Charters and Documents Relating To the City of Glasgow 1175-1649 Part 1. Originally published by Scottish Burgh Records Society, Glasgow, 1897.
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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page iv., add to footnote 1 the following:—In the preparation of this preface frequent reference is made to documents, abstracts of which [supplementary to the abstract printed in Part II., pp. 429–498] are given on pages 4 to 88 of this volume. The source from which each abstract is taken is mentioned; and it will be seen how far historical research is facilitated by the publications of the invaluable series of Calendars issued in England under the authority of the Master of the Rolls, and of Abstracts and Extracts from the National Records of Scotland under that of the Lord Clerk Register.
Page v., line 11, after "possessed," insert as footnote:—As the city of Glasgow owes its origin to the church, it may be proper to indicate in outline the successive stages of that church's settlement and subsequent development.
Towards the end of the fourth century, S. Ninian, a Christian missionary, who had been trained at Rome in the doctrine and discipline of the Western Church, is said to have established himself in a cell on the banks of the Mellendonor. How long he remained there is unknown, but in 397 he was settled in Galloway, and built a church at Candida Casa, or Whithorn. With the saint's departure from the Mellendonor the district is said to have relapsed into heathendom, and seems to have remained in that condition for more than a century and a half. Probably the only trace which then existed of S. Ninian having been there was the existence of a cemetery, which he was reputed to have consecrated, though no interments were made in it till the middle of the sixth century. At that time S. Kentigern, popularly known as S. Mungo—to whose birth, early history, and subsequent career reference is made in a footnote to p. lvii.—took up his residence in the district which was then called "Cathures," and, it is said, interred the remains of S. Fregus, or Fergus, in the cemetery, where afterwards "many bodies were burried in peace." After a while S. Kentigern was compelled, by the persecution of an apostate prince of the district, to seek refuge in North Wales, where he founded the church of S. Asaph, but he subsequently returned to Cathures, and there he and his followers and converts established themselves on the banks of the Mellendonor—supporting themselves by rural industry and cultivating the arts of peace, in accordance with the practice of what Burton calls the second period of the Scottish church, and also of the Columban church of Iona. The saint and his followers doubtless lived in huts constructed of wood and wattles, but their church may have been a stone structure, like some of the earliest chapels, of which remains still exist. (fn. 1) While resident there S. Kentigern is said to have been visited by S. Columba, who presented him with a crozier, which Fordun, writing in the fifteenth century, says, was then to be seen in the church of S. Wilfrid at Ripon. (fn. 2) S. Kentigern died in 603, and everything connected with the church which he founded on the banks of the Mellendonor is involved in obscurity (fn. 3) till the first quarter of the twelfth century, when David, prince and earl of Cumbria, the youngest son of Malcolm Canmore and queen Margaret, took measures to found or reconstitute the bishopric of Glasgow. With a view to this he appointed an Inquest to ascertain the early possessions of the church, and the result is set forth in the Notitia of the Inquest— the oldest extant version of which forms the first document in the Register of the Bishopric. (fn. 4) This document—the narrative of which does not claim the same authority with the verdict of the five juratores (seniores homines et sapientores totius Cumbriœ) (fn. 5)—sets forth the foundation of the church as the see of the bishop of Cumbria, by "the Household of Faith and the Magnates of the Kingdom," the king of the province co-operating in honour of God and of S. Mary—the reception by that church of S. Kentigern as bishop, and the succession to him of many bishops (fn. 6) —the outbreak of insurrections, which not only destroyed the church and its possessions, but wasted the whole country, and drove the inhabitants into exile—the invasion of the district by divers tribes of different nations, different in race and unlike in language, living under mani fold customs and clinging to heathenism—the advent, during the reign of Henry in England and of Alexander in Scotland, of prince David, who, burning with zeal for holy living, and pitying the wretchedness of the profane multitude, had chosen as bishop, John, his former teacher, who, after consecration by pope Paschal, had spread abroad the gospel throughout the Cumbrian diocese. (fn. 7) The document then sets forth that prince David, chiefly from love to God, but partly also from affection to and by the exhortation of the bishop, having caused inquiry to be made concerning the lands belonging to the church of Glasgow in each of the provinces of Cumbria which were under his rule—for he did not rule over the whole of the Cumbrian region (fn. 8)—had ascertained that the several lands therein mentioned belonged to the church at Glasgow. These lands extended from the Clyde on the north to the Solway Firth and the English March on the south, and from the western boundary of Lothian on the east to the river Urr on the west, including Teviotdale, and comprehended what afterwards formed the site of the city of Glasgow.
The building of the cathedral appears to have been begun before David succeeded to the throne on the death of his brother Alexander I. in 1124, and a gift by him, as earl, for the restoration and building is recorded [Regist. Epis. Glasg. I., p. 8, No. 2]. On the nones of July, 1136, the church, which was probably constructed chiefly of wood, was dedicated, and on that occasion David, then king, gave to it the land of Perdeyc [Ibid., I., p. 9, No. 3], which was soon afterwards erected, along with the church of Govan, into a prebend of the cathedral. In addition to the long list of possessions restored to the church on the verdict of the assize of inquest, the king granted to it the church of Renfreu [Ibid., I., p. 60, No. 66]; Govan, with its church [Ibid., I., p. 10, No. 6]; the church of Cadihou [Ibid., I., p. 11, No. 8]; the tithe of his cane or duties paid in cattle and swine throughout Stratgrif, Cuningham, Kyle, and Carrick [Ibid., I., p. 12, No. 9]; and the eighth penny of all pleas of court throughout Cumbria [Ibid., I., p. 12, No. 10]. He also consented, along with his son, prince Henry, to the acquisition by the bishop, from the bishop of St. Andrews, of the church of Lohorwort, and other churches of Lothian [Ibid., I., p. 13, No. 11]. Bishop John died on 28th May, 1147, and was succeeded by Herbert, formerly abbot of Kelso, who was consecrated by pope Eugenius III. in the same year, but died in 1164. During his episcopate the church of Glasgow received various gifts from king Malcolm (the maiden) and other benefactors, and the clergy and people of the diocese were enjoined by the pope to visit the cathedral church yearly, according to the custom of St. Andrews and other sees. A constitution of the dean and chapter was also confirmed by the pope. Bishop Herbert was succeeded by Ingelram, archdeacon of Glasgow and rector of Peebles, chancellor of the kingdom. He was consecrated by pope Alexander III. on 28th November, 1164, notwithstanding the opposition of the archbishop of York, whose pretensions to metropolitan superiority he strenuously and effectively resisted. He died on 2nd February, 1174, in the tenth year of the reign of king William, and was succeeded by Jocelin, abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Melrose, who was elected on 10th kal. June, 1174, and consecrated on 1st June, 1175. He, like his predecessor, bishop Herbert, offered strenuous opposition to the pretensions of York, and succeeded, on 30th July, 1176, in obtaining from the pope a command that the Scottish bishops should yield no obedience to the archbishop of York, though they had been compelled by Henry II. of England to swear obedience to the Anglican church [Ibid., I., p. 35, No. 38]. Jocelin was enabled still later, in 1182, to render important service to king William by obtaining from pope Lucius III. his absolution from church censure. Between 1189 and 1192 he was actively engaged in restoring his cathedral church—that of bishop John having been shortly before that time destroyed by fire—and he founded a society to collect funds for this purpose, which was sanctioned by the king and taken under the royal protection [Ibid., I., p. 66, No. 76]. The restoration must have been effected with great expedition, for on 6th July, 1197, the church was dedicated, and less than two years afterwards, viz., on 17th March, 1199, he died in the abbey of Melrose. To this bishop king William, between 1175 and 1178, granted the privilege of having a burgh, and, in the exercise of that privilege, he established the burghal community of Glasgow, which, passing, during upwards of seven hundred years, through its various stages of burgh of barony, burgh of regality, city, and royal burgh, has received its latest accession of dignity from Queen Victoria in its constitution as a county of a city.
Page v., add to footnote 2, the following:—Though the charter empowering the bishop to form the burgh was not granted before 1175, there is little room for doubt that a town or village, inhabited by craftsmen and fishermen, existed earlier. Local historians have represented that the site of the first market cross of the burgh was where the High Street, Rottenrow, and Drygate intersected each other, but there does not seem to be any authority for this conjecture. Ecclesiastics connected with the cathedral had their residences in these localities, but there is no evidence that markets were held or trade and merchandise were carried on there till after the Reformation. The lower ground nearer the river was more suitable for these purposes, and it seems probable that the trading portion of the community—i.e., those who obtained burghal privileges in the twelfth century—erected the original market cross at the foot of the High Street, the site which it has occupied as far back as its history can be traced in authentic documents. The primitive dwellings and booths appear to have diverged from that point, forming the four streets which led northward to the cathedral, Garngadhill, and Easter Common; southward to the Clyde, eastward to the Gallowmuir, and westward to the old Green and various crofts. On the north side of the last-mentioned street, at a short distance from the cross, stood a chapel dedicated to "Our Lady," the existence of which can be traced as far back as the year 1293 [Glasg. Charters, part ii., p. 20]. Twenty-seven years later, viz., in 1320, reference is made to a chapel called the chapel of St. Thomas as existing in the same thoroughfare [Preface to Liber Collegii Nostre Domine, etc., p. xxxiii.]. The westward street, branching northward along Cow Lone (the modern Queen Street), would also be used as the route to the Wester Common.
—add to footnote 3, the following:—In consequence probably of the protection afforded to those who frequented the fair of Glasgow, it seems to have been fixed upon as the place at which periodical payments were to be made. A charter, dated 2nd March, 1238, by Maldowen, third earl of Lennox, to William Galbraith, of certain lands, stipulated for the payment annually to the earl and his heirs of half a merk of silver, "infra nundinas de Glasgw" [Cart. Com. de Lennox (Maitland Club), p. 30, Pref. p. xi.]. Similar payments were appointed to be made at that fair in a charter granted in 1394 by Duncan, earl of Lennox, to Walter Buchanan of the lands of Ladlawn, and in another charter by earl Duncan to John de Hamilton of the lands of Buthernok [Ibid, p. 72; see pages 80, 84, 85, 86]. See also footnote 4, p. xxiii.
Page ix., line 20, after "ship" read as a footnote:—In virtue of these charters of William the Lion, Glasgow became what has been called a free burgh; but it is a mistake to suppose, as has been sometimes done, that it was thereby erected into a royal burgh— a mistake which must have arisen from inattention to what, at least in that age, constituted the main criterion of a burgh royal, the tenure of burghal property, by its possessors, immediately under the crown. Glasgow, on the contrary, was then what at a later period was denominated a burgh of barony; it afterwards was erected into a burgh of regality; but in this, as in analagous cases, there was an interposed or mid superior between the crown and the burgesses, and their rents or mails (census burgales), whatever they may have been, were due, not to the crown, but to the bishop.
Another discriminating mark has to be noticed. In the erection of a burgh royal, properly so called, a certain extent of surrounding country was usually assigned, within which the burgesses were to enjoy exclusive privileges of trade and certain rights to tolls and customs; but in the charters granted to the bishops of Glasgow, as in other similar cases, the right of holding fairs and markets, and of exacting tolls or petty customs, did not extend beyond the narrowest limits of the market or fair, and did not of itself exclude or do away with any existing right which might have been vested in the contiguous burghs royal. In this respect, Glasgow was then pressed on both sides by the burghs of Rutherglen and Renfrew. The rights of the former, in the exaction of tolls and customs, would appear to have been, from local position, more peculiarly distressing to the burgesses of Glasgow, and it required the express authority of a royal grant merely to transfer the place of collection beyond the more immediate boundaries of the town. In 1226, accordingly, Walter, bishop of Glasgow, obtained the charter in 1226 [referred to on p. xi.] limiting the area within which Rutherglen was to levy tolls [Municipal Corporations Report, II., p. 3].
Page x., line 15, after "do" read as footnote:—It appears from the Diocesan Registers of Glasgow that in the sixteenth century the lands of Shettleston were in the possession of several rentallers. That portion of them on which the ancient cross stood was probably what was known as the two merk land of Towcorse, now called Tollcross, about three miles east of the city of Glasgow. By a charter dated 6th May, 1580, archbishop Boyd granted to Gabriel Corbart of Hardgray several lands in feu, including the two merk lands of Towcorse, then occupied by Corbart and his sub-tenants; and this grant was, on 31st October, 1582, confirmed by a charter under the great seal [Reg. Mag. Sig., 1580–1592, V., No. 451]. Remaining with the Corbart or Corbett family till the end of last century, Tollcross was then sold to James Dunlop of Garnkirk, from whose descendants a large portion of it has been recently acquired by the Corporation of Glasgow for a public park. A portion of the lands still called Shettleston was also included in the purchase.
—add to footnote 6 the following:—King Alexander II. appears to have been in Glasgow with his court in 1225. On 9th May of that year he granted a charter there, by which he confirmed a donation which Robert of London, the king's brother, had made to Saint Kentigern and the church of Glasgow of one stone of wax for light [Reg. Epis. Glasg. I., p. 115, No. 137].
Page xiii., between lines 5 and 6, insert the following:—By a charter dated 12th September, 1241, King Alexander II. granted to bishop William and his successors the lands around Glasgow, viz., those of Conclud, Schedinistun, Ballayn, Badermonoc, Possele and Kenmore, Garvach, Neutun, Leys, Ramnishoren, and those of the burgh, in free forestry, and he prohibited every one who did not obtain the bishop's leave from cutting trees or hunting on these lands under the king's full forfeiture of ten pounds [Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 147, No. 180].
—line 23, after "use" insert the following:—During the reign of Alexander II. the comrades of Thomas, the bastard of Allan the great of Galloway, plundered the burgesses of Glasgow, and put many to death [The Book of Pluscarden, II., p. 51].
—add to footnote 2 the following:—The Friars Preachers or Blackfriars were settled in Glasgow as early at least as 1246. As to them and their order see Dr. Joseph Robertson's Preface to the Mun. Frat. Predicat. de Glasgu (Maitland Club), p. xxxv., et seq. Also antea, pp. xix. and lxxxvi.
Page xiv., line 18, after "displeasure" insert as footnote:—The earliest reference to the castle of Glasgow occurs in a document dated at Glasgow in 1258 [Hamilton of Wishaw's descripton of the Sheriffdoms of Lanark and Renfrew, p. 175. Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 166]. A year or two later (c. 1260–8) a garden in connection with the bishop's residence is mentioned [Reg. Epis. Glasg., p. 177]. Another reference to the castle is made in 1290 [Ibid., p. 198].
Page xv., line 8, after "bishop," insert as a footnote:—Bishop Wischard was appointed one of the six guardians of Scotland on the death of Alexander III. [Fordun, II., p. 305]. In further reference to his distinguished services to his country see antea, pp. xx.-xxi.
On 17th August, 1277, Maurice, lord of Luss, in consideration of a certain sum of money, executed a charter by which he granted to God and the blessed St. Mungo and the Church of Glasgow the right of cutting and preparing out of any parts of his woods of Luss whatever should be necessary for the woodwork of the stable and treasury which the chapter of the cathedral of Glasgow, in consequence of its growing wealth and importance, was then in the course of erecting, with free access thereto and egress therefrom, and liberty of pasturage for the horses, oxen, and other animals which should be employed in carrying the wood required [Regist. Epis. Glasg., I., p. 191]. In that age, says Sir W. Fraser, privileges of this description were generally granted gratuitously to the church by the proprietors of the soil from their devotion or their fears; but on the part of this Celtic laird it was a purely mercantile transaction. In granting this privilege he does not even affect to have been governed by a higher motive than the reception of its value in money; though, in conformity with the language of the time, the charter is said to be granted "to God and the blessed St. Mungo and the Church of Glasgow" [The Chiefs of Colquhoun and their Country, I., p. 17].
Page xviii., between footnotes 1 and 2, insert:—Upon the death of Alexander III. ensued the evils of the disputed succession, the deadly civil war, the intervention of Edward, and the attempt to make Scotland a province of England. The violence and oppression of that attempt, among other and more temporary evils, produced the long enduring mutual hatred between two countries united by nature. It was, perhaps, hardly to be expected that under any rulers such nations—the one rich and powerful, the other poor and thinly peopled—should live in perfect peace and amity, content with the Tweed and an ideal line through the border hills as their boundary. But the deadly hatred of the Scots, the hatred and contempt of the English, were Edward's doing, and they put a stop to all beneficial commerce between the two countries for centuries [Professor Innes' Preface to the Halyburton Ledger, pp. lii., liii.].
Page xix., line 11, after "Preachers" insert before footnote 2:—Entries appear in the wardrobe accounts of King Edward I. of payments made in August, 1301, for timber cut in the wood of Glasgow for the king's engine; on 29th August for waggons hired for the carrying of the engine to Bothwell; in September for twigs collected for hurdles; and for watching between 28th September and 11th October [Bain's Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, IV., p. 452].
In his metrical romance of "Wallace," written in the fifteenth century, Blind Harry gives a detailed account of a fierce fight between Wallace and the English in the streets of Glasgow about 1300; and in their histories, Andrew Brown in 1795, and Andrew Denholm in 1804, repeat the story as a fact. It is also referred to as such by Dr. Cleland in his "Annals of the Town" [pp. 2, 3], and occupies a conspicuous place in some of the other histories of the town under the name of the battle of the Bell of the Brae. But Mr. Pagan, in his "Sketches of Glasgow" (1847), explodes it. The circumstances described, he says, "are altogether irreconcilable with existing records of unquestionable authority; and the silence of all history on the event compels us to reject the affair as a fable, like nine-tenths of Blind Harry's work" [p. 6]. Nevertheless Mr. Robert Reid (Senex), in view of the whole incidents and the circumstantial manner in which various points are narrated by different authors, "considers it probable that a skirmish between Wallace and the English did really take place at the Bell of the Brae about the year 1300, and that Wallace succeeded in expelling the English garrison from Glasgow" [Old Glasgow, pp. 70–72]. In his "Glasgow Ancient and Modern" Dr. Gordon remarks that neither the English historian, Holinsheid, nor our own historians, Buchanan, Lindsay, or Robertson, have said a word on the subject of this so-called Battle o' the Brae. At the same time, while regarding Brown's statement as to the number of the English garrison as a "gross exaggeration," he, on the grounds stated by Reid, concurs in his view [I., pp. 53–56]. Mr. Pagan's opinion will, it is believed, be generally accepted.
Page xx., between lines 9 and 10, insert:—In 1305 Sir William Wallace was captured in Glasgow by Sir John Menteith, a Scottish baron. The information which led to the discovery of his retreat is said to have been supplied by his man John Short. Wallace was seized in bed by night, and delivered over to king Edward. Menteith was an officer of the English monarch and governor of Dumbarton Castle at the time, so that, in obeying Edward's order, he was apparently only performing his duty. Nevertheless his action has exposed him to the execration of his countrymen. Sir Francis Palgrave has preserved a jotting, probably from some treasury scrolls, of forty merks having been paid to the valet who spied out Wallace, and sixty merks to be divided among his other captors. A hundred pounds were paid to Menteith. Whether the valet thus referred to was John Short does not appear. The captive was taken to London, through which he was carried on the 22nd of August, and secured in the house of William de Leyre, a citizen in Farringdon. He was arraigned of treason in Westminster Hall, and after indignantly repudiating the charge, on the ground that he had never sworn fealty to Edward, he was condemned to death, and executed at Smithfield on 23rd August [Wyntoun's Chronicle, II., p. 370. B, VIII., c. xx., 2965–2970. The Book of Pluscarden, II., pp. 175, 176. Chronicles of Old London, by Riley, pp. 222-247. Memorials of London and London Life, by Riley, p. 46. Tytler, I., pp. 200, 201. Burton, II., pp. 226, 227]. The sentence appointed his head to be fixed to London Bridge, and his quarters to be sent to the towns of Berwick, Newcastle, Stirling, and Perth. Fifteen shillings were paid to John de Segrave for carrying his body "ad partes Scotiæ" [Documents Illustrative of the History of Scotland, 1286–1306, II., p. 485]. On 16th April, 1306–7, Sir John Waleis, brother of William Waleis, was hanged and beheaded; and in the same year two brothers of Robert Bruce were taken in Scotland and hanged [Chronicles of London (Riley), p. 248].
Page xxii., line 7, after "bishop," insert as footnote, the following:—In August, 1322, Edward II. again invaded Scotland, but the Scots remained north of the Forth, and left famine to do its work on the invaders while they were still in the Lothians. The result was that the English army was utterly ruined, and broken and starving had to hurry home, followed by the Scots, who harassed them in every way. In the following year a truce for thirteen years was concluded. But two years afterwards, queen Isabella, Edward's wife, supported by her paramour, Mortimer, and accompanied by her son, prince Edward, afterwards Edward III., made common cause with her husband's enemies. The king, thereupon, fled, but was taken prisoner in Glamorganshire, and was compelled formally to resign the crown in favour of his son. He was afterwards murdered in Berkeley Castle on 21st September, 1327.
On the accession of Edward III. he offered to renew the truce of 1323, but the offer so made was not to Bruce as king Robert, but to Robert Bruce and his adherents. This and other indignities irritated the Scots, who learned that in 1324 Edward Baliol, the son of the quondam king of Scotland, had been brought over to England as an illustrious person. The Scots thereupon determined to terminate the truce by invading England, and Edward made great preparations for the invasion of Scotland. The Scottish expedition was commanded by Douglas and Randolph, and they swept the northern districts of England, plundering and burning. Froissart gives a description of this force and its characteristics [Chronicles of England, France, &c., chap. xv.]. The English army tried in vain to meet the invaders, who, after doing their work of spoilation, returned to Scotland, and Edward's army had to be dispersed. On the return of the Scots they organised another expedition to the eastern counties of England, and began the siege of Norham, when a truce with England was adjusted, and afterwards, at a Parliament held at York in 1328, Edward granted a document acknowledging the independent sovereignty of Scotland, and the right of Robert and his heirs and successors to be its kings [Scotichronicon, XIII., p. 12. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I., p. 126]. A treaty following on this document was concluded at Edinburgh on 17th March, 1328, and was ratified by the English parliament at Northampton in April. It was in consequence called the treaty of Northampton [Burton, II., pp. 303–305].
On 13th June, 1324, king Robert I. appears to have been in Glasgow, for by a public act which bears to have been executed by him there he granted privileges to the inhabitants of Galloway [Acts of Parliament, I., p. 482].
Page xxiii., line 13, after "1335" insert as a footnote:—In July, 1335, Edward III. of England, accompanied by Edward Baliol, who, on 18th June of the previous year, had done homage and sworn fealty for the whole kingdom of Scotland, passed through Glasgow with his army on his destructive progress through Scotland.
—between footnotes 4 and 5, insert the following:—From the English chroniclers, Knighton and Le Baker, says Creighton, we learn that the black death in the autumn of 1349 extended from the northern counties of England to the Scots army in the forest of Selkirk [History of Epidemics in Britain, I., p. 233], and Lord Hailes states that the great pestilence which had long desolated the continent reached Scotland. The historians of all countries, he adds, speak with horror of this pestilence. It took a wider range, and proved more destructive than any calamity of that nature known in the annals of human kind [Hailes' Annals of Scotland, II., pp. 270–332]. It again broke out with redoubled violence in 1361, and continued its ravages throughout the year [Ibid., II., pp. 302–335].
—line 18, after "burgh" insert:—But three charters granted by him—one on 20th September, 1382, in favour of Malcolm Fleming, and two on 21st September, 1384, to Sir William Douglas—bear to have been dated at Glasgow, and the two last in presence of the privy council. This is not conclusive, however, as to the king having been in Glasgow on these dates, but, as has been noticed, he held a council there on the latter date [Great Seal Register, folio edition, 1306–1424, p. 165, No. 24; p. 169, No. 2; p. 173, No. 20. Acts of Parliament, I., p. 565].
—line 12 of second column of footnote, after "court," insert:—On 24th May, 1491, the lord treasurer's account contains an entry of 10s., paid to Gybbe Browne for riding to Paisley for James Leyche to Andrew Wod [I., p. 177, pref. cclxxxi.].
—line 14 of second column of footnote, after "Aberdeen," insert:—[X., p. 65];
quoted also in Dr. Dickson's Preface to the Lord Treasurer's Accounts, I., p. cclxxxi. James
IV., (1488–1513), was, according to Pitscottie, "weill learned in the art of medicine, and was
ane singular gud chirurgiane; and their was none of that profession, if they had any dangerous
cure in hand, but would have craved his advyse" [Chronicles of Scotland (Edinburgh edition,
1814), p. 249]. "From this it appears," says Dr. John Gairdner, "that James had physicians
about him—an inference which is confirmed by a passage in a poem by Dunbar, addressed to
the same king, in which the following words occur:—
Sir, ye have mony servitours
And officers of divers cures:
Kirkmen, courtmen, craftsmen fine,
Doctors in Jura and Medicine."
The doctors must have received their honours abroad, for, says Dr. Gairdner, I can discover no clear evidence that degrees in medicine were then conferred in Scotland, and if any there were, they must have been exceedingly few indeed [Sketch of the Early History of the Medical Profession in Edinburgh, pp. 15, 16]. There are many indications that our Scotch physicians were in little repute among us for more than a century after James IV. Foreign physicians were generally preferred. John Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrews, a man allied by blood to the royal family of Scotland, engaged in his service in 1547 a young French physician, whose name was Cassanate, and five years later, his health being still very bad, brought from Italy, at the suggestion of Cassanate, the celebrated Cardan, whose name is now better known in algebra than in medicine, but who seems to have effected his cure. Few Scotchmen could then have afforded the expense; but Hamilton was wealthy, and was also politically the most powerful man in Scotland. During the few weeks of his stay amongst us, Cardan was consulted by many distinguished Scotchmen. I find that about the same time (20th March, 1547) a letter was addressed by the Scotch regent to Edward VI. of England, requesting letters of safe-conduct in favour of Archibald Betoun (not improbably a relative of the cardinal who had been murdered the year before) to enable him to travel through England to France "for counsel and help of medecinars" [Thorpe's Collection of State Papers relating to Scotland, p. 62]. Queen Mary had a French physician, according to what appears to have been the usage of the day among those who could afford one [Froude's History of England, VIII., p. 251]. But in the reign of James VI. both the physicians and the surgeons of the court were natives of Scotland [Gairdner, ut sup.].
Page xxvii., after line 14, insert:—In the reign of James I. one John Hardyng was sent
to Scotland by Henry V. and Henry VI. of England to obtain certain deeds which were
supposed to confirm the claims of England to superiority over that country. In his chronicle
he described the several places visited by him, and thus refers to Glasgow—
"Next than from Ayre unto Glasgow go,
A goodly cytee and universitee,
Where plentifull is the countree also,
Replenished well with all commoditee."
—[Hume Brown's Early Travellers in Scotland, p. 23.]
Page xxviii., add to footnote 1 the following:—As to market cross, see antea, p. dxxiv. Bishop Cameron seems to have been the first to regard the palace of Glasgow as a fortress. He added to it the great tower which afterwards bore his name. It is probable that this important work was not carried out until after 1437 or 1438, after the death of James I., when the bishop retired from the chancellorship of the kingdom. This is the tower which was almost the last portion of the castle to be removed at the final demolition nearly a century ago. It stood to the south-west of the main body of the structure, and was a quadrangular erection of five storeys in height, with embattled walls and crow-stepped gables, being in style quite in keeping with the castle itself [Transactions of the Glasgow Archaelogical Society, I., p. 231].
Page xxxii., add to footnote 2 the following:—The effects of the establishment of the college, says Gibson (writing in 1777), were very soon obvious in Glasgow; the increase of inhabitants was great, nor could it be otherwise. The various mechanics and servants that would be necessary to attend the number of professors and students must have been considerable; the High Street, from the convent of the Blackfriars, to which the Cross is near placed, were very soon filled up; the ancient road which led from the Common being too distant for the conveniency of the new inhabitants, the Gallowgate Street was begun to be built; and soon after this time the Collegiate Church of the blessed Mary (now the Tron Church) being founded by the citizens, occasioned the Trongate Street to be carried as far to the westward as the situation of this church. The rest of the city, in its increase, tended gradually towards the bridge, by the building of Saltmarket Street [Gibson, pp. 76, 77]. As to original streets, see antea, p. dxxiv.
On 6th March, 1457, an act of the parliament of James II. was passed for the reformation of hospitals founded by the king; and the ordinary of the diocese of Glasgow, the laird of Eliotstone, and the archdean of Glasgow, were appointed to visit the hospitals within the diocese and cause the foundations to be kept, when these could be found, and when the foundations could not be found, to take an inquisition of the country, and refer to the king for remeid. This act was ordered to be carried into execution previous to the following Martinmas [1457, c. 12, Acts of Parliament, II., p. 49].
—add to footnote 1:—This charter was confirmed by another, of date 30th October, 1628, granted by archbishop Law, with consent of the dean and chapter [Original in the Archives of the University. Abstract of Charters, part ii., p. 471, No. 187].
Page xxxv., line 3, after "1473" insert as footnote:—Keith states that bishop Muirhead, who held the bishopric between 1454 and 1473, founded the vicar's choir in the cathedral, and that on the roof of the north side of the nave the bishop's coat of arms with the mitre was still to be seen. It is to be observed, however, that in 1293, reference is made to a "vicar of the choir" [Glasgow Charters, part ii., p. 20], and bishop Cameron, who held office between 1425 and 1440, arranged for a mass being said by the vicars of the choir [Archbishop Eyre—Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, I., p. 479]. He also founded near to the palace an hospital, which he dedicated to St. Nicholas, and on the front of it also, over the door, are the bishop's arms [Scottish Bishops, pp. 252–253. See also antea, p. xlvi.-xlviii.].
Page xxxvi., between lines 11 and 12, insert:—King James III. ratified an act and decree of the privy council, ordaining all ships, strangers, and others to come to free burghs only, such as Dumbarton, Glasgow, Ayr, Irvine, Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Renfrew, and there make merchandise, and to bring no fish except such as were salted and barrelled, and no other merchandise save at free burghs—paying their dues, and taking their cockets thereon [Hamilton's Lanark and Renfrew (New Club Series), pp. 188, 189].
Page xlii., line 1, after "suffragans" insert as footnote:—The bishop of Galloway, as chief suffragan, was appointed vicar-general of the episcopal see during the vacancy [Theiner, Documenta, p. 505, No. 889].
Page xliii., between lines 13 and 14, insert:—On 17th October, 1488, parliament passed an act for' "stanching thift, reff, and utheris enormoties," and various lords made oath to enforce it within their bounds.
The earl of Lennox, Lord Lile, and Matthew Stewart were empowered to apprehend and punish criminals in Glasgow and other places therein specified, during the minority of the king [Acts of Parliament (1488, c. 9), II., p. 208].
In the accounts of the lord high treasurer, under date 3rd October, 1488, is the following entry:—" For three elne and d. (one half) of varyande tartar to be standart to the king when he raide to the mure of Glascow, price of the elne xviijs; summa iiij to iijs" [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 114]. This "tartar" was a rich silk brought from China, through Tartary, but probably afterwards imitated by the silk weavers of France and Italy [Dr. Dickson's Glossary to the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurers of Scotland, I., p. 441]. At the same time "xviijs" are entered as paid to the king in Glasgow. The king was then preparing to besiege the castle of Dumbarton, held against him by the sons of John, lord Darnley, who, with their father—to whom had been committed the custody of Dumbarton Castle and the entire government of Dumbartonshire and other districts till the king should attain majority—had become involved in a treasonable attempt to overthrow the government [Fraser's Chiefs of Colquhoun, II., p. 24].
King James IV. was in Glasgow in March, 1488–9, on his way from Ayr to Edinburgh [Lord Treasurer's Accounts, Preface by Dr. Dickson, pp. lxxxvii., 106]. He was again in Glasgow on 18th July, 1489, riding from Linlithgow [Ibid., pp. xci., 116], and subsequently in October of the same year, when he seems to have remained for some weeks [Ibid., I., pp. 122, 123].
In the decade between 1490 and 1500, the long interval between the Roman world and modern Europe known as the middle ages was closed, and a series of memorable events occurred. The conquest of Granada made Spain a christian kingdom; the annexation of Brittany to France made the latter an absolute monarchy; the invasion of Naples by Charles VIII. communicated the art and manners of Italy to the nations beyond the Alps; and the discovery of Columbus and Vasco da Gama opened up a new world [Hallam's Literature of Modern Europe, part i., c. 3].
This exclusiveness on the part of the church in regard to teaching had its counterpart in the exclusiveness of the merchant burgess in regard to trade [See Professor Cosmo Innes in Preface to the Hallyburton Ledger, p. 1].
Page xlv., after line 22, insert:—King James IV. was again in Glasgow on 15th May, 1494, on his way to the Isles [Lord High Treasurer's Accounts, Preface pp. cxv., 237]; in 1495, when purchases were made for him [Ibid., pp. cxx., 226, 227]; in 1497, on his way from Whithorn to Stirling, when various payments made there for him are noted [Ibid., pp. clxi., 356, 357], and on 22nd February, 1497–8, on his way to Duchal [Ibid., pp. clxiv., 378].
Page xlviii., between lines 3 and 4, insert:—On 25th January, 1501–2, a marriage treaty was concluded at Richmond Palace between commissioners of Henry VII. of England and those of James IV. of Scotland, under which James engaged to marry the Princess Margaret of England, the eldest daughter of Henry. She had entered upon her thirteenth year in the previous November, and it was stipulated that she should go to Scotland not later than 1st September, 1503—James undertaking to solemnize his marriage with her within fifteen days after her arrival [Bain's Calendar, IV., p. 366, No. 1680. See Contract of Marriage between the Earl of Bothwell as procurator for King James and by the Princess Margaret. Edinburgh Records (B. R. S.), I., p. 93]. On 10th December James, at the request of the envoys of Henry, swore, on the sacraments in the cathedral of Glasgow, near the right hand of the high altar, to observe the treaties of peace and marriage thus concluded. This was done in the presence of archbishop Blacader [Rymer's Fœdera, XIII., p. 43. Bain's Calendar, IV., p. 399]. In fulfilment of this engagement, which was approved and confirmed by the pope, the young bride, then in her fourteenth year, proceeded to Scotland with a splendid retinue, and was met at Newbattle by the king, who conducted her to Edinburgh, which she entered on 7th August, 1503. The marriage ceremony was performed by the archbishop of St. Andrews in the abbey church of Holyrood on 8th August [Leland's Collectanea, IV., pp. 287–300. Tytler, IV., pp. 26–32]. From this marriage James VI., the great grandson of the king, was descended, and, as in right of his great grandmother, ascended the throne of England one hundred and one years afterwards [Burton, III., p. 56].
On 28th August, 1504, archbishop Blacader being about to proceed to Rome obtained from the king a special license, and a respite and protection to his tenants [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., pp. 41*, 42*].
Page xlviii., after line 17, insert:—On 19th June, 1508, Mr. Martin Rede, chancellor of Glasgow, who claimed, in virtue of his office, to be master of the grammar-schools of the burgh, presented Mr. John Rede to them, whereupon Sir John Stewart of Mynto, knight, then provost of the city, and others protested, and claimed for the magistrates and community the right to admit Mr. John and the other masters of the schools. Upon this protest both parties referred themselves to the foundation and letters of Mr. Simon Dalgleish [see p. xxxv., Diocesan Register of Glasgow, vol. I., p. 427; vol. II., p. 267].
—add to footnote 1:—The chapel and cemetery of St. Roche were conveyed by the magistrates and council to Adam Wallace and his spouse in 1569, under reservation of right of burial. See Appendix No. III.
Page I., after line 5, insert:—On 20th August, 1509, the family of Lennox, so long identified with the affairs of Glasgow, appear to have acquired their first residence in the city —in the stable green near the cathedral—by purchase from Mr. Adam Colquhoun, rector of Govan. The purchaser was Mathew Stewart, second earl of Lennox, who was provost of Glasgow in 1510. It was in all probability this nobleman who, as provost, led the citizens to the field of Flodden,—not Sir John Stewart of Mynto, who appears to have died a year before the battle, though historians of the city have represented him as having perished in the engagement. In this Stable Green mansion, earl Mathew's widow—the lady Elizabeth Hamilton, sister of the first earl of Arran, and granddaughter of James II., resided three months after her husband's death at Flodden. And in the same dwelling her unhappy descendant, Henry Darnley, the king consort, resided with his father during his recovery from his illness. Here, too, Queen Mary visited him not long before his murder in the Kirk of Field. The house called Darnley's cottage, which recently stood in the open space to the south of the ancient site of the episcopal palace, was a modern building [Diocesan Registers of Glasgow, Preface I., pp. 18, 19]. In consequence of the forfeiture of the estates of Mathew, earl of Lennox, in 1545, the property reverted to the crown, and was bestowed on John Hammyltoune of Neilisland in 1550 [Glasgow Protocols, I., No. 55], and on John Stuart, commendator of Coldingham in 1556 [Ibid., II., No. 299]. With the rescinding of the forfeiture in 1564, it is probable that the mansion was restored to the earl [Dr. Murray's Rottenrow of Glasgow (Regality Club), 3rd series, part ii., pp. 57, 58].
Page li., line 1, after "kingdom" insert as a footnote:—Sir William Fraser declares that the account of the "escape" given by Lindsay of Pitscottie, and accepted by Pinkerton, Tytler, and other modern historians, owes more for its reception to its romantic detail than to its veracity. In marked contrast to these florid accounts "is the simple statement of bishop Lesley, a historian much more trustworthy." "The simplicity of Lesley's narrative," he adds, "recommends its acceptance, all the more that what King James himself says on the subject confirms it" [See Lindsay, pp. 217–220. Lesley, p. 140. State Papers, Henry VIII., IV., pp. 548–557. The Douglas Book, II., pp. 234–237].
Page lvi., between lines 19 and 20, insert:—During the minority of James V., and the regency of Albany, a powerful faction, headed by the earls of Arran, Lennox, and Glencairn, and including John Mure of Caldwell and others, sought to drive the regent out of office. Mure, accordingly, attacked, and on 20th February, 1515, took possession of the castle of Glasgow, which he occupied for some time in name of Arran. The regent, however, marched to the city with a strong body of troops, and recovered the castle. On 8th August £15 15s. were paid for bringing from Glasgow to Edinburgh two whole guns and one broken one [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 260*]; and on 14th September £13 18s. 8d. were paid to a carter and his assistants for going to Glasgow with fifteen "cartill makand sixty horses" for two canons, and for powder and artillery [Ibid., I., part ii., p. 261.* See also entries of dates 27th October and 4th February, 1515–6 [Ibid., p. 262*]. The archbishop afterwards raised an action, before the lords of council, against Mure for "wrongous and violent ejection," and for restoration or payment of the value of various articles of furniture and other goods which he had removed, and for injury done to the building; and in March, 1517, the lords granted decree in favour of the archbishop, and ordained letters to be issued to distrain Mure, his lands and goods, therefor. [M'Ure's History of Glasgow, pp. 25, 26. Caldwell Papers, part i., pp. 54–58, which gives full details. Trans. Glasg. Archæolog. Society, I., pp. 233, 234]. In the latter year John, earl of Lennox, a brother-in-law of Mure, again besieged the castle, but it was relieved by the regent, who visited with his displeasure a French gunner who had been the leading spirit in its defence against the royal troops [Buchanan's History of Soctland (1821 edition), II., p. 382, quoted in Glasg. Archæolog. Socy. Transactions (N. S.), I., p. 236]. Mr. Macgregor, referring to this fact, observes that "it is highly probable that in the interval between these two sieges the archbishop had subjected the building to extensive repairs," for it appears from the decree of the lords of council, above referred to, that the castle "had been broken down with artillery, and that he had been awarded the sum of ijc merks for the scaithe thus sustainit" [Ibid.]. On 31st October, in the same year also, Thomas Hunter obtained remission, with consent of the governor and the ratification of the three estates, for art and part besieging and taking the castle, breaking and taking the king's artillery and warlike stores therein and for treasonable convocation of the lieges "in feir of weir" against the castle and town of Glasgow, and the lord governor representing the person and authority of the king" [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 234*].
Page lvii., between lines 8 and 9, insert:—In his History of Greater Britain, published in 1521, John Major or Mair, principal regent of the college of Glasgow from 1518 to 1523, refers to the city as "the seat of an archbishop, and of a university poorly endowed, and not rich in scholars. This notwithstanding, the church possesses prebends many and fat; and in Scotland such revenues are enjoyed in absentia just as they would be in prœsentia—a custom which I hold to be destitute at once of justice and common sense" [Scottish History Society (edition 1892), p. 28]. He adds, "the blessed Kentigern rests in Glasgow. In honour of him was founded the church of Glasgow, second to no church in Scotland for its beauty, the multitude of its canons, and the wealth of its endowments. Not long time thereafter the chapter of Glasgow had gained so great a fame for wise and weighty counsel that men of renown among the Westerns were ready in a doubtful suit to place the whole decision of the same in its hands" [Ibid., p. 86].
Page lvii., between lines 12 and 13, insert:—An entry in the lord treasurer's accounts, of date 10th June, 1523, seems to indicate that the earl of Lennox was making preparations for another attack on the castle of Glasgow. It sets forth that an order had been given to Albany Herald to charge him "to cease fra all gadering and assegeing of the palaice of Glasgow" [Pitcairn, I., part ii., p. 269*].
Page lx., line 1, after "church" insert as a footnote:—The erection and endowment of this church was contemplated as early at least as 1523 [Liber Col. N. Domini, pp. 79, 80, 83]. The first deed of erection was executed in the year 1528 [Ibid., pp. 50, 51]; and in the following year the community of Glasgow endowed it with a portion of their lands in the Gallowmuir [pp. 131, 132]. As to subsequent benefactions, see Dr. Joseph Robertson's Preface to the Liber Collegii N. Domine, p. xii.
No memorial either of the form or size of the church has been preserved. We know only that it was surrounded by a burying ground, and that on the west of it stood the Song School. For more than a quarter of a century after the Reformation the church lay waste; but about the year 1592 it began to be frequented as a place of worship [Ibid., p. xxxiii].
Page lxii., line 30, after "regality" insert:—The connection thus formed may have been that alluded to in a letter by Mathew, fourth earl of Lennox to his brother, Sir John Stewart, captain of the Scots guard in France, and afterwards lord Aubigny, dated 15th August, circa 1535, in which, referring to the freedom and privileges of the kirk of Glasgow, he reminds him that the house of Lennox were both servants to St. Mungo and bound to defend the interests of that kirk.
In 1527 Hector Boece thus refers to Glasgow:—"The principal town of Clydesdail is Glasgow, the archebischoppis seat; quhair ane nobill kirk is doteit richlie in the honour of Saint Mungow, and biggit with grit magnificence. In Glasgow is ane general universitie [gymnasiam publicam] and study of all liberal science" [The Bounds of Albion: Scotland before 1700, by Hume Brown, p. 80].
In the same year Jeremiah Russell and John Kennedy were burned in Glasgow for adhering to the principles of the Reformation. Gavin Dunbar, archbishop of Glasgow, and the bishops of Dunkeld, Brechin, and Dunblane, were present at the trial, and agreed to the sentence, which was read in the Metropolitan church on the last day of February [Wodrow Collections (Maitland Club), I., p. 72].
Page lxii., insert as footnote 6 before "In virtue":—Robert Lord Maxwell also was appointed bailie and justice-general over the lands, baronies, and regalities of the abbeys of Dundrennan, Tungland, Sweetheart, Holywood, the provostry of Lincluden, and the preceptory of Trailtrow [Book of Caerlaverock, by Sir William Fraser, I., p. 175].
Page lxv., add to footnote 1 after "Hammermen":—In the accounts of the lord high treasurer from 1515 to 1542, the following entry occurs under date 18th September, 1532, "for a lute with the case and a dozen of strings bought in Glasgow, and sent with Troilus to the king's grace in Inveraray, xls." [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, I., part ii., p. 278.* Scotland before 1700 by P. Hume Brown, p. 37].
Page lxvii., between lines 10 and 11, insert:—On 8th October, 1541, the laird of Bishopton and others were dilated of convocation of the lieges and invasion of Andrew Hamilton, provost of Glasgow, for his slaughter and other crimes specified in the letters [Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. I., part ii., p. 361*].
— after "through" in the last line insert:—On hearing of the negotiations with Henry, the king of France in 1543 sent over to Scotland the earl of Lennox, who had been brought up with him, to induce the governor and estates to adhere to the old alliance with France, and not to enter into engagements with England which would be prejudicial to it. Finding, however, that his representations were not successful, he claimed for himself the office of governor and tutor to the infant queen, as being the second nearest heir to the crown, and afterwards raised forces to oppose Arran [Leslie, pp. 173, 174]. In pursuance of this change of policy, and with a view, doubtless, to ingratiate himself with England, Lennox proceeded to Dumbarton castle, of which he was governor, to meet five ships from France, containing fifty thousand crowns of the sun in gold which had been sent by the king to the governor for the defence of Scotland. That sum having been paid to him, under the belief that he represented the interests of the governor, he appropriated it [Lesley, p. 175. Burton, III., p. 220]. An arrangement between them was, however, subsequently effected, but within a few days was broken by Lennox, who proceeded "with men and all kinds of munition" to Glasgow, where he was joined by the earl of Glencairn and a number of barons and gentlemen of the Lennox. Arran, aided by Lord Boyd, collected a force and immediately followed, and the supporters of Lennox, including, says Leslie, "the haill burgesses, communitie, and abill kirkmen of the citie," took up a position on the muir of Glasgow, about a mile to the east of the city, to oppose the approaching forces of the governor. There the two parties met, and after a fierce struggle, the supporters of Lennox gave way, with heavy loss. Among the badly wounded of the Lennox party was the laird of Minto, then provost of the burgh, and a large number of prisoners were captured. Following up his victory, the governor entered the town and besieged the castle and steeple, which were rendered to him. Sixteen of the defenders were hanged at the market cross, the city was given up to pillage, and, says Leslie, "war not the speciall labouris of the lord Boyd, quha maid ernist supplicatione to the governour for sauftie of the same, the haill toun, with the bischoppe and channonis houssis, had been alluterly brint and destroyit." Lennox, who had gone to the castle of Dumbarton before the fight began, then tried to effect an agreement with the governor, but seeing little hope of succeeding, he tendered his service to Henry, which was accepted, and afterwards entered into a marriage contract with the lady Margaret Douglas, the king's niece [Leslie, pp. 175-178. See p. lxxx.].
Page lxviii., line 2, after "animosities," insert as footnote:—On the death of James V. in 1542 the Scottish nobles were divided into two factions, one of which seconded the intrigues which were immediately set on foot by Henry VIII. for bringing about a marriage between the infant queen of Scotland and his son, prince Edward, while, at the same time, it appeared obvious that he was determined, in any event, to vindicate his title to Scotland as Lord Superior of that kingdom. Having had in his pay a considerable party in Scotland who had bound themselves, by written obligations, to further his views, and who did not hesitate to give similar obligations to Arran, the Scottish regent, binding themselves to concur in the defence of the realm against the old enemies of England, to support the liberties of Holy Church, and to maintain the true Christian faith.
Another party of the Scottish nobles (the earl of Huntly being one of them) rather looked towards France for a husband to their queen, as well as for aid to enable them to resist the warlike measures of Henry. On the death of this sovereign, his aggressive views were adopted by the Government of his son, Edward VI., and a considerable force, under the Protector Somerset, invaded Scotland in the summer of 1547, and defeated the Scotch army, led by Arran, on the field of Pinkie in the following September. The condition of the country after this disaster was deplorable, and more especially when we consider that the greater part of the nobility had entered into the service of England, given hostages for their fidelity, and sworn to secret articles which bound them to obey the orders of the Protector. [These facts appear from original letters and other documents preserved in the State Paper Office, first noticed by Tytler, vol. V., pp. 17, 38. Miscellany of Spalding Club, IV., p. 35, et seq.].
— between lines 4 and 5, insert:—This was succeeded in the following year by another invasion under the same leader. Kelso, Melrose, Dryburgh, Roxburgh, and Coldingham were destroyed, the castle of Caerlaverock on the Solway was captured, and the country was subjected to an amount of destruction to which, in the words of Burton, "there was no parallel even in the remorseless ravages of border warfare" [Hamilton MSS., II., pp. 360–371, 372. The late Expedicion. Dalziell's Fragments of Scottish History. Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries (Scotland), I., pp. 272–276. Burton, III., pp. 240–248].
— line 19, after "queen dowager," insert as footnote:—This was Mary of Lorraine, daughter of the duke of Guise, and second wife of King James V. His first wife was Magdalen de Valois, eldest daughter of Francis I., king of France. Queen Magdalen only survived her marriage six months, and after a few months James married Mary, known as Mary of Guise, then widow of the duke of Longueville.
— between lines 23 and 24, insert:—In 1545 archbishop Dunbar, with consent of the chapter, appointed James, earl of Arran, protector and governor of Scotland, and his heirs, to act as bailies and justices of all the lands of the barony and regality of Glasgow for a period of nineteen years, with power to hold courts, &c., but forbade them to appoint or remove officers without the consent of the archbishop and his successors. This grant was declared to become void if the earl should violate its terms [Hamilton MSS., p. 221, No. 161].
On 7th June, 1545, the privy council met in the castle, and both the queen dowager, Mary of Lorraine, and the governor of the kingdom, were present. At this meeting an act was passed ordaining French money to be accepted in Scotland for specified Scottish equivalents; and the provost and bailies were ordained to cause all manner of stuff within the town, such as flesh, bread, and ale, to be sold at certain prescribed prices to the French army, which, under the command of Gabriel de Lorges, Sieur de Montgomery, had arrived in Scotland to aid in the defence of Scotland against the English. No higher prices than those thus specified were to be exacted, under pain of death and the punishment of the magistrates as oppressors of the lieges [Privy Council Register, I., pp. 2, 3]. Another meeting of the council, queen dowager, and governor, was held in the city on the 11th of June [Ibid., I., pp. 3, 4].
Page lxxii., after line 4, insert:—John Hall and Andrew Dunlop were bailies of Glasgow for the year 1548–9 [Glasgow Protocols, I., pp. 2, 3]. John Mure, Andrew Mure, and John Hall were bailies for 1549–50, in which year also reference is made to John Wan as bailie [Ibid., pp. 4-14]. In 1550–51 Andrew Dunlop and John Mure were bailies [Ibid.,pp. 23–32].
In a letter from the earl of Rutland to Eleanor, countess of Rutland, his mother, dated from the English camp at Stichel, on 8th August, 1549, he mentions that there was a great plague in Edinburgh, and that in consequence the governor had gone thence to Glasgow, "and there dothe keep a parliament" [Appendix to Twelfth Report of Hist. MSS. Commission. Duke of Rutland's Papers, p. 42].
— footnote, second column, line 18, after "studies" insert:—The editor of Wodrow's Collection (Maitland Club), I., part i., App. 501, remarks that the statement by Keith, followed by others, as to archbishop Gordon having resigned his benefice to his son is erroneous. It arises, he says, probably from an accidental substitution of 1576 for 1567. But it is added that, although Keith may not have stated correctly the mode in which Gordon preserved the benefice to his family, the fact is unquestionable that it continued in it for many years after his death, and, when it did emerge from it, was in such a dilapidated condition that, according to Spottiswood, it was scarce remembered to have been [Keith, p. 280. Wodrow Notes, pp. 501, 502].
Page lxxii., footnote, second column, line 31, after "appointment" add:—He was then only in the twenty-seventh year of his age—an age not sufficient, according to the canons of the church, for holding the dignity of archbishop, but he received from Pope Julius III. a dispensation, and was consecrated at Rome in 1552 [Reg. Epis. Glasg., II., pp. 566, 567].
Page lxxvi., between lines 14 and 15, insert:—In 1551-2 John Mure and John Hall were bailies [Glasgow Protocols, I., pp. 33–47], and in 1552-3 David Lyon and David Lyndesay were bailies [Ibid., pp. 48–55].
In 1553 the Friars Preachers of Glasgow claimed for the precincts of their place or convent "preuilegeis of sanctuarie and girthe, at the least for recent and sudden crymes," affirming that these privileges had, from time beyond the memory of man, "been sua reverentlie observit that it was nevir yit violat be ony manner of persoun." But in respect that the friars were unable to produce any written grant of the immunities which they claimed the court of session pronounced decree against them [Statuta Concilii, II., note 262, where the subject is discussed].
Privileges of gyrth, or sanctuary, similar to those ineffectually claimed by the friars preachers of Glasgow, were enjoyed by various religious houses. Thus, on 18th March, 1315, king Robert the Bruce conferred the privilege of sanctuary on the church of Luss and on an area extending three miles around it. Upon such grants Sir William Fraser makes the following observation:—The privilege of Gyrth, or Sanctuary, was the protection afforded in certain places from the implacable resentment entertained by private parties against civil and criminal offenders, who, in times when there was no regular police, and when the executive Government was feeble, might otherwise, without their case having received an impartial investigation, have fallen victims to personal violence. In times of that description such sanctuaries were exceedingly useful, from the protection which they afforded to offenders until they had undergone a judicial trial. They accordingly long existed amongst almost all nations. The Jews had their cities of refuge, and the horns of the altar of their temple, where criminals might claim security. The Greeks invested their idolatrous altars with the like privilege. The Romans instituted asylums whither slaves might temporarily escape from their irritated masters. Scotland also possessed its sanctuaries. Here, as in other nations, the Church of Rome provided in its abbeys, churches, shrines, and altars, safe retreats for malefactors and debtors, and it was only at the Reformation that ecclesiastical sanctuaries were swept away. The sanctuary afforded to debtors at Holyrood house, as being the chief residence of royalty, was a privilege which had its origin at a late period [The Chiefs of Colquhoun, by W. Fraser, II., p. 58].
Since the paragraph in the text was printed a commission under the great seal by queen Mary, with the consent of James, duke of Chatelherault, earl of Arran, as bailie principal of the regality and barony of Glasgow, dated 12th February, 1554–5, has been discovered in the General Register House, Edinburgh. That document empowered Robert Heriot, John Abercromby, Robert Crichton, and Thomas Kincraggy, to hold one or more courts of the bailiary of the regality of Glasgow within the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and to call before them all persons having interest, for the purpose of taking cognition regarding a complaint brought before the privy council by James, archbishop of Glasgow, setting forth:—That he had belonging to him, by disposition of the Lord, the city and burgh of Glasgow, and the privilege granted long ago by the queen's predecessors, kings of Scotland, to the bishops of Glasgow and their successors, archbishops of the same, with power to elect the provost, bailies, and other officers of the city, and of putting in and putting out or expelling, at their own will or good pleasure, the provost and officers. That, in accordance with that privilege, the archbishop and his predecessors had been in peaceful and continuous possession of the election and nomination of the provost of the city, and also of the election of the bailies, by the election of two persons whom he and his predecessors for the time judged expedient to be bailies, beyond or outside the number of certain persons of themselves, who used to be presented or nominated by the old bailies and councillors of the city, or the greater part of them, who for the time, and in the year immediately preceding, were exercising the office. To that effect they were wont to be presented and nominated at the feast of Michaelmas, for a space beyond the memory of man—or, at least, for sixty, fifty, forty, thirty, or twenty years preceding the said feast immediately last past; at which feast John Mure and Andrew Dunlop took upon themselves to be bailies of the city, and ministered therein at divers courts without the consent of the archbishop, and in virtue of their pretended election and nomination by John Stewart of Mynto, David Lyon, John Stewart of Bogtoun, William Watt, William Hall, William Lindesay, Robert Cochran, William Roger, William Heriot, Matthew Heriot, Mr. John Hall, Michael Lindesay, Robert Mure, Andrew Mure, John Wilsoun, John Rob, John Martyne, John Wan, Archibald Blackburne, Archibald Mure, William Donaldsoun, James Grahame, David Lindesay, Archibald Lyoun, James Wilsoun, Henry Burrell, William Hegait, Patrick Myllar, Thomas Andersoun, Thomas Lymburner, John Rankyn, William Lowdean, Thomas Spang, John Boyd, Mr. David Wilsoun, and other pretended citizens and indwellers of the city, who were pretending that they held office, and had then only been of the council in the year immediately preceding; that so John Mure and Andrew Dunlop did unjustly and violently usurp the office of bailiary; and, in like manner John Stewart of Mynto and other pretended old councillors took upon them to elect and admit Mure and Dunlop as bailies, without their election and nomination by the archbishop, nor as elected or, as it is commonly called, "lited," presented, and nominated to him for election as bailies by the provost and those who were bailies and councillors in the year immediately preceding; that by such action the archbishop had been despoiled of the possession which he and his predecessors had of the election of the bailies; that Mure and Dunlop would not desist from the exercise of the office of bailie, nor would the other persons desist or cease from the election and admission of the bailies and others afterwards, without the archbishop's consent, election, and nomination, unless they were compelled. The commission then set forth that, in respect it was not expedient, for various reasonable causes, that action for remeid should be prosecuted before the bailie principal of the archbishop or his deputes in the city of Glasgow, the queen had granted her commission as above set forth. On the back of this commission a notarial instrument is endorsed, setting forth that the commissioners so appointed were sworn in presence of the Lords of the Council, at Edinburgh, on 25th February, 1554–5.
It appears from the instrument printed in part II. pp., 119, 120, that the archbishop nominated the bailies at Michaelmas, 1553; but the commission above narrated shows that in the immediately following year the town council made the election themselves. That disputes existed between the archbishop and the town council as to the elections is indicated by the abstract of the decree by the lords of the privy council, dated 10th December, 1554, printed part ii., p. 121. The decree itself is not now extant, so that it is not definitely known whether the election of magistrates was one of the "privileges and liberties" referred to in the abstract. If it was so, then the result of the royal commission, issued in February following, seems to have been that the archbishop's claim to nominate the bailies was sustained, and that practice was followed in subsequent years.
Page lxxvi., between footnotes 1 and 2, insert:—The mill known as "Archie Lyon's mill" stood on the site occupied for some time by the Clayslaps mill, within what is now known as the Kelvingrove Park, and was originally given in rental as a waulk or fulling mill to Donald Lyon in 1517 by the first archbishop Beatoun [Rental Book of the Diocese, 1509–1570, I., p. 75]. This rental right was renewed on 10th August, 1554, as is stated in the text, by the second archbishop Beaton to Archibald Lyon, the son and successor of Donald, who died about 1537 [Abstract of Charters, Appendix, p. 18, No. 324]. In virtue of this title, Archibald, on 16th November, 1569, obtained the decree referred to in the text; and subsequently, as therein stated, the magistrates and council acquired Lyon's right to the mill, and, in November 1588, a feu charter from the commendator of Blantyre of the mill, on which charter they were duly infeft. This acquisition is referred to in an act of the town council and deacons of crafts of 31st October, 1588, which sets forth that it behoved them either to take the mill in feu or "to tyne the same, and incure grit expenssis, labour, and pley thairthrow, in the law and otherwayis, and that they and the commoun guidis of the toun, maid and debursit be thame throw the occasioun of the last pest being in the toun, and vtheris grite stentis and chargis cumit vpon thame samyne, quhairthrow the commoun guidis is nocht able to releif the samyn, and that the compositioun of the myln man be instantlie haid, and vthir chargis [with quhilk] they are burdenit, and als throw this present pest appeirand, quhilk as they trewlie suppone will surmount to the sum of sex hundreth pundis money quhilk the said toun throw occasionis foirsaidis ar unable to furneis at this present; thairfor they all, with ane consent, condiscendit and aggreit to get samekle silver as may perfurneis the samyn to latt forth and sett in feu to sik personis, burgesses and indwellaris of Glasgow, as thai can aggrie with, samekle of their east and west commoun landis of thair communtie leist hurtful, and that best may be spareit in baith or ane places as salbe appointit on, for samekle interes siluer as may satisfie the said sowme and yeirlie dewtie that may be haid thairfoir, efter the sicht and consideratioun of the saidis provost, baillies, and counsall, as they can aggrie thairupon" [Council Records, I., pp. 120, 121].
Page lxxvii., footnote 3, add:—A similar feu charter was granted by the commendator to the town on 17th November, 1591. A few months previously the commendator had obtained a confirmation of his own right from the king, after the latter had attained his twenty-fifth year, and the feu charter of 1591 was probably intended to fortify the title of the town by communicating to it the benefit of this confirmation [Abstract of Charters, part ii., p. 453, No. 102.
Page lxxvii., after line 14, insert:—The disappearance of the earliest volumes of the records of the convention of burghs makes it impossible now to discover when Glasgow first sent representatives to the meetings of that body. But the earliest extant records show that they attended the conventions held at Edinburgh in 1552, 1555, 1567, 1570, 1574, 1575, and subsequently. On these occasions the city was represented sometimes by one and sometimes by two persons.
Other circumstances also show that in the first half of the sixteenth century Glasgow held a recognised though subordinate place among the burghs of Scotland,—sharing in the national burdens borne by them, and taking part in the deliberations of the estates to which it sent a commissioner in 1546 [Acts of Parliament, II., p. 471]. But its contributions to national grants commenced at an earlier date, for, in 1535, when Edinburgh contributed £833 to a grant by the three estates to James V., and Dundee £321 17s. 6d., Aberdeen £315, and Perth £247 10s., Glasgow contributed £67 10s. [Convention Records, I., p. 514]. In a subsequent extent for supplying and sustaining the west and middle borders, Edinburgh contributed £666 13s. 4d., Dundee £337 9s. 7d., Aberdeen £252, Stirling £67 7s. 6d., and Glasgow £54 [Ibid., I., p. 518]. In 1550 again a contribution of 2,454 crowns of the sun was levied for furnishing the embassy to the emperor for peace, and towards that amount Glasgow paid 64 crowns, while Edinburgh gave 600, Dundee 304, Aberdeen 226, and Stirling 60 [Ibid., I., p. 519]. Six years later £666 13s. 4d. were contributed by the burghs towards a grant to the queen, and of that sum Glasgow paid £13 10s., while Edinburgh gave £168 13s. 4d., Dundee £84 7s. 6d., Aberdeen £63, and Stirling £16 16s. 10d. [Ibid., I., p. 522]. So towards meeting disbursements on account of the burghs in 1556 to the amount of £2,188 14s. 8d., Glasgow contributed £44 17s. 6d., while Edinburgh contributed £541 13s. 4d., Dundee £274 4s. 1d., Aberdeen £204 15s., and Stirling £54 14s. 8d. [Ibid., I., p. 523]. In like manner, when in 1557 Edinburgh contributed £2,550 as its proportion of an extent of £10,000 leviable from all the burghs for the expenses of queen Mary's marriage to the Dauphin, Glasgow paid £202 10s., Dundee £1,265 11s., Aberdeen £945, and Stirling, £152 13s. 6d. [Ibid., I., p. 526]; and in 1583 Glasgow paid £37 16s. 2d. towards the expenses of an ambassador to Denmark, while Edinburgh gave £466 13s. 4d., Dundee £236 3s. 2d., Aberdeen £176 8s., and Stirling £46 19s. [Ibid., I., p. 530]. Towards subsequent contributions for national purposes, as well as for the general requirements of the burghs, Glasgow is also found to have been a regular contributor—the amount of its contributions being no doubt determined by its importance at the time, relatively to that of the other burghs, royal and free.
To this matter the royal commissioners on Scottish municipal corporations also refer in their report of 1835. Under the earlier charters of the burgh, they say, confirmed and enlarged by others of later date, the admission of Glasgow to the mercantile privileges of a free burgh had brought the burgesses within the liability of contributing a share of the general and public taxations incident upon burghs royal, and in principle had entitled them to send commissioners to parliament. How soon the trade of Glasgow became of such importance as to subject them to the actual payment of any share of taxations does not appear; but certain it is that no notice of a commissioner for Glasgow appears in the books of parliament earlier than the year 1546. From that period the prosperity of the city had so rapidly increased, that before the close of the sixteenth century it is ranked in the burghal tax rolls as the fifth in order, although its share was still very far below those of Edinburgh, Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen [Municipal Corporations Report, 1835. Glasgow, II., p. 5].
So long as Glasgow enjoyed its connection with the cathedral and its ecclesiastical hierarchy, and all the advantages which that connection conferred, it seems to have been content. Such foreign trade as was open to towns on the seaboard or on navigable rivers was denied to it, save to a trifling extent. The Clyde was a shallow stream, which could be crossed on foot at low water miles below the town, and the passage of anything else than boats was at all time obstructed at Dumbuck ford and other shallows above Dumbarton. But the citizens chafed under these natural disadvantages, and in 1668 acquired about twenty-two acres of ground adjacent to the village of Newark, as a site for a town and harbour to be called PortGlasgow. This enterprise was sanctioned by a charter from the crown, which erected the port to be built into a free port, and that charter was confirmed by parliament in 1669 [Acts of Parliament, VII., p. 648]. But the inconvenience, expense, and loss of time occasioned by having their harbour so far distant from the city, and of having the cargoes forwarded by lighters, led to their effecting improvements on the navigation by straightening and deepening the channel up to Glasgow, and forming piers and a harbour in the town. For that purpose large powers were vested by successive statutes, beginning in 1754, first in the magistrates and council of the city, and afterwards in a body of statutory trustees, of which the lord provost is ex officio chairman, and consisting of nine members elected by the town council, two by the chamber of commerce, two by the merchants' house, two by the trades' house, and nine by shipowners and ratepayers. By these trustees the channel of the river has been deepened and improved along its whole course, so as to admit of the passage of ships of the largest class, and piers, docks, and all the appliances of a great port for export and import have been provided. The city has also become a great railway centre, and by these means and the development of mining and manufacturing enterprise in and around it, Glasgow has progressed by leaps and bounds into a position of first magnitude.
—between lines 13 and 14, insert:—On 16th April, 1556, queen Mary granted a letter, under the great seal, at Stirling, to the crafts of Scotland, by which, on a narrative of privileges and liberties conferred by her predecessors on the craftsmen of the burghs and cities in Scotland, in abatement of which the act of parliament 1555, c. 26 [Acts of Parliament, II., p. 497] had enacted (though nothing had since followed upon the enactment) that no deacons should thenceforth be elected in burghs, but that the magistrates and councillors should appoint the best and most skilful in their respective crafts, who should be called visitors, and be elected annually at Michaelmas, and that no craftsmen should bear office in burghs save two, to be annually chosen into the town council; that the effect of this statute had been to cause everything to be done more carelessly than formerly among craftsmen, and that, being desirous to restore what had previously been granted, and to prevent dissensions among merchants and craftsmen in burghs, she, by that letter or charter, granted dispensations to all craftsmen of burghs and cities within the kingdom from the provisions of that act, which obstructed the liberties and privileges formerly enjoyed by them; and she restored to them the power of having deacons, with a right to vote in the election of officers of burghs, and of electing craftsmen of every craft within burghs, who should audit the accounts of the common good along with the other auditors thereof, should make lawful ordinances relating to their respective crafts to the preservation of good order among the craftsmen and the maintenance of divine service at the altars; and should have right to navigate and exercise merchandise of all kinds within and without the kingdom [Registrum Magni Sigilli, Book 33, No. 192. Great Seal Register, 1546–1580, p. 235, No. 1054. Convention Records, 1597–1614, pp. 469–472].
Page lxxviii., line 16, after "barkers" insert as a footnote:—Crawford in his sketch of the Trades House says—Regulations for the cordiners and barkers in Glasgow existed before 1460, and were confirmed by the town council on 27th June of that year" [p. 24]; Macgregor, in his History of Glasgow, repeats the statement [p. 152]; and Campbell, in his History of the Cordiners (1883), states that on 27th June in the same year they petitioned the town council for, and obtained its approval of, certain regulations for their management and guidance [p. 14]. These statements and others to the same effect are errors founded on an incorrect copy of the seal of cause of 27th June, 1569 [Abstract of Charters, No. 346], the date of which copy is erroneously given as 1460. Mr. Campbell prints the incorrect copy [p. 243], and also the seal of cause of 1569 [p. 251].
—add to footnote 2:—This tax seems to have been imposed on the merchants and craftsmen by stenters appointed for the several bodies. Thus 12 were appointed for the merchants, 5 for the smiths, 3 for the bakers, 2 for the cordiners, 4 for the tailors, 2 for the skinners, 4 for the weavers, 4 for the masons, 4 for the mealmen and maltmen, 3 for the coopers, and 3 for the fleshers [Gibson's History, pp. 79, 80].
Page lxxx., line 11, after "dauphin" insert as footnote:—By the terms of the marriage contract between Mary and the dauphin he was to have the title of king of Scotland, and this was approved by the Scottish Parliament on 29th November, 1558 [Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, II., p. 506].
Page lxxxi., between lines 18 and 19, insert the following:—Gibson in his History states that in 1559 the magistrates were chosen and the council appointed by the provost and bailies [p. 82]. Mr. Adam Wallace, James Fleming, and John Mure were bailies for 1559–60 [Glasgow Protocols, part ii., p. 71–4].
Page lxxxii., line 5, after "1560" insert as a footnote:—At this time the bishop's palace in Glasgow appears to have been occupied by French troops, for a letter from the duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Argyle and Glencairn, and lord Boyd, to the duke of Norfolk, dated 21st March, 1560, refers to an accident to these troops by an explosion of gunpowder [Col. of State Papers (Scotland), by M. J. Thorpe, I., p. 36].
— line 25, after "them" insert as footnote:—Soon after the Reformation, says Cunningham, the protestant church claimed as her proper inheritance the whole lands and tithes of the Roman clergy, to be applied to the maintenance of preachers, the education of the young, and the support of the poor. This equitable claim was never conceded by a nobility anxious to appropriate to itself the wealth of the hierarchy; but in 1561 it was arranged that the papal incumbents should be allowed to retain two-thirds of their benefices for life, and that the remaining third should be appropriated partly for the support of the protestant preachers, and partly to meet the necessities of an impoverished court. The commissioners appointed to allocate the stipends of the new ministers proved niggardly, and the small pittances which they assigned were so irregularly paid, that the church, though wielding great power, was sunk in abject poverty. To rectify this grievance, often and loudly complained of by the general assembly, the regent Moray, in his first parliament, gave to the church the power of appointing its own collectors of the thirds, made its claim prior to all others, and declared this was to endure only till the church should come to its proper patrimony—the teinds. The finances of the ministers were considerably improved by this measure; but the regent Morton, when he came into power, managed to persuade the assembly to resign the collection of the thirds into his hands, with the promise that he would assign to every minister a sufficient stipend out of the tithes of his own parish—a thing most ardently desired; but the ministers soon found that they had been deceived, that the stipends were not improved, and that one minister was frequently obliged to take the charge of four, five, or six parishes, assisted by readers paid at the rate of fifty or sixty merks. The avarice of Morton had done this, and it lost him the good will of the church, which might have served him in his hour of need.
Things remained long in this state; hundreds of parishes were unprovided with ministers, and hundreds of ministers were but poorly paid. The assemblies were continually grumbling; the king was frequently promising; scheme of adjustment after scheme was proposed, but proposed only to be abandoned. Meantime, the recovery of the church's patrimony was becoming every day more hopeless. The great majority of the parishes had been gifted in Roman Catholic times to the bishoprics and abbeys. As the Roman abbots died out, lay commendators were generally appointed in their stead, and many of these prevailed upon the king to convert their titles into heritable rights. After a time when men's minds had got so accustomed to plunder that they could do it without a cloak, the decent form of appointing commendators was given up, and the king, by virtue of his royal right, and with reprehensible prodigality, gave large grants of the church's revenues to his nobles. These lucky men were styled lords of erection. They generally received their grants under the burden of the thirds which had been appropriated to the ministers; but this specific burden was sometimes discharged on the vague condition that competent stipends should be provided out of the teinds for the ministers of the parishes out of which they were drawn, and sometimes on no condition at all [Connell on Tithes, I., p. 182]. We have seen how several of the bishoprics were held by courtiers, who drew their revenues, and employed a stipendiary tulchan to do the work [Cunningham, I., pp. 500, 501].
Page lxxxiii., first column of footnote, delete from "transfer" to "possession," both inclusive, and substitute "renounce the office of bailiary and justiciary, which he had obtained in 1545 [p. lxxxi.], with a view to the same being restored."
— line 9 of second column of footnote, add:—Gordon's Scots Affairs, I., p. 39. In this year Mr. John Willock was made superintendent of the west, and at the assembly of this year was termed superintendent of Glasgow. Wodrow supposes he had his residence there, and ordinarily preached and dispensed ordinances during his stay in Scotland till about 1567. "I question," he adds, "if the city had any other minister save him. Were I to guess, then, where I have no information, I would suppose Mr. Wemyss came from Ratho to Glasgow sometime after Mr. Willock's going to England, and when any expectations of his return were over" [Life of Wemyss—Collections (Maitland Club), II, part ii., p. 3. See Sketch of his Life, Fasti Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ, part iii., pp. 375, 376, and the several authorities therein cited. Also antea, pp. clxxvii., clxxviii]. Wodrow states that "by the influence of the family of Lennox, and other persons popishly affected, the town of Glasgow came not so early into the measures for Reformation as several other towns in the nation" [Life of David Wemyss—Collections (Maitland Club), II., part ii., p. 3].
In the library of the catholic bishop of Edinburgh is a rental book of archbishop Beaton of the possessions belonging to the see of Glasgow, from 4th September, 1509 to 1569—a folio book on paper in the original binding, with straps and buckle [Historical MSS. Commission, vol. I., p. 121]. This rental book was published by the Grampian Club in 1875, uuder the editorship of Mr. Joseph Bain and Dr. Charles Rogers. It was then under the charge of Dr. Strain, by whom it was entrusted to the editors [Dioces. Reg., Pref. p. 22].
Page lxxxv., between lines 28 and 29, insert:—In 1563 there was a great dearth, approaching to a famine. The price of the boll of wheat was £6; the boll of bear was six and a half merks; the boll of meal, four merks; the boll of oats, fifty shillings; an ox for the plough, twenty merks; a wedder, thirty shillings [Gibson, p. 83. Denholm, p. 56].
Queen Mary was in Glasgow on 3rd July, 1563. She had been in Dunipace on the previous day, and on the 4th was in Hamilton [Privy Seal Register]. On the 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 25th she was again in Glasgow [Ibid.].
— line 30, after "year," insert as footnote:—The parliament held in Edinburgh on 4th June, 1563, granted a commission to the Earl of Murray and eight others to cognosce, visit, and consider the patrimony and rents of the colleges, and to report the result to the queen and estates [Acts of Parliament, II., p. 544].
Page lxxxvi., add to footnote 1 the following:—The condition in which these friars preachers were placed after the Reformation is indicated by the narrative of a charter, dated 13th November, 1560, granted by Andrew Leche, prior, and John Law, superior of the order, in favour of John Graham, son of James Graham, burgess of Glasgow, and Isobel Livingstoune, his wife, setting forth the dispersion of the order and the aid rendered to the friars in their extreme necessity by John Graham, without which aid they could not have sustained life. They, therefore, granted in feu to him and his wife the great tenement occupied by him, with the gardens belonging thereto—the cemetery thereof excepted—to be held by them and their heirs, of the friars, for payment annually of four merks, subject to the provision that if the friars were afterwards reponed, and their order restored, they should be reinstated in the gardens, but that the tenement should be retained by John and his successors for payment of three merks annually. [Great Seal Register, 1546–1580, p. 449, No. 1790]. This charter was confirmed by queen Mary by charter, under the great seal, on 27th April, 1567 [Ibid.].
— between lines 12 and 13, insert:—On 22nd December, 1565, the privy council passed an act setting apart, inter alia, the thirds of the bishopric of Glasgow for the furnishing and sustentation of the queen's house [Privy Council Register, I., p. 412].
— On Saturday, 9th March, 1565–6, Rizzio was murdered, and accounts of the murder are given in Laing's Knox. II., pp. 521, 522. Calderwood's History, II., pp. 313–315. Spottiswood, II., pp. 36–38. Melville's Memoirs, pp. 147–149. Diurnal, pp. 89–91.
— line 16, after "December" insert as footnote:—Diurnal, p. 103. Birrell, p. 6. Laing's Knox, II., p. 536. The 15th of December is given by Spottiswood, II., p. 41; the 18th by Pitscottie (1725), p. 219; the 15th of November by Laing, Knox, II., p. 536; and the 22nd of August by Balfour, I., p. 335.
— add to footnote 3:—Dr. Cleland describes this house as situated on the east side of the lane called Limmerfield, a little south from the site of the Barony church recently removed, and states that a part of the south wall of the house was preserved when he wrote (1832) [Statistical Tables, p. 235. See also Denholm's History (1804), p. 125]. Colquhoun referred to in this footnote as rector of Stobo was rector of Govan at this time [Antea, p. dxxxiv.].
Page lxxxix., line 11, after "sick bed" insert as footnote:—With that object she left Edinburgh for Glasgow on the 20th of January [Diurnal, p. 10. Birrell, p. 6]. According to Drury she reached Glasgow on the 22nd.
—line 13, after "month" insert as footnote:—Cecil's Diary gives the 30th of January as the day on which the queen and he arrived in Edinburgh [Anderson's Collections, II., p. 272]; Birrell the 31st [p. 6]; and the Diurnal the 1st of February [p. 105].
Page xci., between lines 13 and 14, insert:—Reference has been made on page lxv. to the infeftment of Thomas Fleming, vicar pensioner of Glasgow, and his successors, as trustees under the foundation of Mark Jamesone in a tenement and orchard in Stable Green, the rents of which were to be applied to the purposes therein set forth, dated 5th November, 1539 [Glasgow Protocols, III., No. 1,318]. On 9th September, 1556, Fleming, with consent of James, archbishop of Glasgow, and of Sir Mark Jamesone, vicar of the choir, liferenter of the tenement and orchard above referred to, granted that property in feu to David Rollok of Kincladie and Marion Levingstone, his spouse, and to Robert Rollok, their son and his heirs, for payment of (1) £5 to be distributed according to Sir Mark Jamesone's foundation; (2) 42s. 10d. to the vicars of the choir for prayers for the soul of John Paniter; (3) 8s. to the rector of Glasgow primo; (4) 5s. to the regent or masters of the pedagogy; and (5) 4s. 2d. to the poor of the hospital of St. Nicholas, extending in whole to £8 [Notarial Copy of Charter in the Archives of the City. Abstract of Charters, p. 22, No. 340]. And on 26th March, 1567, Sir Mark Jamesoun, designed vicar of Kilspindie, as executor of John Paniter, designed master of the singing school of the metropolitan church of Glasgow, executed a deed of foundation by which he provided for the yearly payment of £5 from the houses and orchard above referred to, to be applied as follows, viz.:—£3 to the poor in the fore almhouse, called St. Nicholas Hospital; 20s. to the poor men of the back almhouse of that hospital; and 20s. to the leper hospital at the south-end of Glasgow Bridge [Original in the Archives of the Corporation. Abstract of Charters, p. 22, No. 340]. On 4th September, 1581, this deed was ratified by Mr. Robert Rollock, then owner of the property, and was recorded in the books of the presbytery of Glasgow on 31st March, 1590, to remain ad perpetuam rei memoriam, and to be patent to the poor. See also charters by king James VI. under the great seal, dated 14th July, 1625 [Great Seal Register, 1620–33, p. 302, No. 828], and 28th October, 1625 [Ibid., p. 319, No. 886. Abstract of Charters, p. 73, Nos. 529, 531].
In the parliament held at Edinburgh in April, 1567, an act was passed on the 19th of that month, in which it was set forth that the queen, since her arrival in Scotland, had attempted nothing contrary to the estate of religion which she found publicly and universally standing on her arrival, in which religion its professors might assure themselves "to be in full suretie thairof." The queen, therefore, with the advice of the three estates, abrogated and annulled all laws, acts, and constitutions, canon, civil, or municipal, contrary to the foresaid religion and professsrs thereof, and further took all her good subjects under her sure safeguard, protection, and defence, against any sovereign authority, power, jurisdiction, and pursuit, ecclesiastical or temporal; willing her subjects to dwell in perpetual security and quietness throughout the realm. And she undertook, at a convenient time, to take further order in all other points concerning the estate of religion as might best serve for the glory of God and the common weal of the realm [1567, c. 2, Acts of Parliament, II., pp. 548, 549]. This act has been variously commented upon by Buchanan, Spottiswood, Keith, and Calderwood, and has been discussed by Lord Hailes in chapter x. of his Remarks on the History of Scotland, III., pp. 75, 80].
Page xci., line 15, after "Bothwell" insert as footnote:—3 See Lord Hailes' Notes on Bothwell [Annals of Scotland, III., pp. 80–85], Lord Elibank's Observations on these Notes [Ibid., p. 146], and lord Hailes' Answers [Ibid., pp. 158, 159].
Page xcii., line 1, after "life" insert:—It abolished the pope's authority in this country (§ 3); annulled all acts of parliament made against God's word and for the maintenance of idolatry in all times past, and ratified the confession of faith (§ 4); abolished the mass (§ 5); declared the kirk as then established to be the only true and holy kirk of Jesus Christ within the realm [1567, c. 3, 4, and 5. Acts of Parliament, III., pp. 14–23].
— line 22, after "Argyle," insert—to whom she had granted a commission as lieutenant-general of all her forces [Orginal Commission, dated at Hamilton, 13th May, 1568, in Argyle Charter Chest. The Lennox, by W. Fraser, II., p. 437]; but the earl, on the march from Hamilton to Langside, having been suddenly seized with severe indisposition, was unable to lead her forces [Fraser's Caerlaverock, I., p. 522]. Another account states that at the beginning of the fight he swooned, it was said, "for fault of courage and spirit" [Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, VIII., p. 457], and a third that he had an epileptic fit [The Earls of Cromartre (1871), II., p. 496].
The story that after the battle of Langside the regent Moray, in partial recognition of the service rendered to him by the citizens against the forces of queen Mary, agreed, at the request of Mathew Fauside, deacon of the baxters, to grant the incorporation right to construct a mill on the river Kelvin for grinding wheat, and that in virtue of the grant so made, mills were erected by them, as stated circumstantially by M'Ure in 1736 [p. 219]; corroborated or repeated by Gibson in 1777 [p. 84]; by Cleland in 1817 [Annals, pp. 12, 13]; by Crawford in 1858 [p. 26]; by Macgeorge in 1880 [p. 168]; by MacGregor in 1881 [pp. 87, 88]; by Ness in 1891 [History of the Incorporation of Bakers, pp. 1–4]; and by most of the other local historians—has given rise to considerable controversy. The main facts and arguments on either side were fully set forth and discussed in a correspondence between Mr. Joseph Bain, Dr. David Murray, and Mr. James Ness, which appeared in the Glasgow Herald in May, June, and July, 1893. So far as can be gathered from the documentary evidence now available, it would appear that in 1568 the regent Moray was not in a position to grant either a charter or rental right to the mill, as archbishop Beaton was at that time in legal possession of the temporalities of which it formed part. It may, however, be— though no confirmatory evidence of the tradition has hitherto been put forward—that in anticipation of the forfeiture of the archbishop's estates, the bakers obtained from the regent a promise to grant the mill so soon as it should revert to the crown, just as Partick mill was promised three years afterwards by the regent Lennox to Captain Thomas Crawford, of Jordanhill, in reward for his services in the capture of Dumbarton castle. Perhaps the best snpport to the tradition is afforded by a document in the city's archives, exhumed in connection with the present work, and of which neither the local historians nor the newspaper correspondents were aware. This is an extract of a decree of the court of the barony and regality of Glasgow, held on 16th November, 1569, in the tolbooth of the burgh, by Sir John Stewart of Mynto, bailie depute of the barony and regality [Postea, p. 24, No. 349]. This extract narrates the complaint of Archibald Lyone, owner of the mill next higher up the stream, in which he set forth that the baxters by "bigging wp of ane dam to thair mylne newlie biggit be thame upone the wattir of Kelvyne, benetht the said Archibaldis mylne, hes causit the said Archibaldis mylne to be in bak wattir, stoppand the passage of the wattir fra the said Archibaldis mylne." This would seem to indicate that the bakers had erected their mill about the time of the battle of Langside, with the permission of some one whose right to give it was not challenged. But there is nothing to show from whom that permission was obtained.
—add to footnote 1:—Privy Council Register, II., p. 214. In April, 1570, Elizabeth sent a strong force under the earl of Sussex into the south-western parts of Scotland, and in the following month a similar force under Sir William Drury into the south west. The former did much havoc in the Merse and Teviotdale, harried and burned Hawick and Branxholm, besieged and took Hume Castle, made inroads afterwards into Dumfriesshire, and plundered the town of Dumfries. The latter ravaged Lanarkshire and Linlithgowshire, and did much injury to the retainers of the Hamiltons and of the lords Fleming and Livingstone. Simultaneously with these operations the king's party in Scotland took active measures against the adherents of the queen in the north, attacked and took the town of Brechin, and put to death its small garrison.
In the following May the castle of Glasgow was subjected to a siege, when its garrison was but ill prepared for the defence. The earl of Lennox was governor of the kingdom, and as the castle was held in his interest, the Hamiltons and other partisans of Queen Mary thought that by seizing it they would strike a blow at his power. The garrison consisted only of twentyfour men, "a few raw soldiers unprovided of necessaries," according to Buchanan; but they were able to hold their own against their assailants. Failing to surprise the little force, the queen's party endeavoured to batter down the walls, but they were driven back with loss. The siege was raised by the approach of Lennox with a mixed force of Scots and English [Trans. Glasg. Archæolog. Society, I., pp. 240, 241].
—add to footnote 3, after "110," on the second line, as follows:—Captain Thomas Crawford was a younger son of Laurence Crawford of Kilbirny. His career is sketched in Fraser's Chiefs of Colquhoun, I., p. 91. See Bnchanan's History (Aikman's edition), II., pp. 595, 598. Balfour's Annals, I., p. 354. Tytler's History, VI., p. 153.
While in his ninth year, James VI. wrote Captain Crawford, acknowledging the "gud service done to me from the beginning of the waris aganis my onfrendis, as I sall sum day remember the same, God willing, to your greit contentment," and he subsequently ratified this assurance by holograph notes (1) dated at Falkland on 5th September, 1584, and (2) dated at Linlithgow, 23rd March, 1591, after he had attained majority [The Lennox, by Sir William Fraser, vol. II., p. 354].