisitions of Guisnes and Hammes, and on his good disposition towards the peace. His Majesty returned the usual thanks to your Serenity, and said that he had lately given his assent to the Legate Trivulci to assemble the chief ministers, to save time and labour, and to smooth difficulties, and come to a conclusion, but that they reciprocated badly. He repeated what had been said to me just before more diffusely by the Cardinal of Lorraine, as your Serenity will hear, with this in addition, that his Majesty heard that King Philip's ministers had not a good understanding together, and especially the Duke of Savoy and Ruy Gomez, each of whom pretend that they are to be the chief in every negotiation, and openly resenting that the one should be referred to before the other; which proceeding, coupled with others, gave, he said, but little hope of success in this negotiation.
	I also performed offices about the peace with the Queen and all these principal ministers, and with the Legate; and the Cardinal of Lorraine, discoursing with me very confidentially both at dinner and afterwards on many subjects, said that notwithstanding the offices performed by him through divers channels, he did not see, on the part of King Philip, any decision about the proposals made to him from hence, a long time having elapsed since this conference of the principal ministers with sufficient authority from their princes to conclude was proposed, and nevertheless nothing had ever been settled. He also said that having been requested to hold an interview with the Duchess of Lorraine, he consented to do so, and wrote to her accordingly, but never received any answer, nor has anything more been said about it.
	The Cardinal then recounted the relation brought by M. de Merci, the Constable's third son, (fn. 5) who was lately released on paying a ransom of 12,000 crowns, and M. de St. Sulpice, the Constable's gentleman, who was sent from hence by the King, they having returned together, of a conversation between the Duke of Savoy and the Constable when the Duke went to visit him (he not having been visited by anyone until then), in the course of which the Duke spoke as haughtily as possible these words: “Monsieur the Constable, I choose to have my own; otherwise you must not think of agreement.” The Cardinal added that M. de Vaudemont had laboured indefatigably with him for the restoration of the Duke.
	When I remarked to the Cardinal that regard for England and her interest perhaps rendered King Philip's decision more difficult, he said that the Duke of Savoy in his conversation with the Constable showed that his Majesty did not hold those matters in much account. The Cardinal said also that with great difficulty could Queen Mary obtain money from her subjects, who were most discontented (malissimo contenti), and that a report circulated all over Flanders of her having been delivered of a son; which news having been announced to the Constable, he, with a very imperturbable countenance, said, “Well, arrangements must be made for christening him,” showing his derision of it, as a vanity (cosa vana), which it was proved to be at the end of three days. His right reverend Lordship then said that Cardinal Caraffa had been despatched but little to his satisfaction, he having been offered a pension of 10,000 crowns on the see of Toledo, and a revenue of 10,000 for his brothers, provided Marc'Antonio Colonna and Ascanio della Cornia be re-instated.
	Moret, 26th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 27. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives.	1207. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate. (fn. 6)
	Through a letter written from Marseilles to the Nuncio here, by the Signor Cesare Cantelini, who is charged to take the Pope's greatnephews to Rome, the Legate heard that the Count of Tenda, the Governor of Provence, after having gone forth to meet them, announced the order from the King to forbid their departure. On the Nuncio going to the King to hear the cause of this arrest, the King told him, that he had been moved to do it, because certain despatches from the court of King Philip having been intercepted in the neighbourhood of Gravelines, there was found amongst them a letter purporting that Cardinal Caraffa had agreed with King Philip to seize (di levar) those fortresses of Mont' Alcino and others held by his most Christian Majesty in Tuscany, keeping the resolution secret until it was known that his Holiness' great-nephews had departed hence and were arrived in Italy. His Majesty sent that letter instantly to his ambassador at Rome that he might show it to the Pope, to learn whether what was agreed to according to the said letter by Cardinal Caraffa corresponded to his Holiness' will; but perceiving that the reply was so long delayed, he had determined to have leave given them. The King promised to write a letter to Count di Tenda with this resolve.
	Moret, 27th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
March 30. MS. St. Mark's Library. Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., p. 195 verso.	1208. Cardinal Pole to the Father Confessor (of King Philip?) Afresneda (sic) [de Fresneda.] (fn. 7)
	As on several accounts Pole now thinks fit to write to the Pope, he has not chosen to send the letter without first of all hearing the Confessor's opinion of it, and has therefore charged his familiar, Messer Gio. Francesco, to communicate the copy of it, as also that of another letter written by him to the Cardinal of Trani (fn. 8); and should the Confessor see any objection to Pole's sending them, he requests him with his usual kindness to let him know.
	Greenwich, 30th March 1558.
	[Italian.]
[March 30.] Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., pp. 224 (verso) to p. 226 (recto), without any date of time or place. (fn. 9)	1209. Cardinal Pole to Pope Paul IV.
	The death of Cardinal Durante having been announced to him (fn. 10) although he had heard previously that the Pope had deprived his (Pole's) familiar, Luigi Priuli, of the “jus accessus” to the bishopric of Brescia, which at the request of the Venetian Signory had been conferred on him by Julius III., nevertheless, as no one can have better knowledge of Priuli's piety, doctrine (doctrinam), and virtue, by reason of so many years' intimacy and intercourse, Pole considers it his duty to request his Holiness to put Priuli in possession of the see. Born of a most noble family, and thus having the path open to him in his own country for an honourable career, he neglected it, and for twenty years and upwards has followed Pole in great danger and in exile, sharing all the toils and perils undergone by him for the Church, and leading such a life as never to give any suspicion of ambition or avarice.
	The Pope will, however, perhaps say, Who art thou who darest bear such ample testimony in favour of a man whose name has been denounced to the presidency of the Inquisition for heresy? Pole is bound to be more averse than any one else to heretics and schismatics, as never did any calamity befall him (and the Pope knows better than any one how grievous and incessant they were), save such as proceeded from such men, and on account solely of the Catholic religion. Some one, however, will say, If thy name also was denounced on suspicion of the same crime, what weight can thy recommendation have in this case? As much assuredly as conspicuous deeds done in favour of the Church and of the Catholic religion ought to outweigh what is said by those who dare not allege against Pole openly either words or deeds, because they have none. Pole hears, nevertheless, that they are now drawing up what they call a process concerning the accusations brought against him, and this first became known to him at the time of the arrest of his very dear friend (their intimacy being notorious), Cardinal Morone, (fn. 11) but of this fact the Pope did not give Pole notice when he annulled his legantine authority. What then is Pole to say to this? First of all, that he ought to rely more on the Pope's words than on any demonstrations or on any reports from all the rest of the world; the which words the Pope spoke to the English ambassador, (fn. 12) and to Pole's messengers whom he had sent to Rome, thus—that whatever he did in this case was not done to offend Pole, but because his Holiness being at war with King Philip, he did not think it fitting, having recalled all his Legates and Nuncios from his Majesty's other realms and signories, to retain a Legate in the kingdom of England. As the Pope assigned this reason for annulling Pole's legation (although the condition of this country differs from that of the others), he did not dare to interpret the Pope's mind otherwise than the Pope himself had interpreted it. Shortly after the reconciliation, however, the Pope replaced the Nuncios in the King's other realms, sending Cardinal Caraffa, his nephew, as Legate to him. When, pursuant to letters and messages from the Queen, from the Prelates and nobility (statuum), and from every condition of persons in England, the English ambassador asked his Holiness to restore the legateship to Pole, he always delayed to do so; and at length, as heard by Pole, the Pope allowed the report to circulate that a process had been made against him. How is Pole to interpret the Pope's mind in this matter? Ought that to be sufficient to explain the Pope's opinion and will, which he announced to the English ambassador when he so earnestly urged him to restore his legateship to Pole—that this is God's affair? Assuredly when he said this, and not what the ambassador requested, he seemed to signify as much, but that he would do what God commanded him to do, so as to satisfy his duty and piety towards God. What then? Does God command that the son be slain by the father?
	Is conscious of never having done anything to forfeit the Pope's goodwill, having on the contrary effected many things which should have rendered him more dear to his Holiness. Through Pole's faithful ministry in England, which was preceded by the exertions and authority of her most pious sovereigns, the reconciliation and obedience of the Church were offered to the Pope as first fruits. Is it then for this that he is preparing to pierce Pole's soul with the sword of sorrow? If the Pope acts thus to satisfy his conscience before God, God will savour the sacrifice; but Pole hopes, if the Pope acts by God's order, that God will no more permit him to complete it than he permitted Abraham to slay Isaac. Pole indeed, at the time when, like a lamb, he betook himself to that Pope who made him Cardinal, remembers having said to him when prostrate at the foot of the altar, as usual, being about to receive the insignia of the cardinalate, that he was there as a victim; but he assuredly never expected to be again sacrificed by a father, especially when he (Pole) had left here a ram (ariem) caught in the thicket, the Bishop of Rochester [John Fisher], who was immolated. If as a lamb Pole then escaped death, having now become a ram, is he to be again exposed to death, and to a much more cruel one? If this be the will of God, Pole will always repeat, God will savour the sacrifice!
	If, however, this attempt (hœc tentatio) proceed from God, Pole cannot have the slightest doubt but that when the time of sacrifice arrives, the sacrificer will be stayed (sit impediturus), as the Lord did by Isaac; nor does Pole entertain this hope solely for himself, but also for Cardinal Morone and Priuli, the Pope being now sword in hand against them all.
	Pole now sees God sending angels to stay the Pope's hand holding the process of accusation like a threatening sword over their heads; for he sees the most Serene Philip and Mary, Catholic Kings, and Defenders of the Faith, he also sees men of piety, coming like a legion of angels to interpose themselves between them and the sword lest they be put to death. Pole not only hears but sees how in England the Pope commenced triumphing, chiefly over those who seem to be practising against him (Pole) at Rome.
	Pole's prayer is that in like manner as Christ is wont to place his dearest children in purgatory (ad inferos) to try them, and if after trial they be found worthy of Him to redeem them, the Pope will act thus with Pole, Morone, and Priuli, and after having placed them in purgatory will now rescue them.
	[Greenwich, 30th March 1558 ?]
	[Latin.]