Charters and Documents Relating To the City of Glasgow 1175-1649 Part 1. Originally published by Scottish Burgh Records Society, Glasgow, 1897.
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Page cclv., after line 23, insert:—On 5th March, 1610, the town council had under consideration the position in which the city was placed by a charter granted by King James to Dumbarton on 13th December, 1609 [Great Seal Register, 1609–1620, pp. 69–72, No. 190. Dumbartonshire by Joseph Irving, 2nd edition, pp. 173–183], and conceiving that the city was prejudiced by the extended powers which the charter conferred—apparently in regard to the navigation of the Clyde—the provost and the common procurator were directed to consult the law advisers of the city in Edinburgh, and if they so advised to take steps to have the extended liberty suspended or reduced. In order to do this the town's charters and evidents on which such proceedings might be taken were ordered to be given to the provost and the procurator [Council Records, I., pp. 309, 310]. The documents were replaced on 17th March [Ibid., p. 310]. A meeting between representatives of each of the burghs was arranged for 11th April, in order to arrive at an amicable settlement [Ibid., p. 311], but would appear to have been adjourned, for on 16th June another meeting was appointed to be held in Glasgow [p. 315]. What was done at these meetings does not appear, but evidently an arrangement was not effected, for on 6th June, 1611, reference is made to a suspension having been raised by the city against Dumbarton of an arrestment used by the latter "upone the schipps nocht onlie of the nychtbouris of this town bot of strangeris quha cumis in the river, and thair libertie thairof." It was then determined that the dean of guild and deacon convener should advise with the merchants, deacons, and crafts as to whether they would consent to the merchants and craftsmen being taxed to defray the expenses of the charter of 8th April [Antea, p. cclx.], and for sustaining the plea against Dumbarton [Ibid., p. 320]. Two days later representatives of the merchants and crafts consented to making a voluntary contribution each of £200, and more if needed [Ibid., p. 321]. No further reference to the matter appears in the records of the town council.
—between lines 6 and 7 of first column of footnote insert:—The six counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Cavan contain about 3,798,000 statute acres, all of which were escheated or fell to the crown, and were thus made available for the several purposes of plantation. That vast area was parcelled out to British undertakers, London citizens, English servitors in Ireland, protestant bishops and incumbents, corporate towns, forts, free schools, the college then recently established in Dublin, and certain native inhabitants of the province. With only two or perhaps three exceptions every native landlord and every native tenant within the bounds of the six counties was dispossessed and displeased; and although a few of both classes were afterwards permitted to share slightly in the great land spoil, it was only in some other and less attractive localities than their own [Historical Account of the Plantation in Ulster at the Commencement of the 17th Century, by the Rev. George Hall, Belfast, 1877].
Page cclx., line 7 of first column of footnote, after "c. 79" insert:—The latter charter also ratified all former grants and charters in the most comprehensive terms, but reserved the rights and privileges of the duke of Lennox and his heirs as then "infeft in the office of bailliarie and justiciarie of the barony and regalitie of Glasgow"; and declared that it should in nowise be hurtful or prejudicial to the archbishop and his successors "anent his and thair richt of the electione and nominations of the magistrates of the burgh of Glasgow."
Page cclxv., add to footnote 6 the following:—In the beginning of the sixteenth century the channel of the Clyde for about thirteen miles below Glasgow was so incommoded by fords and shoals as to be barely navigable for the smallest craft. In 1556 the inhabitants of Glasgow, Renfrew, and Dumbarton, entered into an agreement to work on the river for six weeks alternately, with the view of removing the ford at Dumbuck and some other prominent hirsts [sandbanks or shallows]. In consequence of the joint action of these parties, small craft were brought up to the Broomielaw, which was then only a landing stage, there being no regular harbour at Glasgow for more than one hundred years after that period [Cleland's Statistics, p. 152].
The convention of burghs held at Arbroath on 7th July, 1612, ordained a number of burghs, and among them Glasgow, to cause the causeway within their several ports and towns to be sufficiently repaired, and to report their diligence to the following convention—each burgh under a penalty of £100 [Convention Records II., p. 344].
About this time the attention of the convention of burghs seems to have been directed to the fact that in many of the royal and free burghs non-resident burgesses were carrying on trade to the prejudice of those who were resident, and vigorous measures were adopted to suppress this practice. In particular, the prevalence of this subject of complaint in Glasgow induced the convention to deal with it, and in 1612 the burgh took proceedings against a number of its non-resident burgesses, and at the meeting of convention in Arbroath on 8th July of that year produced proceedings for depriving 47 "outland" burgesses. The convention, however, found these proceedings to be inept, not having been taken upon citation. New diligence was therefore ordered to be taken previous to the next convention, under a penalty of £100 [Convention Records, II., pp. 348, 349]. At the convention held at Dunbar on 7th July, 1613, Glasgow appears to have produced decrees and executions against non-resident burgesses, but these were found to be informal, and the burgh was ordained to produce more formal proceedings to the next convention under a penalty of £20 [Ibid., II., pp. 402, 403]. On 6th July, 1614, Glasgow produced its act of court depriving these outland burgesses of burgess rights, and this was accepted, subject to farther diligence being done against these deprived persons so as to cause them to desist from farther trading [Ibid., II., p. 447]. At the convention held in St. Andrews on 4th July, 1615, accordingly it was declared that the deprived burgesses had desisted from usurping the liberty of royal burghs; and this declaration was accepted [Ibid., III., p. 3].
Page cclxxii., line 15, after "Pole," insert as footnote:—John Stercovius was a Pole who came to Scotland in the dress of his country, and so excited much vulgar attention. He was hooted on the streets, and subjected to such usage as to induce him to return to his own country. There, under the irritation occasioned by the treatment he had received, he published a "Legend of Reproaches against the Scottish nation." This action of the unhappy man, the king, with a fatuity altogether incomprehensible, not only deigned to notice, but he instructed his agents to institute a prosecution against the offender in the country in which he was then resident. The result was that Stercovius was executed [Chambers's Dom. Annals of Scotland, I., pp. 448, 449].
Page cclxxvii., line 17 of second column of footnote, after "cathedral," insert:— His testament and other particulars of the property left by him are given in Hamilton's Sheriffdom of Lanark and Renfrew [pp. 148, &c.].
Page cclxxix., line 25, after "burghs," insert:—This act appears to have been passed in consequence of the non-observance of an act passed by the convention at St. Andrews on 6th July of the previous year. The latter act set forth that it had been found that all the persons who were entitled to vote in the election of the magistrates of burghs did not convene and exercise that power, partly by reason of absence on foreign voyages, and partly by reason of absence attending to their own affairs, or being visited by death. It therefore ordained that if any elector was absent from an election, the magistrates and council present should appoint a qualified person who had previously been a councillor of the burgh to supply the place of the absentee. Likewise in the event of any deacon being absent from such election, the deacon of the craft for the preceding year should be nominated to supply his place, and the persons so appointed were ordained to have as great power to vote as the ordinary electors, if present, would have had. Further, in consideration of the great confusion in the election of deacons of crafts within some burghs, occasioned by the election proceeding on several days, and at divers seasons of the year, to the great hindrance of the common affairs of such burghs, it was ordered that the election of deacons in all burghs should proceed on a day within ten days preceding or following each feast of Michaelmas, under a penalty of £100, to be paid to the burghs by the contraveners [Printed Records of Convention, III., pp. 6, 7].
Page cclxxxii., line 4, after "churchman," insert as footnote:—When in Scotland, says archdean Sinclair, he needlessly made an unfortunate impression by wearing a surplice at the funeral of a guardsman [Leaders of Thought in the English Church, p. 59]. This was, however, but a trivial incident, and the source of the bitter hostility of the Scots to him was his total disregard of the religious sentiment of the nation, and the persistent efforts which he —an English prelate—made to force upon them by high handed and arbitrary methods an alien ecclesiastical system.
Page cclxxxiii., between lines 12 and 13, insert:—In 1617 an important change was effected in the provision for the clergy, under a commission issued by virtue of an act of the estates, which proceeds on the narrative "that there be divers, kirks within this kingdom not planted with ministers, on account of which ignorance and atheism abound among the people; and that many of those that are planted have not sufficient provision or maintenance appointed to them, whereby the ministry are kept in poverty and contempt, and cannot fruitfully travel in their charges." It therefore appointed a mixed commission of prelates, nobles, barons, and burgesses, with power "out of the teinds of every parish, to appoint and assign at their discretion a perpetual local stipend to the ministers present and to come." By this act the stipend of every minister was ordained to be paid, not out of a general fund as before, but out of the tithes of the parish where he laboured; the minimum stipend to be assigned was fixed at five chalders of victual, or 500 merks, and the maximum at eight chalders, or 800 merks. This act, says Cuningham, was felt to be a step toward putting the stipends of the clergy on a proper footing. We have here, he says, a proof of how rapidly money had depreciated in Scotland. In 1560 the value of five chalders of victual was only about 100 merks, in 1617 it is 500. It is a symptom of the rapid improvement which had begun, and was going on. At present (1882) the average value of five chalders of victual is upwards of 1,500 merks. Things continued in this state till Charles I. came to the throne in 1625 [Cunningham, I., p. 502].
A convention of burghs was held at Dumbarton from 1st to 5th July, 1617, and on the last of these days Dumbarton craved license to obtain from the king a gift of an impost to be levied yearly from all fishing and "coper" [i.e., trading] boats of unfreemen who should fish or "cope" herring on this side of the Cloch in Clyde and Leven, lying within the Cloch. Glasgow and Renfrew objected that they would be prejudiced thereby, and the convention adjourned the consideration of the matter till the next convention. But at that convention held at Dunfermline on 8th July, 1618, the matter was delayed till the following convention which assembled at Haddington on 6th July, 1619. At that convention, however, the matter seems not to have come up.
—between lines 25 and 26, insert:—On 27th July, 1619, the privy council disposed of a complaint by one William Knox against the provost, James Stewart, for assault and an improper exercise of his magisterial authority in a private quarrel with the complainer. In this matter bailie Gabriel Cuninghame was also somewhat involved [Privy Council Register, XII., pp. 37, 38].
—add to footnote 1:—On 6th June, 1637, Sir Walter entered into a contract of wadset with the town council by which, in consideration of £7,500 Scots paid by them to him, he wadset [impledged] to the town the feu-duty of 900 merks payable under the contract [Original in the Archives of the City. Inventure (1696), p. 36, B.C., b. 9, No. 5]. On 1st February, 1650, Sir Ludovick Stewart of Minto, in consideration of 8,750 merks then paid— which sum, with the above £7,500, made up the price of 20,000 merks—conveyed to the city the superiority of the mills. A crown charter of confirmation was granted to the city by king Charles II. on 1st March, 1650 [Ibid., Nos. 7, 8].
Page ccxc., before line 1, insert:—On 18th November, 1619, the privy council ordained the provosts of burghs, aldermen, bailies, and councillors to wear black gowns, lined with some grave kind of furrings, in their council assemblies and meetings, and in conventions of burghs; and the provosts, bailies, treasurers, and deans of guild of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, St. Andrews, Glasgow, Stirling, and Aberdeen, to wear gowns of red scarlet cloth, with furrings agreeable to the same, on Sundays and other solemn days, on the riding days of parliament, on 5th August, 5th September, and other solemnities. The provost of Edinburgh was also ordained to wear a great golden chain with his scarlet robe at these times [Regist. Sec. Concilii. Acta, 1617–1620].
Page ccxciii., add to footnote:—Lord Hailes remarks that in our ancient history there is little mention of magic, and scarcely any vestiges of witchcraft. At a subsequent period both crept in . . . King Robert Bruce had his fortune predicted by a woman; and Barbour gives a dissertation upon astrology [p. 84]. The first capital punishment for witchcraft was in 1479 [Pinkerton's History, I., p. 295], the last 1722 [Arnot's Criminal Trials]. King James writes a book on the subject. His opinion is that "no age, sexe, or ranck should be exempted from punishment." However, he cautions judges "to beware to condemne, except those that are guiltie;" and laments that witches "were never so rife as they are now" [Dæmonologia, pp. 77, 78, 81]. Sir George M'Kenzie, a man esteemed learned, a man who defended the antiquity of the Scottish royal line, and died in the last decade of the 17th century (8th May, 1691), avers "witchcraft to be the greatest of crimes, and that the lawyers of Scotland cannot doubt there are witches since the law ordains them to be punished." [Criminal Law. Dalyell's Fragments of Scottish History, pp. 29, 30].
On 22nd June, 1591, the earl of Bothwell broke from ward in the castle where he was imprisoned for alleged witchcraft and consulting with witches to compass the king's death. On 25th June he was accordingly forfaulted [Birrell, p. 26]. On the same day Euphane M'Kalzane was burnt as a witch [Ibid.]. On 19th May, 1592, Katherine Muirhead was burned for witchcraft on her own confession [Ibid., p. 30. See St. Andrews' Kirk Session Register, Pref. xlix., lxxvii. -lxxxi., and footnotes with cases therein cited. Scottish History Society, p. 7].
Page ccxcvi., add to footnote 2:—In October, 1622, the magistrates of Edinburgh appointed Boyd to the principalship of the university there; but on 31st January, 1623, the king, by letter, rebuked them for having done so, and for having retained Boyd in that position notwithstanding a former royal letter. His fault, in the estimation of the king, was his sympathy with the opponents of the Perth articles. "We think his byding there will doe much evill," said the king in his letter, "and therefore as ye will answer to us on your obedience, we command you to putt him not onelie from his office, but out of your toun, at the sight heirof, unlesse he conform totallie. And, when ye have done, think not this sufficient to satisfie our wrathe for disobedience to our former letter." Mr. Boyd, having been sent for by the magistrates and town council, and had the king's will intimated to him, did quit his place and take his leave of Edinburgh [Calderwood, VII., p. 569. Privy Council Register, XIII., p. 165. See also pp. 517, 526–7, 535–6, 567. See also Glasgow Exhibition Catalogue [p. 14], which contains a portrait of Boyd. Baillie's Letters, &c., by Laing, Memoir, I., xxiv., xxvi., &c. See Macgregor's History of Glasgow, p. 178].
—line 18, after "grievances," add:—On the 12th an act of the privy council set forth that seven representatives of Edinburgh, two of Perth, and one each of Dundee, Aberdeen, Glasgow (Gabriel Cunningham), Stirling, Dumfries, and Linlithgow, were convened for discussion anent the manufactures of Scotland [Reg. Sec. Concilii. Acta, 1621–1625, fol. 147].
Page ccxcviii., line 13, after "church," add:—The Aberdeen assembly of 1616, which was the most episcopal of Scottish assemblies, had committed to Thomas Hewat the preparation of a liturgy which was intended to supersede Knox's Book of Common Order [Calderwood, VII., p. 222. Gardiner, III., pp. 221, 222], and he completed his task in 1619. The liturgy which he prepared was drawn on the lines of Knox's book, and differs from it chiefly in its greater fulness, and in the introduction of a number of prayers for special occasions [Sprott's Scottish Liturgies of the Reign of James VI. Gardiner, III., pp. 227, 228]. But it was thrust aside, and another, of which the chief part of the composition has been ascribed to Cowper, bishop of Galloway, was revised by Spottiswoode and the dean of Winchester, a Scotchman of the name of Young. It was not brought into use however. King James was alarmed at the outburst of resistance to the Perth articles, and allowed his commissioner to promise to the parliament of 1621 that if those articles were confirmed there should be no further innovations in matters of religion [Gardiner, VII., p. 282].
Page ccci., line 17, after "Bell," insert as footnote:—The Patrick Bell referred to in the text afterwards filled a succession of offices in the town council. He was a bailie in 1625 and 1626 [pp. cccvi., cccxiv.]; dean of guild in 1628 and 1629 [pp. cccxvii.cccxxii.]; provost in 1634 [p. cccxliv.], 1636 [p. ccclxvii,], and 1638 [p. ccclxxix.].
—add to footnote 4:—A taxation having been granted to the king by the Scottish parliament in October, 1625, several of the burghs agreed with the privy council to pay their proportions of this tax, so long as it continued, as follows:—Glasgow, £815 12s. 6d.; Linlithgow, £163 2s. 6d.; Stirling, £422 17s. 9d.; St. Andrews, £490; Dunbar, £90 15s.; Culross, £84 10s.; Canongate, £100; Hamilton, 100 merks. These proportions may be held as indicating the relative importance and wealth of these towns at the time [Chambers's Domestic Annals, II., p. 7].
Page cccxii., footnote 2, line I, after "23," insert:—Gardner, VII., p. 277. For Mark Napier's account of the tithe policy of Charles I., see his Life of Montrose, pp. 16 et seq. Connell on the Law of Tithes, I., p. 132(2nd edition). Buchanan on Teinds, pp. 27 et seq.
Page cccxiv., before line 1, insert:—An act of the privy council, dated 23rd August, 1626, sets forth an offer by the town council of Glasgow to pay £815 12s. 6d. as extraordinary taxation, and four months' terms payment of ordinary taxation, and the acceptance of that offer [Reg. Sec. Concilii. Acta, 1624–1628, fol. 136].
—between lines 7 and 8, insert:—On 2nd November, 1626, representatives of Edinburgh, Dundee, Glasgow, Ayr, Montrose, Crail, Anstruther Easter, Anstruther Wester, Dysart, Kinghorn, and Burntisland, appeared before the privy council in obedience to an act requiring them to inform the council as to the number of serviceable ships within their harbours, and what charges and expenditure are required for them. These burghs declared that a ship of 300 tons would require 100 sailors, a ship of 200 tons 60 men, and a ship of 100 tons 50 men; and that 8d. sterling should be allowed each man for his entertainment over and above his hire [Reg. Sec. Concilii. Acta, 1624–1628, fol. 153].
—line 32, after "document," insert as footnote:—By ratifying that law the king bound himself never again to raise money without the consent of parliament, never again to imprison any person except in due course of law, and never again to subject his people to the jurisdiction of courts martial [Macaulay, I., p. 67].
—add to footnote 3:—The articles in the decreets arbitral mentioned in the text respecting the superiorities of erections, and the valuing and buying of teinds, with the relative acts of the commission were ratified by the acts, 1633, cc. 14, 17, 19, of the parliament in which the king sat in person. By the 19th act of the same parliament a new commission was granted for carrying the decreets arbitral in all their parts into full effect by judicial authority, and for that purpose a number of noblemen, clergymen, and landed proprietors were appointed commissioners to prosecute and follow forth the valuation of such teinds, parsonage and vicarage, within the kingdom as were still unvalued. Among the other powers conferred upon these commissioners was that of modifying a constant local stipend and maintenance to every minister, to be paid out of the teinds of each parish, not under eight chalders, or 800 merks (£44 8s. 10d. sterling), unless particular circumstances rendered it expedient to lower that amount, and of these the commissioners were to judge [Ibid., V., p. 197 et seq.]. This commission embodied all the powers contained in previons commissions (1617, c. 3, and 1621, § 5), with additional powers which continued to be acted upon during the protectorate of Cromwell. The commission for valuing teinds was at various times after the Restoration renewed, with additional and larger powers, until by the act 1607, c. 9, the whole were transferred to the Lords of Session, as the regular tribunal for the plantation of kirks and valuation of teinds.
—line 27, after "again," insert as footnote:—From March, 1629, till April, 1640, the houses were not convoked. Never in our history had there been an interval of eleven years between parliament and parliament. Only once had there been an interval of even half that length. This fact, alone, is sufficient to upset those who represent Charles as having merely trodden in the footsteps of the Plantagenets and Tudors [Macaulay, I., p. 68]. See Carlyle's Cromwell, I., pp. 51, 52.
Page cccxxviii., before line 1, insert:—On 9th September, 1630, the privy council accepted an offer from the town council to pay £815 12s. 6d. as extraordinary taxation, and four terms of ordinary taxation, as was done on 23rd August, 1626 [Reg. Sec. Concilii, 1629– 1630, fol. 258].
—between lines 8 and 9, insert:—The records of the convention of burghs between 3rd March, 1631, and 3rd July, 1649, are awanting, so that an authoritative statement of the action of that body during the period is not available.
Page cccxxxi., line 9, after "Laud," insert as footnote:—See Dr. Gardiner's Life of Laud in the Dictionary of National Biography; Arch-deacon Sinclair's sketch of him in "Leaders of Thought in the English Church," pp. 3, 70; and Macaulay, I., pp. 69, 70.
Page cccxliii., between lines 28 and 29, insert:—On 21st October, 1634, the king granted a royal warrant for establishing a court of high commission in Scotland [Baillie's Letters, &c., (Laing), I., p. xxxiii., Ap. IV., p. 424].
Page cccxlviii., add to footnote 1—On the same day he wrote the archbishop enjoining him to see that the members of the college repaired together to divine service at the cathedral in their gowns, according to their degrees in the university, and that they occupied seats specially appropriated to them [Munimenta Univ. Glasg., I., p. 248, No. 155].
Page ccclvi., line 10, after "Bell," insert between footnotes 1 and 2 the following:— James Bell elected a bailie on 4th October, 1636, was made dean of guild on 6th October, 1640 [p. ccccxiv.]. On 4th October, 1642, he along with William Stewart and James Hamilton were put on the leet for the provostship, and Stewart was elected [p. ccccxxxii]. But Stewart died in August, 1622 [p. cclxxx.], during his term of office, and Bell was put on the leet for the provostship, and was elected on 3rd October, 1643 [p. ccccxxxviii.]. He was re-elected provost on 1st October, 1644 [p. ccccxiv.], and suspended on 29th September, 1645 [p. cccclviii.].
Bell appears to have been the merchant whose small leather pocket book, used by him on two business journeys to Holland in 1621 and 1622, is preserved in the library of Glasgow University. Assuming this to be the fact, Dr. Colville states that he married a sister of the first Campbell of Blythswood, in whose stately mansion in the Saltmarket Cromwell was subsequently entertained. The book, he adds, has notes of the maill (rent) of booths in Stockwell Street which belonged to Bell. The rents varied from £18 to £30 Scots. In later years Bell, like Hutcheson, did a large money lending business, which there were no banks in these days to conduct, and many of the great barons of the west have sums entered in the pocket book for interest paid in connection with wadsets [bonds] on their lands. Bell had two relatives, Patrick and John, who both attained civic dignity in his time, and were knighted after the Restoration [By-Ways of History, p. 153]. Reference to the offices held by Patrick is made on page dlxxxiii.
Page ccclvi., add to footnote 3:—Colin Campbell, younger, appears to have been elected bailie in 1637 [p. ccclxxii.], and in February, 1638, was commissioned to go to Edinburgh with two others and concur with the commissioners of burghs in supplicating the king as to the books of canons and common prayer which he was urging to be brought into the kirk of Scotland [p. ccclxxiv.]. He was afterwards appointed commissioner to the convention of burghs to be held at Stirling on 3rd July of the same year, but, for some cause which does not appear, absented himself, and "disappointed the town." In consequence the town council, on 4th August, resolved to fine and punish him on his return "so far as may be in law" [p. ccclxxviii.].
Page ccclxv., add to footnote 2 the following:—It may be said with propriety that, by this charter, the city of Glasgow was first placed in the rank of a burgh royal, holden of the crown, and bound in payment to it of burgh mail (census burgalis), with the peculiarity of certain reserved rights to the original superiors, the archbishops of Glasgow, and to their hereditary bailies of regality, the dukes of Lennox. It is under this charter that, at the present day, the burgh accounts annually in exchequer for its burgh mail of twenty merks to the crown, and of sixteen merks formerly payable to the archbishop and now to the crown or its assignees [Municipal Corporation Reports, II., p. 5]. On 4th January, 1690, King William and Queen Mary granted a charter to the town, by which they not only confirmed all its previous rights, but conferred upon it and its town council full power to elect their own magistrates in the same way as any other royal burgh in Scotland [Inventure of Wrytes and Evidents, pp. 25, 26, No. 43]. This charter was preceded by a letter from the king to the magistrates and council, dated 19th September, 1689, empowering them to elect their own magistrates, subject to the declaration that it should be without prejudice or derogation to their majesties of their rights to the regality of Glasgow or other rights, except as to the power and freedom of Glasgow in relation to the choosing of their own magistrates, and the several erections of incorporations and deaconries in that burgh [Ibid.]. The last-mentioned charter was ratified by parliament on 14th June, 1690 [1690, c. 18, Acts of Parliament, IX., p. 153].
On 18th October, 1636, King Charles I. wrote to the archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow authorising them to enquire into the state of the revenues of the Scotch Universities [Mun. Univ. Glasg., p. 264, No. 169]; and on 17th January, 1637, the privy council required the rector, principal, and regents of the college to send commissioners to the council to inform them as to the state of the university revenues [Ibid., p. 264, No. 175].
Page ccclxvii., between lines 15 and 16, insert the following:—The magistrates of Glasgow appear to have complained to the privy council at this time of the hardship to which they were almost daily exposed by officers residing in the sheriffdoms of Lanark and Renfrew, and the bailiaries of Kyle and Cunningham, who required them to receive into their ward such prisoners and rebels as were brought by these officers to the city. In consequence of that complaint the privy council, on 14th March, 1637, ordered that Glasgow should not be required to receive in ward any prisoners or rebels save on being guaranteed the cost of their entertainment [Regist. Secreti Concilii Acta, 1536-9, fol. 196].
Page ccclxix., add to footnote 2 the following:—Long afterwards Wodrow stated that it was "a constant believed tradition that it was Mrs. Mean, wife to John Mean, merchant [i.e., shopkeeper] of Edinburgh, that cast the first stool." He thought that many stools were thrown, and that "many of the lasses that carried on the fray were prentices in disguise, for they threw stools to a great length" [Gardiner, VIII., p. 316]. For additional particulars as to the outbreak in St. Giles' cathedral, see Chambers's Dom. Annals, II., pp. 101-104.
Page ccclxx., line 13, after "Glasgow," insert as footnote:—Robert Baillie was born in the Saltmarket of Glasgow on 30th April, 1602. His father, Thomas Baillie, was probably a merchant or tradesman in that city. Educated first in a public school in Glasgow, he proceeded to the university, and having taken a degree there, was afterwards, in March, 1616, admitted to be a regent in the college. In 1620 he took the degree of Master of Arts. On 16th August, 1625 he was appointed one of the regents in the college, and while so acting he prosecuted the study of oriental languages, including Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Samaritan, Arabic, and Ethiopic. Before the autumn of 1631 he was presented by the earl of Eglintoun— to whose son he had acted as tutor—to the parish of Kilwinning, having previously received orders from archbishop Law, and about the same time married Lilias Fleming, of the family of Cardarroch, in the parish of Cadder, near Glasgow. In August, 1637, he was requested by archbishop Lindsay to preach before the synod of Glasgow, but declined to do so, and was subsequently relieved of the duty. On 21st November, 1638, he attended the Glasgow assembly as a representative of the presbytery of Irvine, and his moderation gave some offence to his less tolerant brethren. He soon, however, identified himself with the covenanters, and served as a chaplain to the earl of Eglintoun's regiment in their army at Dunse in 1639. The treaty between the king and the Scots terminated for a time the hostilities thus commenced; but these were resumed in the following year, and Baillie accompanied the Scottish army into England as chaplain, and became the chronicler of its actions. Towards the end of 1640 he was appointed by the Scottish leaders one of the Scottish commissioners to proceed to London and formulate charges against archbishop Laud. Returning to Scotland in 1642, he was appointed joint professor of divinity at Glasgow along with Mr. David Dickson, and the reputation in which he was then held is attested by the fact that he had the choice of the divinity professorships in each of the three other Scottish universities. In 1643 he returned to London as a delegate to the Westminster assembly of divines, and took an unobtrusive part in its proceedings. With the exception of the period during which he was thus engaged (1643-6), he performed the duties of his professorship, and attended all the general assemblies as a member till the Restoration, but does not seem to have taken a leading part in public affairs. In 1649 he was selected by the church to go to Holland and invite Charles II. to accept the covenant and the Scottish crown, and after the Restoration was made principal of the university of Glasgow through the influence of Lauderdale, secretary of state for Scotland. He was, however, opposed to the reintroduction of episcopacy, and refused to accept a bishopric. He died in July, 1662.
Page ccclxxii., line 11, after "noblemen," insert as a footnote:—Of these, James Graham, fifth earl, and afterwards first marquis of Montrose, was one. He was born in 1612, and succeeded his father, John, fourth earl, in November, 1626. Educated first at Glasgow, and afterwards at the university of St. Andrews, he married, in 1629, Magdalen, daughter of lord Carnegie of Kinnaird, afterwards first earl of Southesk, and, in 1633, travelled in France, Italy, and the Low Countries. On his way home, sometime in 1636, he presented himself at court, but, in consequence, it is said, of the secret hostility of the marquis of Hamilton, he was coldly received by the king. Joining, in 1637, the party opposed to ecclesiastical innovations, he became an enthusiastic supporter of the covenant, and was one of the four noblemen first appointed on the "Tables," which came to be known as such from the rule that all motions submitted to it were to be formally "tabled," or recorded, before discussion. It was authorised to act as the responsible agent and mouthpiece of the party.
Page ccclxxiii., line 6, after "Wilkie," insert between footnotes 1 and 2:—Mr. Robert Wilkie was appointed one of the ministers of Glasgow in 1621, and was frequently connected with the university. He was dean of faculty in 1621 and 1625, rector in 1629, and vice-chancellor in 1637 [Baillie's Letters (Laing), I., p. 27].
Page cccixxvi., line 2, after "1638," insert as footnote:—Baillie states that the body of the burgesses signed it, but that the college was opposed to it [Baillie's Letters, &c., I., p. 63. Spalding, II., pp. 37–44. Chambers's Domestic Annals, II., pp. 116, 117, 119–121, 123–126].
Whatever may have been the motives of its originators, there can be no question of the feelings with which the bulk of the people regarded it. Never, even in the heat of the Reformation, had the stern Scottish nature been stirred to such a depth and fervour of passion. Its two strongest feelings had been artfully inflamed, national sentiment and religious enthusiasm. It would be difficult to separate the two, and to apportion to each its share in the general movement. But it is clear that the love for religion they had deliberately chosen and established with tears and blood was at this time strongly deepened by the thought that it was menaced by a king of the hated English [Montrose, by Mowbray Morris—(English Men of Action)—p. 40].
Page ccclxxvii., add to footnote 5:—In the burgh treasurer's accounts for the year to Michaelmas, 1639, a payment of £40 to Quintin Muir for instructing the young men to handle their arms is entered [Council Records, I., pp. 398, 483].
— line 29, after "intentions," insert as footnote between 2 and 3:—This proclamation, M'Ure observes, was made at the market cross of Glasgow, with expressions of joy and thankful acknowledgment, by the magistrates and all the inhabitants, by the principal, regents, and professors of the university, and by the ministry of the city. The covenanters, he adds, out of a deep sense of the many obligations and favours which his Majesty had laid upon the whole kingdom by his gracious declaration, directed their thanks and acknowledgment to be conveyed to his grace the marquis of Hamilton, his Majesty's commissioner [pp. 84–86]. But however obsequious the citizens of Glasgow might be, the members of assembly were not so tractable as was expected. . . . "The sentiments of what was done here at this critical time of the council of the town, and of their disposition to the king's service," he continues, "will appear from a letter written to the king, and which is in the king's Large Declaration of the troubles written by doctor Walter Balconwhal, dean of Durham. But the generality here, soon after this, came to quite different sentiments; for after the year 1640, that Mr. Dickson came to be minister and professor of divinity here, from being violent episcopalians they became most zealous presbyterians, and has since that time continued to be the town in all the kingdom the most affected to the presbyterian interest, as their zeal in support of what was eminently remarkable, both at the happy revolution and at the late rebellion" [pp. 86, 87].
Page ccclxxviii., add to footnote 1:—At this convention of burghs the covenant was ratified, and it was ordained that no one should be admitted burgess, commissioner, magistrate, or councillor of any burgh who had not subscribed it [Convention Records, 1677-1711, p. 543].
Page ccclxxix., line 5, after "bailies," insert as footnote between 1 and 2:—The archbishop, says Baillie, had been caused by the marquis of Hamilton to name Bell for the provostship, and Bell caused Glen, Hamilton, and Neilson to be made bailies, and Walter Stirling to be dean of guild—" men all simple, and at his own disposition" [Baillie, I., p. 106].
Dr. Laing conjectures that Glen was probably half-brother or brother-in-law of principal Baillie [Baillie's Letters, &c., I., p. 106]. It is more than probable he was Baillie's brother-inlaw [Ibid., I., p. 228].
Page ccclxxx., line 18, after "armed," insert as footnote:—"On Friday, the 16th of November, 1638," says Baillie, "we in the west, as we were desyred, came to Glasgow; our noblemen, specially Eglinton, backed with great numbers of friends and vassals. We were informed that the commissioner and counsellors were to take up the toun with great numbers of their followers; so the nearest noblemen and gentlemen were desyred to come in that night well attended. The toun did expect and provide for huge multitudes of people, and putt on their houses and beds excessive pryces; bot the diligence of the magistrates, and the vacancie of manie rooms, did quicklie moderate that excesse. We were glad to see such order and large provision above all men's expectation; for this that town got much both thanks and credit; it can lodge easily at once, both counsell, session, parliament, and generall assemblie, when ever it shall be required. On Saturday the most of our eastland noblemen, barones, and ministers came in. In the afternoon my lord commissioner's grace, with the most of the counsell, came in. My lord Rothes, Montrose, and manie of our folks, went out to meet his grace. Much good speech was among them; we protesting that we would crave nothing but what clear scripture, reason, and law would evince: his grace assureing nothing reasonable should be denyed" [Baillie's Letters, &c., I., p. 121–123].
Page ccclxxxix., line 15, after "previously," insert as footnote 2:—Among the trained soldiers who served against the royalists in the field were many Scots who had served through the thirty years' war, and who, on their return to Scotland, placed their swords and military experience at the service of the covenanters. Among these were the two Leslies—Alexander, subsequently earl of Leven, who at first acted as Montrose's lieutenant, and afterwards led the covenanting troops into England, and the abler soldier David Leslie, lord Newark, who divided with Cromwell the fame of victory at Marston Moor [Burton's The Scot Abroad, II., p. 147. Chambers's Domestic Annals of Scotland, II., p. 56].
Page cccxci., add to footnote 7 the following:—Nevertheless, the loyalty of Glasgow to the covenant at this time seems to have been questioned by the covenanting party. Baillie says—The town of Glasgow was, through the perversity of some few men, much doubted [Letters, &c., p. 194].
Page cccxcii., line 16, after "Durham," insert as footnote:—On the same day Hamilton and his fleet entered the Firth of Forth. He had nineteen vessels, and the rumour spread that he brought 5,000 men with him. We are told that these were in good condtion, "well clothed and well armed, but so little exercised that of the 5,000 there were not 200 who could fire a musket" [Burnet's Memoirs, p. 120. Burton, VI., p. 258].
—line 18, after "20,000 men," insert as footnote:—Burton states the numbers to have been 22,000 footmen and 500 horsemen [VI., p. 263]. Argyle was among them with a few of his highlanders, but the bulk of the army did not relish the fellowship of such troops, most of whom remained in Scotland in the rear of the march [Ibid., VI., p. 261].
Page cccxcvi., after line 26, add the following:—It is said that, as a result of the holding of this assembly in Glasgow, printing was for the first time established in the city, and an act of the town council of 4th January, 1640, shows that an arrangement was entered into between them and one George Anderson, printer, under which he was to receive a payment as "fiallis" from Whitsunday, 1638. By the same act the treasurer was authorised to pay Anderson £100 in satisfaction of these "fiallis" and of the superplus disbursed by him in "transporting of his gear to this burgh by [over and above] the ten dollouris" previously given him for that object [Council Records, I., p. 407]. In the appendix to M'Ure's View of the City is a short history of the art of printing in Glasgow, from its introduction in 1638 till 1740, which states that Anderson had previously printed several works in Edinburgh in king James' college in the years 1637–8, and that probably one of the very first printed in Glasgow was "The protestation of the General Assemblie of the church of Scotland, and of the noblemen, barons, gentlemen, borrowes, ministers, and commons; subscribers of the covenant, lately renewed, made in the High Kirk and at the mercate crosse of Glasgow, the 28 and 29 of November, 1638. Printed at Glasgow by George Anderson in the year of grace 1638." Anderson appears to have died in 1648, and for about ten years afterwards no printer appears to have been in Glasgow. But from 1658 till 1661 his son Andrew appears as a printer there. In the latter year he returned to Edinburgh and was succeeded by Robert Sanders, who was the only printer in the West of Scotland for many years. He is said to have died in 1696, and to have been succeeded by his son, Robert Sanders of Auldhouse, who carried on business in Glasgow as a printer and bookseller till about 1727. Previous to his death, however, other printers had established themselves in the city [M'Ure, pp. 367–372].
Page cccxcvi., add to footnote 2 the following:—It has to be observed, however, that while episcopacy in Scotland was thus extinguished, the king had replied, a few days previously, to an address sent by the Scotch bishops to him through Laud, and had assured them that though he might perhaps give way for the present to that which would be prejudicial both to the church and his own government, yet he should not leave thinking in time how to remedy both [Burnet's Memoirs, p. 154. Burton, VI., p. 274].
Page cccxcvii., line 2, after "House," insert as footnote:—Hitherto the Estates had met in the dingy recesses of the Tolbooth. Now for the first time they occupied the great hall of what has since been known as the Parliament House, with its tine roof-work of oaken beams, which has ever since been one of the glories of Edinburgh [James Howell's Familiar Letters, p. 276. Burton, VI., p. 280].
Page cccxcviii., footnote 5, add:—In the instruction which the king sent to his commissioner he said that "it did evidently appeare that the aimes of diverse of his subjects was not for religione now, as they had alwayes pretended (for it was manifest by his commissioner's declaratione how willing he was to give satisfactione, both in assembly and parliament, twoching such things as were promised by him or sued for by them under the name of relligione). That he did perceive by ther many new strainge propositions that nothing wold give them content but the alteratione of the whole frame of government of that kyngdome, and withall the totall overthrowe of royal authoritie" [Spalding, I., pp. 226–229].
The new House of Commons was more temperate and more respectful to the throne than any which had sat since the death of Elizabeth. The moderation of this assembly has been highly extolled by the most distinguished Royalists, and seems to have caused no small vexation and disappointment to the chiefs of the opposition: but it was the uniform practice of Charles, a practice equally impolitic and ungenerous, to refuse all compliance with the desires of his people, till those desires were expressed in a menacing tone. As soon as the Commons showed a disposition to take into consideration the grievances under which the country had suffered during eleven years, the King dissolved the Parliament with every mark of displeasure [Macaulay, I., p. 75].
Sir James Livingstone, lord Almond, brother of the earl of Linlithgow, was appointed lieutenant-general, and was called home from Holland where he commanded a regiment under the States general; and Baillie, of the family of Lamington, was nominated major-general of the Scots who were to enter England [Gordon, III., p. 159].
—line 11, after "wars," insert as footnote:—Colonel Robert Monro, a native of Ross, who had been trained under Gustavus Adolphus, was appointed major-general of that portion of the army which was to remain in Scotland for the defence of the country [Gardiner, III., p. 159].
Page ccccvi., add to footnote 1:—Gordon, III., pp. 181-184. On 28th July the general assembly met in Aberdeen, but no royal commissioner attended. It rose on 6th August [Spalding, I., p. 314. Grub, III., pp. 70-77].
The great committee thus appointed, in whose hands the whole executive power was placed, gave orders to the freeholders of every county, and to the magistrates of burghs, to raise a fourth part of the able-bodied men in every parish, and to collect a tenth of the rents of estates, and a twentieth of the interest of money, as the Parliament had appointed. Meanwhile the ministers were not inactive. They collected voluntary contributions in all their parishes for what was called the good cause. They preached strongly in its favour, and they used all their private influence to promote its success [Lee's Lectures, II., p. 276].
Page ccccxi., line 24, after "November," insert as footnote:—In the prosecution of Strafford, and in the general policy of the English puritans, Rothes and the other Scottish commissioners at London, and the ministers who accompanied them, took an active share [Grub, III., p. 81].
Page ccccxv., line 22, after "business," insert the following:—It was probably in connection with this attempt to secure municipal independence that Principal Baillie prepared his memorandum for the town and college, which appears in his Letters and Journals. Dr. Laing conjectures that it must have been prepared probably in October, 1641, as it "doubtless refers to the anticipated distribution of the bishop's lands which took place in November of that year." The "first desyre" in the memorandum was "that the towne may have a new warrand, under the king's hand, for election of their magistrates," and in support of it he wrote:— "Reasons.—1. This power is common to all regall burghs, such as their old chartours makes them. 2. The king, in their late signatour, hes expressed particularlie that favour. 3. Their service deserves it as weel as any burgh in Scotland, as my Lord Marqueis [of Hamilton] can weel instruct. 4. If it should be denyed, it would cast that city on the dependence of some noble family or statesman, which might be an occasion, as of old it was, of great trouble to that countrey syde" [Baillie, I., pp. 398, 399].
Page ccccxviii., add to footnote 5 the following:—This treaty was ratified by the king on the 26th, and according to the Scottish form was touched with the sceptre. By this act Charles condemned all his own former proceedings, and approved of the conduct of his opponents; sanctioned all that had been done by the assemblies at Glasgow, Edinburgh, and Aberdeen, and established the presbyterian form of government [Grub, III., p. 86]. Thus the restored episcopacy of Scotland was overthrown [Ibid., p. 87], and the concessions wrung from him in Scotland gave encouragement to the puritans in England to persist in their attack on the prerogatives of the crown, and on the doctrines, ritual, and government of the church [Ibid., p. 92].
—line 9 of second column of footnote, after "45," add:—The general assembly also met in St. Andrews on 20th July, but removed to Edinburgh on the 27th. Afterwards the assembly met in the forenoon, and the parliament in the afternoon [Spalding, II., p. 58].
At this period was proposed for the first time a model of church government, which was intended to be applicable to England as well as to Scotland, so that there might be uniformity of discipline and worship over the island. The assembly was also moved to appoint members to prepare a confession of faith, a catechism, and a directory for all the parts of public worship in concurrence with the presbyterians of England [Lee's Lectures, II., p. 282].
Page ccccxxiv., line 7, after "Traquair," insert:—Reference has already been made to the memorandum which Principal Baillie addressed to James, marquis of Hamilton, and supposed to be dated in October, 1641, as regarded the election of magistrates [page dxciv.]. The portion of that document which relates to the subject under consideration is as follows:—"Second desyre.—That the king would be pleased to give assureance to maintain, out of the bishopric, a minister in the High Church. Reasons.—(1) The bishops did ever, by themselves or chaplaines, take upon them to supplie that place; their fall ought not to prejudge the church of one preacher at least in their roome. (2) The towne would be overburdened to provyde that place, being overcharged with the stipends of so many more, both ministers, readers, schoolmasters, hospitalls, and such public works as exhaust their rents.
"Third desyre.—That the fair and famous High Church of Glasgow may not be permitted to decay; it is neither equitie nor possibilitie for the town to keep it up. Fyve or six chalders of bear, if it be presentlie bestowed by the king, will uphold it; bot if long delayed, all the bishopric will not repaire the ruines of that building, which is Scotland's only Paull's.
"Fourth desyre.—It is all the reason in the world that the bishop's [St. Nicholas] hospital should have a part of the bishopric, if it were bot some few chalders of victual. For the present, the full rent of it, in my opinion, is within fifteen pounds sterline.
"Fifth desyre.—Whatever his Majesty will be pleased to bestow on a preacher, on the fabric of the high church, on the bishop's hospital, it would be put in a signatour for the towne, to be defrayed out of the bishop's milnes lying within and near the towne" [Baillie's Letters and Journals, I., pp. 398, 399.
The pressure brought to bear upon the marquis by the magistrates and council at this time may have led the king to issue a commission to enquire and report as to the estates of cathedral churches. At all events, the city's Inventure of Writs and Evidents, prepared in 1696, refers to a document, without date, but supposed to be of 1641 or 1642, under the hands of the commissioners then appointed, which sets forth that they having been appointed by the king to represent the estates of the cathedral churches, where bishops dwelt and served the cure, had found that the archbishop of Glasgow had his residence in the castle of Glasgow, and served the cure in the great church as ordinary minister during his residence, and that his place should there be supplied, and the fabric of the church upheld, for the honour of the country and the accommodation of the people. They, therefore, thought fit that a minister should be provided out of the burgh, with a yearly stipend of £1,000, and that £1,000 should be applied towards upholding the fabric [Inventure, 1696, p. 5, A 1, b 1, No. 24]. These commissioners were the earls of Southesk, Wemyss, and Kinghorn, Giffen, Erskine of Dun, John Smith, possibly minister of Leslie in Fifeshire, who accompanied the Scottish army into England in 1643, was translated to Burntisland on a presentation by the king in August of that year [Fasti Ecclesiæ, part IV., pp. 549, 550, 530], and in August, 1648, was translated to Trinity College Church, Edinburgh [Ibid., part I., p. 36], and Patrick Leslie, possibly the person who was provost of Aberdeen in 1634, 1639, 1641, 1642-1644, 1647 [Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, II., p. 232]. Their report had probably some connection with the issuing of the Signature of Mortification of the Spirituality of the Archbishopric referred to in the text, which was directed to the Commissioners, of the Treasury for the time. In consequence, however, of a change in these commissioners, and the appointment of John, earl of Crawford and Lindsay, to the sole treasurership on 23rd July, 1644 [Douglas Peerage, I., p. 386. Crawford's Officers of State, p. 416], that signature could not, in accordance with custom, be subsequently passed, and the whole matter seems to have been left in abeyance till 1648, when the grant was completed [see Addition, p. dci.].
Page ccccxxiv., add to footnote 2 the following:—At this time also the king received a supplication from the university of Glasgow "for the helping of their poor estate," and on 11th September, 1641, he referred it to the consideration of the marquis of Hamilton, the earls of Argyle, Eglintoun, Glencairn, Wigton, Lanerick, the lord Loudoun, Sir James Carmichael, treasurer depute, and Sir John Hamilton, justice clerk, or any five of them, with instructions to consider how the university and college, professors and members thereof, might be helped and supplied by the means mentioned in the petition or otherwise; and to report their advice to his Majesty [Mun. Univ. Glasg., I., p. 28, No. 177]. It was probably with a view to this enquiry that principal Baillie addressed to the marquis of Hamilton a memorandum for the university, in which he says—"The king being willing to help all the universities out of the bishopricks, your Lordship has reason to see Glasgow provided with the first. It is founded by the house of Hammiltoun, you are one of its plants, the most of your friends have had their breeding there. It is verie poor for the maintenance of ane principall, a professor of divinitie, a professor of physick, five regents, fourteen or fifteen bursars, a collector, a steward, a beddall, a porter, some cookes: I think about twenty-eight founded persons: They have not for table and stipend four hundred pounds of rent. It were a pitie bot at the least four hundred pounds out of the bishopric, and one hundred pounds out of the subdeanerie might be gotten for augmentation of stipends alreadie founded for the maintenance of three new professors (one for the contraversies of divinitie, one for mathematics, one for the Oriental tongues) for at least six bursars of divinitie, for some yearlie rent to the Bibliothik, also for maintaining and enlarging the fabrick of the house: Whatever is gotten, God and the king and your lordship shall have the thanks" [Baillie's Letters, I., pp. 399, 400]. The charter referred to in the text appears to have been the result of this reference, and was ratified by parliament on 17th November, 1641 [Acts of Parliament, V., pp. 565, 566. Mun. Univ. Glasg., I., p. 284, No. 180].
On 9th September, 1642, the king by a charter under the privy seal granted £100 sterling yearly to Mr. James Maitland during his lifetime, payable out of the revenues of the bishopric of Galloway, &c., in virtue of a power reserved by the king when he granted the bishopric and benefice to the college [Mun. Univ. Glasg., I., p. 290, No. 184].
Page ccccxxx., between lines 20 and 21, insert the following:—On 1st May, 1641, the English house of commons passed a bill to exclude the clergy from secular offices, and bishops from the House of Lords [Gardiner, IX., p. 347]. On the 27th the Lords agreed to exclude clergymen from civil functions, but opposed the proposal to exclude bishops from the House of Lords, as involving a change in the constitution [Ibid., IX., p. 378]. On 4th June a conference took place between the Lords and Commons, which resulted in the former adhering to their view, and the rejection of the bill on the third reading [Ibid., IX., p. 385]. On 20th October the bill was re-introduced in the Commons, and read a third time on the 23rd [Ibid., X., pp. 37, 38]; was passed by the Lords on 5th February, 1642 [Ibid., X., p. 163], and received the Royal Assent on the 13th of that month [Ibid., X., p. 165].
Page ccccxxxiii., line 24, after "listen," insert:—While these negotiations were in progress the king wrote the following letter to the town of Glasgow, dated Oxford, 21st April, 1643.—"Trustie and well beloved: We greet yow well. Since nothing on earth can be more deare to us than the preservation of the affection of our people, and amongst them none more than of these our native kingdome; which as the long and uninterrupted government of us and our predecessors over them doth give us just reason in a more sincere and speciall manner to challenge from them, so may they justlie expect a particular tendernesse from us in everything which may contribute to their happinesse, but knowing what industrie is used (by scattering seditious pamphlets, and employing private agents and instruments, to give bad impressions of us and our proceedings, and under pretence of a danger to religion and government) to corrupt their fidelities and affections, and te engage them in an unjust quarrell against us their King; We cannot therefore bot endeavour to remove their jealousies and secure their fears from all possibilitie of any hazard to either of these from us: We have therefore thought fitt to require yow to call together your fellow-burgesses, and all such others as have any dependence upon yow, and in our name to shew them our willingness to give all the assurances they can desire, or we possiblie grant (if more can be given then allreadie is) in preserving inviolablie all these graces and favours which we have of late granted to that our Kingdome; and that we doe faithfullie promise never to goe to the contrare of any thing there established, either in the Ecclesiasticall or Civill government, bot that we will inviolablie keep the same according to the laws of that our Kingdome; and we do wish God so to blesse our proceedings and posteritie, as we doe reallie make good and performe this promise. We hope this will give so full satisfaction to all that shall heare of this our solemne protestation, that no such persons as studie division, or go about to weaken the confidence betwixt us and our people, and justlie deserve the name and punishment of Incendiaries, shall be [screened] from the hand of justice; and all such others as shall endeavour peace and unitie, and obedience to us and our laws, may expect that protection and encrease of favours from us which their fidelitie deserves. So expecting your care heirof, we bid you heartilie farewell.—From our Court at Oxford, Aprile 21st, 1643." This letter was transmitted by the earl of Lanark to the magistrates, by a letter dated Hamilton, 24th May, 1643, in which, addressing them as "Assured friends," he wrote, "His Majesty was pleased to command me to convoy unto yow this inclosed letter from him, wherein he fullie expresseth his gracious resolution of preserving inviolablie what he hath established amongst us in Church and State. I will never so much injure your affections to his Majesty's service as to believe you, or any in your toune, will ever question the truth of these his Majestie's gracious expressions toward yow; but that you will receive them with such thankfulness as may encourage him to continue and increase his favour toward yow, wherein none shall think themselves happier to be an instrument, than your servant and fellow-burgesse, Lanerick, &c." [Baillie's Letters, II., p. 479, 480]. On 27th May the letter from the earl of Lanark, and that of the king, were produced to the town council, who ordered that the ministers and university should be acquainted therewith, "and advyse quhat course sall be taken thereanent, and to that effect ordains the baillies, dean of guild, and deacon conveiner, to speak with them thereanent this afternoon." The result of that conference does not, however, appear, but on 17th June "the king's and counsal's declaratioune" was ordered "to be red and proclaimed at the cross upon Wednesday next." At the same time the king's letter was ordered to be delivered to James Bell, commissioner for the burgh to the next convention of estates, that he might report the same [Council Records, II., pp. 58, 59]. Bell attended the convention held at Edinburgh from 22nd June till 26th August, 1643, but no reference to the king's letter as having been reported to them is made in the minutes of that convention.
—line 13, after "vol. II.," insert:—Grub, III., pp., 99-106. See also notices by Dr. Laing in regard to the metrical version of the psalms received by the church of Scotland [Baillie's Letters, III., pp. 525–556].
Page ccccxxxviii., add to footnote 1:—The solemn league and covenant, says Dr. Rankine, was every way inferior to the national covenant, being more narrow and less spontaneous, especially objectionable in being forced on England in order to spread presbyterianism there, where it was never generally or even widely desired [Rankine's Handbook of the Church of Scotland (1888), p. 193].
Page ccccxliii., line 6, after "Rupert," insert:—Prince Rupert, then in the 25th year of his age, was the son of the Elector Palatine Frederick V. of Bohemia, and Elizabeth, daughter of king James I. of England. He was born at Prague on 18th December, 1619, and after studying with distinction at Leyden, served in 1633 under the Prince of Orange against the Spaniards. In 1635 and 1636 he visited England, but in 1637-8 he fought with conspicuous courage against the Austrians, by whom he was taken prisoner in the battle before Lemgo, and confined for three years at Linz. On his release in 1642, his uncle, king Charles, appointed him general of the horse and a knight of the garter. He joined the king at Leicester in August; was present at the raising of the royal standard at Nottingham; and for the next three years was the heart and soul of the royalist cause. In 1644 he was created earl of Holderness, duke of Cumberland, president of Wales, and generalissimo of the king's forces, but having, after many distinguished services, surrendered Bristol to the parliamentary troops after a siege of only three weeks, the king was so offended that he revoked all his commissions and ordered him to leave England. Disregarding this order he broke through the enemy and joined the king, who became reconciled to him, and having demanded trial by court marshal, and being triumphantly acquitted, he resumed his military duties. In June, 1646, he was taken prisoner by Fairfax at Oxford, and by order of the parliament was sent to France, where he received the rank of marshal and the command of the English troops in that country. In 1648 he accepted the command of that portion of the English fleet which adhered to Charles, but in 1651 Blake destroyed the most of his ships, and with the remainder he and his brother, prince Maurice, engaged in the West Indies in harassing and capturing British merchant ships. Prince Maurice, however, perished in a hurricane in 1652, and prince Rupert, hunted by Blake, returned to France in the following year, and was made master of the horse by Louis XIV. Returning to England in September, 1660, he served with distinction in several naval operations against the Dutch from 1664 to 1668, and in 1667 received, along with Monk, the thanks of the house of commons for their services. In 1673 he was appointed lord high admiral, and on 28th May and 11th August fought two battles with the Dutch fleet. The latter years of his life were passed in London and in Windsor Castle—of which he was constable—devoting himself to chemical, physical, and mechanical research. He died on 29th November, 1682.
—add to footnote 4:—Bristol was stormed and taken on the 10th and 11th September, and prince Rupert surrendered on the latter day. Cromwell's despatch to Speaker Lenthall reporting the capture is given by Carlyle [Cromwell, I., pp. 182–189].
Page cccclvii., line 20, after "beheaded," insert as footnote:—Wishart's Memoirs of Montrose (English Translation), ed. 1819, pp. 222–224, 236–246, 433, 434. Balfour, III., pp. 307, 364. Spottiswood Miscellany, I., pp. 201–209. See also Grub, III., p. 115.
— add to footnote 5:—As a security for the loan to be raised for this parliament, it was proposed to impledge the bishops' lands, and on 29th September an ordinance was brought in for the abolition of bishops, and for vesting their estates in trustees. The trustees were eight aldermen and sixteen common councilmen, who were to hold the lands as security for the repayment of the £200,000 which were immediately required for the Scots. On 9th October the ordinance, after some resistance, was accepted by the lords [Gardiner, III., p. 145. See also Carlyle's Cromwell, I., p. 215].
Page cccclxxv., line 24, after "town," insert as footnote:—"The pest," he says, "increases in Glasgow; my heart pities that much misguided place; all that may are fled out of it [Baillie's Letters, III., p. 5].
Page cccclxxvii., line 15, after "£1,530," insert:—That amount the estates on the 10th fixed to be the contribution payable by Glasgow as one month's maintenance for disbanding the army [1647, c. 179, Acts of Parliament, VI., part i., p. 690], and on the 20th the same sum was appointed to be the city's contribution for the maintenance of the army for nine months from 10th January till 10th October [1647, c. 197, Ibid., p. 701].
Page cccclxxix., line 23, after "kingdom" insert as footnote 6:—As to the questions between the army and the parliament during the early part of 1647, the negotiations with the king, the action of the army to assert its claims, and the seizure of the king's person by Joyce, see Carlyle's Cromwell, I., p. 222–226.
Page cccclxxxvii., insert between lines 2 and 3:—The Signature of Mortification of the spirituality of the archbishopric, dated 17th November, 1641, before referred to [Antea, p. ccccxxiv.], directed to the commissioners of the treasury, having become inoperative by reason of a change in these commissioners and the appointment of John, earl of Crawford, to the sole treasurership, the lords of exchequer on 18th February, 1648, ordered a new Signature of Mortification of the spirituality, with the teinds great and small, parsonage and vicarage, then lately united and annexed to it, to be prepared, signed by the king, and passed and expede in exchequer. For the security of Glasgow, moreover, the signature subscribed in 1641 was appointed to remain in exchequer in retentis for the warrant of the new signature [Acts of Parliament, VI., ii., p. 79. Glasgow Charters, II., p. 417]; and on the same day the king granted a charter to the burgh and its council, under the great seal, by which, considering the necessity for nourishing and upholding the ministry and worship of God in the burgh, and particularly that of the cathedral church—the cure of which was served by the last archbishop of Glasgow, then abolished—and the maintenance of a minister to serve in place of the archbishop; and remembering his majesty's gift for that purpose on 17th November, 1641, he, with consent of the lord high treasurer and his depute, and the remanent lords of exchequer, conveyed to the burgh, its council and community, and their successors, for the maintenance of a minister to serve the cure instead of the archbishop, for the repair and upholding of the fabric of the church, and for the help and supplement of the schools and hospitals, (1) the teinds, great and small, parsonage, and vicarage of Glasgow, then lately united to the archbishopric, with the tack duties, teind duties, and others thereto belonging; (2) the teinds, as well as parsonage and vicarage, tack duties, and teind duties belonging to the spirituality of the archbishopric, and specially the teinds, parsonage and vicarage, of the churches of Drymen, Dryffisdall, Cambusnethan, and Traquair, with the tack duties and other duties payable therefor in times bypast to the archbishops, or due to them furth of the said churches and teinds; and also the bygone rents of these teinds and tack duties of all preceding years, so far as then owing, unpaid, and unuplifted. But the king reserved to himself and his successors the right of patronage and nomination of the minister to serve the cure of the cathedral church, the town council being bound to maintain him, and also to pay to the ministers of the Barony Church and the New Church in the Trongate their respective stipends out of the feu farm fermes of the temporal lands of the archbishopric, as therein specified, to the effect that the temporality of the archbishopric and the feu farms of the lands and baronies belonging to it, out of which these stipends were previously paid, might be relieved from such payment in future. By this charter it was also conditioned that whensoever the teinds aud teind duties of these churches should have increased to such an amount as not only to meet the stipends of the cathedral church, the Barony, and the New or Trongate Church, and to sustain the fabric of the cathedral, but also to pay the readers, and to aid and supply the schools and hospitals in the burgh, then the residue should be brought in for the use of the king and his successors. And the teinds, parsonage and vicarage, of Glasgow and the whole of these churches were dissolved from the archbishopric, and united and annexed to the burgh of Glasgow, to remain therewith forever for the uses and subject to the provisions of the charter as above indicated [Great Seal Register, 1634–1651, p. 917, No. 1928. Glasgow Charters, vol. I., part ii., pp. 418–423]. The Act of Exchequer and the Charter of Gift and Mortification above mentioned, with the Instrument of Sasine following on the latter, were ratified by parliament on 11th May, 1648 [Acts of Parliament, VI., ii., p. 79. Glasgow Charters, vol. I., part ii., pp. 424, 425]. James, duke of Hamilton, however, protested that his right of patronage and other rights and tacks of the subdeanery of Glasgow and of the kirks of Monkland and Cadder should not be thereby prejudiced [Acts of Parliament, VI., ii., p. 87]. The charter was rescinded by the act of parliament restoring episcopacy on 27th May, 1662 [1662, c. 3, Acts of Parliament, VII., p. 372].
The transmissions of the parsonage of Glasgow, so far as ascertained, have already been narrated [Antea, pp. dlx., dlxi.]. The prebendary of Glasgow secundo was entitled to the vicarage, and that prebend was held by John Spreull in 1547 [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1546–80, No. 153], and by Robert Herbertsoun in 1564 [Ibid., No. 2956]. When Archibald Douglas got the parsonage in 1570, Herbertson was probably still in possession of the vicarage; but before the restoration of episcopacy in 1605 the latter was at the disposal of the crown, and was granted to the archbishop along with the parsonage. Since that time the parsonage and vicarage of Glasgow have been included in the same transmissions, and since the revolution settlement have been vested in the crown.