The Manuscripts of Shrewsbury and Coventry Corporations [Etc] Fourth Report, Appendix: Part X. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1899.
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THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EARL OF RADNOR, AT LONGFORD CASTLE, SALISBURY.
I. A fine folio volume, entitled "Registrum Hungerfordianum," containing copies of deeds, etc. relating to the Hungerfords and their possessions from the reign of John to that of Edward IV. The documents transcribed are arranged according to the places to which they refer, in the following order:—
III. A collection of original deeds and other documents of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries relating to the Hungerford family, many of which have very fine seals appended. Among them are the following:—
1416, August 28.—The 'Holigost' on the Seine. Licence granted by John, Duke of Bedford, Earl of Richmond and Kendal, and Constable of England, of his own motion and against their desire, to Walter Hungerford, knight, and John Skillyng, esquire, to depart from his company and go home for the recovery of their healths.
1433, April 1.—Farley Hungerford. Letters of Walter, Lord Hungerford of Heytesbury and of Homet, appointing his son Sir Robert Hungerford, knight, Sir John Stourton, knight, and four others "to entrete, appoynte, and finally conclude with John of Vendosme, knyght, vidasme of Charters, oure prisonere, and with his frenddes and servaunts for the finance, rauncon, and deliverance of oure said prisonere."
1449, July 24.—Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, Walterus Hungerford, miles, dominus de Hungerford de Heytesbury et de Homet, Robertus Hungerford, miles, filius et heres apparens ejusdem Walteri, ac Robertus Hungerford, dominus de Molyns, filius et heres apparens predicti Roberti filii predicti Walteri, salutem in Domino. Noveritis nos manumisisse, remisisse, relaxasse et per presentes liberasse Willelmum Smelyn, nativum nostrum pertinentem ad manerium nostrum de Heytesbury in comitatu Wilts, cum tota sequela sua imposterum sive in futuro procreanda cum totis bonis facultatibus et catallis suis, et ipsum Willelmum per presentes liberum fecisse, et ab omni jugo et servitute naevitatis, villenagii sive bondagii plenius liberasse per presentes, ita quod nec nos nec heredes nostri nec aliquis alius per nos sive nomine nostro in predictum Willelmum aliquid juris, clamei, tituli, actionis sive demandi racione premissorum habere, exigere, clamare, vel vendicare poterimus, set per presentes de ipso Willelmo imperpetuum sumus exclusi. In cujus rei testimonium sigilla nostra apposuimus. Datum in castro de Farley Hungerford, vicesimo quarto die mensis Julii anno regni regis Henrici sexti post conquestum Anglie vicesimo septimo."
1527, March 22.—Agreement between Sir William Sandys, knight, Lord Sandys, Lord Chamberlain, and Walter Hungerford esquire, son and heir of Edward Hungerford knight, late deceased, for a marriage between the latter and Alice, one of the daughters of the former, before the feast of the Ascension. Walter Hungerford undertakes to settle manors and lands to the yearly value of 100l. Lord Sandys undertakes to pay 600 marks, viz. 400 at the day of marriage, and 200 at Michaelmas following. He also undertakes to find meat and drink for such as shall happen to be at the marriage. He further undertakes to "gyve to the saide Water for the daye of the saide maryage one gowne of crymson velwet and one other gowne of blacke velwet, one jacket of blacke velwet and one other jacket of blacke satten, one dublet of crymson satten and one other dublet of blacke satten," and to give to his daughter for the day of the said marriage "one gowne of crymson velwet and one other gowne of blacke velwet, one kirtyll of crymson sattyn and one other of blacke satten, and all other ornaments as to the hed of the said Alice for the said daye of mariage shall appertayne."
Ackhanger, Ackridge, Alkham, Broadmead, Bourne, Buckland, Cheriton, Clynton, Comb, Cliff, Capel [le Ferne], Dommert, Elham, Folkestone, Flaggs, Halton, Hawkinge, Hougham, Houghton, Hythe, Hopton, Ingles, Luddenham, Moorhall, Norton, Newington, Romney marsh, Sandgate, Swingfield, Terlingham, Walton, Wolverton.
[1536 ?] Nov. 4.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford of Haytesbery. "Thiese shalbe to advertise the same that I ha[ve] resceyved your lettres with the deposicions and confessions of certayne persones and a boke wherin was writen amonges other thynges certayne prophecies, accordyng to your lettres. And for your good procedynges in that behalfe ye have assuredly deserved of the Kynges Highnes right harty and condigne thankes. And wher ye have commetted Richard Sole and Richard Spicer to prison ye have done very well therin, requyryng you they may remayne ther in saff and sure custodie and kepyng untill suche tyme as ye shalbe further advertised of the Kynges pleasure in that behalfe." Wyndesore, 4 Nov. Signed.
[1537 ?]—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford of Haytesbury.—"Wher as before this tyme upon your advertisement of the mysdemeanour of Sir Thomas Beese, clerke, vicar of Southstoke in the county of Somerset, I required you to commyt him to warde to the next gaole. And forasmoche as the said vicar hathe sufficient sureties bounde for hym that he shalbe furthecommyng to answer to soche thynges as shalbe layd agaynst hym on the Kynges behalfe, I require you, calling unto you somme other discrete persone, beyng one of the Kynges Justices of the Peax to exammyne the truthe of the matier whiche is layde agaynst the sayd vicar with the circumstaunces therof by all the ways and meanes ye convenyently may; and to advertise me therof when ye shall have oportunyte therto. Requiryng you farther upon the receipt herof to cause the sayd vicar to be put at his libertie and to be delivered out of prison."—Stebenhithe, 6 July.
[1537,] October 12, Hampton Court.—The Queen (Jane Seymour) to Lord Hungerford.—"By the Queene. Right trustie and welbiloved we grete youe well. And forasmuche as by the inestimable goodnes and grace of Almighty God we be delivred and brought in child bed of a prince conceyved in moost laufull matrimoney betwene my lord the Kynges Majesty and us, doubting not but that, for the love and affection which ye beare unto us and to the commyn wealth of this hole realme, the knoweledge thereof shuld be joyous and glad tydinges unto youe, we have thought good to certifie youe of the same, to thintent ye might not only rendre unto God condigne thankes and praise for soo gret a benifite but also continually pray for the long contynuaunce and preservacion of the same here in this lief, to the honour of God, joye and pleasyr of my lord the King and us and the universall weale, quiet and tranquillitye of this hole realme. Yevyn undir our Signet, at my Lordes manour of Hamptoncourte the xij day of Octobre."
[1536–40, probably 1538,] April 7, St. James.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford.—"Thies shalbe to advertise you that havyng receved your lettres of the 27th of Marche, I declared the same unto the Kinges Highnes who takes the same very thankefully and in good parte. Willing and desiring you further to examyne aswell the same William Yrishe as all others that were present att the speking of the wordes by you in your sayd lettres mencioned. Upon what grounde or occasion, to what intent and effect, what moved hym therunto, what tyme and place and under what manerand affect he spake those wordes, with as moche diligence and maturitie as ye maye. And that doon to certifie me of your said examinacion with spede, wherupon ye shalbe further adcertayned of the Kinges Highnes pleasure howe the said person shalbe further ordered in that behalf, praying you in the meane tyme to see the same kept in sure warde accordingly.—Signed.
[1538,] September 21, Penshurst.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford.—"By your lettres of the 16th of this present delivered unto me by this berer your servaunt, I perceyve the cancred malice of Richard Henly agenst the Kinges supreme auctorite for the usurped power of the grete ydole of Rome I commende moche your good diligence and vigilancy in your proceding used in that behalf, Requiring you that at the next commyng in that countrey of the Justices of Assise ye cause him to be indicted and further processe to be made agenst hym, so that he may be, to the terrible exemple of like presumptuouse and trayterouse persons, punished according to his demerites as the lawe right and justice do require. As touching [the] proctor of the Charthuse whereof ye be stuarde, my mynde was never by my lettres nor otherwise expressed that he shuld contynewe there onles he be of such fidilite to the house in the good administracon of his office and of such honest conversacon both towardes them and other as apperteyneth. And in cas he be so or if he hath beu otherwise and woll ernestly emende, I wold be glad he myght contynewe there according to myn intercession bifore made for hym. If he be not so honestly disposed, I woll in nowise support hym but rather wold be sory that he shuld hynder the house or contynewe therein to the slaunder of the countrey. Concerning your mater betwene my lord of Huntingdon and you, I shalbe content at all tymes to employe meself ernestly to bring you togeder, and to be a meane that both your titles may be shewed and loked upon, and so to assaye to my power that the right title maye prevaile and you to remayne good freendes at the last. At his next cummyng hither, I woll be in hande with hym for the same in such wise that I trust ye shal have your right conserved as to right and conscience shal apparteyne and as ye shal have cause to be contented."
[1538 ?] November 11. London.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford. "Whereas by your lettres of the vjth of this present sent unto me by this berer, your servaunt, I do perceave that nowe lately you have committed to prison a prest called Sir Richard Henry for certain traiterouse and sediciouse wordes spoken by him, as more at large appeareth by a bill of articles sent unto me with your saied lettres; Thiese shalbe to signifie unto you the Kinges Highnes pleasour is that the sayd prest do still remayn in warde untill the commyng downe of the Judges in Eyre who shall at the next Assise there to be holden by speciall commission here and examyne the saied articles and so determyne the same as justice shall require in that bihalf. And as concerninge the matier in variaunce betwixt you and my lorde of Huntington, you shall undrestand that oone of the arbitrators elected and chosen to here and examyne the same is departed this worlde, yet nevertheles I doubte not but that I with the rest of the saied arbitratours shall at laysour and tyme convenient take such ordre and directions therin as shall be to your good satisfaction."
[1539,] July. Oatlands.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Hungerford of Haytesbery. "Havyng receyved your letters wherin ye write of the mysdemeanor of one Sir Nicholas Balam prest, late monk of Henton, wherin myne advise shalbe that ye shall commyt him to the gaole till the commyng of the Justices of Assise into those parties and to declare the matier unto theym with the circumstaunces therof to thentent the[y] may order that [m]at[ter] according to their discrecions and as n with the Kin[ges] law[e]s equite and justice I ha[ve per]used your be deposicions taken agaynst [Hen]ry Champ[ernon ? t]o be delivered to Mr. Chauncel[lor] of the Aug[ment]acions, bicause the mater apper[tei]neth to tha[t cour]t, to thentent he may procede t[herin] as the ca[se sh]all require. Furthermore I h[ave] writen u[nto M]aister Arundell if any injury hathe byn done unto you, to see you satisfied for the same as [a]mite and conscience shall require, [and] I doubt [not he] will do therin accordyngly. [And to]uching your [req]uest for purchas of the manor of He[nton] and other [land]es of the same I shalbe glad to fu[rther] you therin when the tyme shall serve."
[1540.] Feb. 9. London.—Thomas Crumwell to Lord Huugerford of Haytesburye. "Thies be for asmoche as the Kinges Majestie hathe ben enformed that certaine lycences, foundacions and other wrytynges belongyng unto the late priory of Charterhous Henton and graunted by Thomas Horton, clothier, and other hathe ben ymbeysled and conveyd away by certaine persons. The Kinges Majesties pleasure is that ye, calling Dame Mary Horton wydow, Thomas Horton, William Byrde clerke, Richard Davis, and Sir William Furber clerke, before you shall examyne theim and every of theym by vertue of an othe to be admynestred to theym by you of and uppon the premysses with the circumstaunces therof by all the wayes and meanes ye can or may excogitate and devise. And to advertise me of that ye shall fynd and knowe therin with all convenyent spede, to thentent I may cause suche order and direction to be had and taken in that behalf as the case shall requyre. Faile ye not thus to do as the Kinges trust and expectacion ys in you."—Signed.
I am informed that you pretend a title to a chantry in Chippenham of which you are trying to procure a surrender by the incumbent. The patronage of it belongs to me and you have no interest therein as I will prove save by an advowson the circumstances of which I leave till our meeting. If you persist and wade further in the matter, I doubt not you shall take the fall.
Pass to permit Edward Hungerford Esq. to travel with two men beyond the seas for three years for his better experience and knowledge in the languages provided he repair not to Rome without his Majesty's leave.
1638, Nov. 9.—The Lords of the Council to the high sheriff of Wilts. His majesty having sent his writ to the high sheriffs of Wilts and Gloucestershire and to the mayors and head officers of the corporate towns within the same counties, to provide one ship of 350 tons besides tonnage, to be furnished with 140 men, tackle, munition, victual and other necessaries to be set forth for the safeguard of the seas at the charge of the said counties and corporate towns; and having commanded them to assess the contributions to the same within fifty days of date of receipt, the sheriff is required to order the business according to the following instructions which are to be communicated to the mayors and head officers of the corporate towns of Wilts.
1. The sheriff to be only of the quorum, but in case of unequal or unfair rating carried by a plurality of votes the sheriff to have power to balance that inequality, so as not to be overruled by the major votes to the prejudice of the county which is the greater body. The sheriff withal not using this power to the favour of the county against the towns or of one town against another.
2. That you meet with the sheriff and head officers of Gloucestershire to assess the two counties respectively. And for your information we find that one ship manned and furnished as above will be 4,200l. whereof we think Wilts should bear 2,200l. and Gloucestershire 2,000l. And in the county of Wilts we consider New Sarum should bear 90l. the borough and town of Marlborough 25l. the borough of Devizes £18 the borough of Chippenham 12l. and the borough of Welton 2l. and the rest of the county the residue of the 2,200l.
These rates we wish observed rather than have any difference of opinion among you which would retard the service. But if for greater equality and from more local knowledge, the major part of you agree to a different rating and the sheriff assent, we are content you rating shall stand.
3. Having agreed on the assessment, you should subdivide the same and make the particular assessments in such sort as other common payments upon the county or corporate towns are most usually subdivided and assessed, viz. the sheriff to divide the whole charge on the county into hundreds, lathes or other divisions, and those into parishes and towns, and the towns and parishes must be rated by the houses and lands lying within each parish or towns, as is accustomed in other common payments payable by them respectively.
And whereas his majesty takes notice that in former assessments, notwithstanding the express order from our letters to ease the poor, there have been assessed towards this service poor cottagers and others who have nothing to live on but their daily work, which can only have been done to raise clamour and of prejudice against this service, his Majesty's command is that no persons be assessed unless they be known to have estates and money or goods or other means of livelihood than daily labour. When you find such poor men taxed you are to take it off. Further, rich men occupying little or no land and who as an ordinary land scot, would pay little or nothing, are to be rated according to their worth and ability. Such rating to be used for the easing of the poor or of such as are overcharged with children or debts. The like course to be in the corporate towns. And herein you are to have more than ordinary care and regard whereby to prevent complaints of inequality in the assessments, wherewith we were much troubled last year.
4. For more easy and better proceeding herein, the sheriff, after having rated the several hundreds lathes and divisions of the county, is to send forth warrants to the constables, requiring them to call unto them some of the most discreet and sufficient men of every parish town or tithing, so as to assess the hundred most equally, certifying the same to you with all speed, which assessment you, the sheriff, are to sign if you approve thereof. If for inequality you alter the assessment, you are to sign it, keeping a true copy, and order the speedy levying of the same by the constables of hundreds, petty constables, and others usually so employed.
If any one returned to you are refusing or neglecting payment, you are to execute the writ upon them, causing distress to be taken of them and to be sold for payment of their assessments, rendering back the overplus. The mayors and head officers to do the like for the corporate towns, observing the usual distributions by wards parishes and otherwise.
5. Concerning the assessment of the clergy, his Majesty is resolved to maintain their privileges as under his progenitors, but as it has not been sufficiently shown to us what privileges have been aforetime allowed them in payments of this nature, for the present you are to assess them like the rest of his majesty's subjects but with due respect to their persons and calling, not suffering any inequalities or pressure to be put upon them. If any clergyman find himself justly grieved, upon complaint to his diocesan or Chancellor you with some of them shall hear the complaint, and relieve him if there be cause. If the complaint is altogether frivolous and causeless, the diocesan to punish the complainant.
6. Any constables bailiffs or other officers refusing or neglecting their duties to be bound over to answer their neglect at the board, and in case they decline to give such good bond you are to commit them until they give bond or perform their duties; you taking special care in the meantime of the due leyying as required of you, and by such instruments as in the default of the constables and ordinary officers you like best.
7. You are to frequently call for an accompt from the constables, officers and others, and in case of refractory or dilatory persons you are presently without delay or respect to proceed roundly with them according to his majesty's writ, and not defer meddling with them to the last or until others have paid, as was done by some sheriffs in former years, whereby all the burden and trouble was cast upon the end of the year and those that were refractory gained time above the well affected.
Lastly you are to accomplish this service with speed, that the money may be timely paid in and the fleet furnished by the date expressed in the writ. For assure yourself that whatsoever you shall leave unlevied during your shrievalty will not be cast on your successor, as in former years some sheriffs expected and therefore retarded the service. Such arrears to be levied by yourself after the end of your year by warrant from your successor, or such other covenant as shall be found most behoveful.
Upon a review of the accounts for ship money levied on the writs for 1637, in spite of our exhortations, we find an arrear of 205l. 8s. By his Majesty's special command, we require from the sheriff of last year upon pain of severe proceeding to be had against you to pay to Sir William Russell Kt, Treasurer of the Navy, what you have collected and not paid in and to assess and levy the residue by distress or otherwise as by the said writ of 1637. For which purpose we require and authorise you the present High Sheriff to give warrant to your predecessor for that purpose, or to such meet persons as he shall present to you to be employed by him in that service from whom only his Majesty doth expect an accompt for his own year. Said arrears to be collected and paid in by the beginning of Candlemas term. In case of default, you are to attend this board on the second Friday of Candlemas term, to give an account why the same is not levied and paid in.
1639, April 30. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. On consideration of the slow coming in of ship money this year and of the proceedings of sheriffs in former years, we find it a great error that they laid the work upon the constables, and further delayed to levy distress on the refractory till late in the year, when it was most troublesome to levy.
To prevent this in you, we refer you to the instructions formerly received from this board. If any constable prove negligent, you shall perform the service in your own person or by competent deputy, and be careful not to defer executing his Majesty's writ on the refractory. Negligent constables shall be punished upon complaint from you. Lastly you are to pay what money you levy to the Treasurer of the Navy once every fortnight.
1639, December 1. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. By his Majesty's writ, you are to provide one ship of 560 tons besides tonnage to be furnished with men tackle munition victual and necessaries, assessing the county and corporate towns for the same by the advice of the mayors and officers.
The charge of a ship of that burden so manned and furnished will be 7000l. We conceive that New Sarum may well bear 192l. the borough and town of Marlborough 60l. the borough of Devizes 50l. the borough of Chippenham 30l. the borough of Wilton 5l. The residue to be assessed upon the rest of the county.
1639–40, January 12.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. Sheriffs are to use all possible diligence in the speedy levying of ship money, in accordance with the writs issued in November last, more than ordinary diligence to hasten his fleet to sea being desirable this year. All money received to be paid to the Treasurer of the Navy by the 20 [? Febru]ary next. An account of the sheriff's proceedings in the matter to be given to the Council at the same time.
1639, February 21. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts for 1638. There is an arrear of shipmoney charged upon the county during the year of your shrievalty, for the levying and bringing in of which you have been several times called on by letters of this board, yet we find your negligence therein is still the same. If all arrears of your shrievalty are not levied and paid in by the end of the first week of next term, it is already resolved and declared by the board, and directions are accordingly given to the attorney, to proceed against you by information in the Star Chamber.
1639–40, March 5. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. Complaining of neglect of the previous commands of January 12. Require sheriff either to provide a vessel as prescribed by the writ by the first of April next or otherwise by the same time to levy and pay in to the Treasurer of the Navy the whole sum required in that behalf. Failing this, it is resolved and ordered by the board, his Majesty being present in Council, that a round and exemplary proceeding shall be had against you according to your demerits.
1640, May 11. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. You have been frequently importuned to levy and pay in ship money. His Majesty's occasions for defence of the kingdom are more rather than less pressing. These frequent admonitions add weight to your default and contempt. If you pay not in at least one half of the money due from the county by the last of this month, and the other half by the 24th of June next, you must expect to feel a smart punishment.
1640. June 6. Whitehall.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. We have desired the Lord Chamberlain of the Household and the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Wilts to impart some particulars to you concerning his Majesty's service. By his Majesty's express command, you are not to fail to meet his Lordship at Marlborough on Tuesday night next June 9th, where you shall understand more particularly the cause hereof.
By the writ of 1639, you had to provide from Wiltshire a ship of 560 tons, or the equivalent charge thereof 7000l. by the first of April last which you have hitherto neglected. You are at once to levy the said 7000l. or so much of it as is unpaid and deliver it to the Treasurer of the Navy in accordance with instructions of 11 May and this upon peril of incurring the uttermost of such forfeitures and punishments as by the laws may be inflicted upon you for so high contempt and misdemeanour.
1640, October 21.—The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff of Wilts. On a review of the ship money accounts for Wilts, we find much more money has been levied than you have paid in to the Treasurer of the Navy on the writ of 1639. You are forthwith to pay in the same and further to recover from the collectors all sums in hand returning to us the names of such collectors as refuse to pay to you or otherwise attending this board yourself to answer your neglect at your peril.
1640, June 6. Whitehall.—The Earl of Pembroke to John Duke of Lake, Esq. High Sheriff of Wilts. You are to attend me at Marlborough on Tuesday next the 9th instant at the latest as I myself intend to be at Runsbney on Monday. You are there to receive and put in execution such directions as I shall give you for the composing of the present disorders which have arisen in Wilts on the levying of the soldiers and the raising of coal and conduct moneys for this northern expedition.
1644, October 17. The King to the Mayor and Aldermen of Salisbury.—"Whereas wee are thus farre advanced with our Army, having by God's great providence and assistance freed the Westerne parts of this our kingdome from the tyranny and oppression of the Rebells and left our good people therein in a peaceable condition, whereby wee have received evident testimonyes of their good affection and inclination to the advancement of our service by their free and voluntary contributions and loanes of money, which in proportion wee doe expect from you. And therefore wee doe hereby will and require you forthwith to assemble togeather and by assesse or any other wayes to rayse and provide within this Citty upon the inhabitants thereof the full somme of five hundred pounds, and to pay the same without delay tomorrow morning by sixe of the clocke unto our trusty and welbeloved servant John Ashburnham esq. our Treasurer at warr for the necessary use and supply of our Army. Herein wee are well assured you will bee so active as that wee may not fayle of the somme required, it being very little in proportion to what wee have received from other places of equal ability with this. So Wee bid you farewell, this 17th October 1644."
1673–4, February 19, Lakham. J. Montagu to Edward Hungerford at Hungerford house in the Strand. I desired of my cousin Johnson an account of Sir Samuel Morland's pump and described to him mine, which is thus: a pipe or barrel as in other pumps in which a spindle is placed having a screw about it at the bottom. The quick turning of this screw brings up the water with ease. I drew the invention simply for use on my own estate. As to the public concern in the matter and in the grant of privilege which it appears parliament is like to grant Sir Samuel, you can judge better than I.
I answered your last the same morning. As to Sir Samuel Morland's engine, I am not his rival. I desire only to have undisturbed use of my own lands for the benefit of my estate of that way of raising water which I have thought of and have a model of by me. I wrote to this effect to my cousin Johnson fearing Sir Samuel's method and mine might be alike, though I have not the least hint of what kind his invention is. As to the public concern you say there is an intention of excluding all other devices of the sort of Sir Samuel's. There will need a short act of parliament for this as no engine can be made which has not in it something of another. If you speak only of the principal fact of the invention the claim is reasonable. That device I have chanced upon may be as advantageous as his. It has its whole power in the force of a whirling or vertigenous motion, a principle which could be applied to many machines even for flying. I chanced upon it by considering of the nature of a screw and as to raising water by it had a hint from an ordinary experiment of turning water swiftly round in a glass, and by the observation of waterspouts. I neither know nor envy Sir Samuel Morland and write only to show you that parliament should be wary in things of this nature. It is a question whether it were better to pay projectors a sum down for inventions, as I am told they do in Holland rather than grant them sole use.
VII.—A History of Longford written by Mr. Pellatt, domestic chaplain to Lord Coleraine about 1670. Most of the materials are derived from printed sources, but the following extract seems to deserve quotation:—
Mem.—Lord Gorges sold Longford to Lord Coleraine.—However the said Lord Coleraine was content to sit down a great loser both by the dealing before mentioned, and by the unhappy times which immediately succeeded the era of his Longford purchase, for, after the disbursement of 18000l. besides continual expenses for the trimming up of his lordship's new bargain, according to the kind opinion he had of it, his Lordship enjoyed it little above four years, by reason his Majesty thought fit to make a horse garrison thereof, and according to his Majesty's order it was given up by his Lordship in April 1644.
His Lordship having too great a family of young children (to abide with them amongst soldiers) and too much of his other estate under sequestration, because he remained in the King's quarters, was now thrust upon such a dilemma as to find it equally difficult to him both to stay at his beloved seat or to go from it, though there were nothing but trenches, rude soldiers, ruins and dangers left about it. However he affected the place so much and had already ventured so far concerning it, as that his Lordship was resolved not to go farther from his darling then like the damsel in the wilderness from hers, but keep within sight of it as long as was possible to view it not quite ruined, or to hope that it might be preserved though by a miracle of providence. Hereupon my Lord of Coleraine, with his great little family, got into an unspeakable small house at Burtford (then rented by his steward) and there they attended the fate of Longford, not without daily fears and dangers in respect of their own persons and people as of that place, for there were such continual quartering of soldiers, sometimes of one side and sometimes of the other, such frequent alarms and violences from both parties, that the hazards and troubles of those times were as monstrous as they are now unexpressible, and, thanks be to God, are not known amongst us. After the Lord of Coleraine had stayed as much to his prejudice as inconvenience (in so strait a place out of his own house yet to near it) (and out of zeal to his Majesty's service) endured the barbarous usage of the Governor, who kept most of his household stuff and the stock on the ground from his Lordship, which was all that my Lord had then left in the country wherewith to provide for his family. There was no tempting patience further then the next degree which his Lordship arrived at, and that was first to see his brewhouse and all that great and handsome range of out offices set on fire purposely, though happily saved from the flames and not quite ruined by them, next the curious pigeon house, and fair stables quite pulled down or unnecessarily burnt, upon a mere spiteful intent to dismantle the comeliness as well as strengths of the place, and then the leaden pipes and cisterns that conveyed the water from the pump house taken all away together with the building, the stone bridges to the house broken and the timber felled and everything so altered, as to make it another Samnium to be inquired after in the midst of itself. In the mean time, as the place was new modelling so it continued, expensive and costly now not more to his Lordship's peculiar revenue, then to all the neighbourhood while the garrison found the country work, that the country might be made to pay it contribution, the house was turned into a den of thieves, and his Lordship had no heart to look after it any longer, but getting leave of the King to go out of the west then the chief seat of the war his Lordship arrived with great difficulty at Totteridge in Hertfordshire, and with small hope that Longford should escape an utter ruin.
But it pleased God after the fatal battle at Naseby, that Oliver Cromwell in his triumphal passage, having taken in Basinghouse and Winchester Castle (marching towards the Devizes), thought fit to summon in Longford (fn. 1) by the way, and Longford not only escaped his fury, but was likely to have given a deserved bloody death to that too prosperous and sanguine tyrant. For while he with some few officers were viewing where they might best storm or batter the house, a shot from thence killed the very next man to Cromwell (being a captain lieutenant), and had done worthier execution had it took him off too, but Nemesis followed this Attila this flagellum Dei), with more leaden heels and reserved him for greater mischiefs. As perhaps his escaping so strangely before this place made the place likewise escape so strangely from destruction, since he left no marks of his flaming appearance behind him, only smoked out the nests of hornets which were hived within the walls, and had rather gulled their own party, then helped it by their company. For all this it fared with poor Longford no otherwise then with that Dæmoniack. who after it had been exorcised was quickly repossessed by viler devils then formerly haunted it, for instead of soldiers of fortune, and some honest cavaliers, there were put in by order of Parliament a knavish committee of clowns of neither fortune nor understanding, who first pillaged the house of whatsoever the former guests had left, or could be torn from doors, or walls, or windows, and then moved the Parliament that the house should be slighted for being a dangerous place.
It is true it never deserved ruin, more then for not tumbling down upon such villains, but since its lares were unwillingly deflowered by these ravishers, it was no more guilty then a virgin that is abused after her lodging is broken into, and so escaped according to her merits for (by a special proviso put in by a good neighbour and friend) it was excepted out of the number of those houses that were to be dismantled and pulled down for fear of future wars and garrisons.
After this (its greatest escape), it was cleared from the pretensions of some of the Lord Gorges' kinsmen, by the just payment of 2,000l. sterling to them from the present Right Honourable Richard, Lord Gorges, who worthily deserves an eulogy for doing that honour to his name and parent, as to pay moneys out of his own means rather then his Lord father should appear unjust.
As the storms of civil dissension broke away, and our days cleared up by degrees, my Lord Coleraine, having weathered so many difficult points both as to law and conscience as had greatly impoverished his estate (not only by the loss of great sums of money and chargeable law suits, but by his absence from his chief rents, his actual delinquency and sequestration, his being plundered both at Longford and Totteridge, and afterwards highly taxed and decimated for not taking covenants and engagements. After this, I say, his Lordship's desire and delight returned again for Longford, which for some years before he looked not to see again, but in rubbish, and then, like Nehemiah, he was impatient till he had begun a repair.
Revisiting this house (circa anno 1650) to see what his egregious tenants on both sides (agreed to prejudice him) had left behind, his Lordship was saluted with nothing but filthiness and desolation, except it were an infinite swarm of fleas, that pitched upon his white boot-hose, there was no other living creature left for him, who was forced to leave behind him (when he went out of the house) a gallant dairy of Dutch cows, a great flock of wethers, yards full of poultry, and barns stored with provisions, yet was he nobly satisfied, that (being his master and all true subjects had suffered so deeply) his condition was no worse, though I have often heard him say that he had lost 40,000l. sterling by the troublesome times, and had all his delights impared not less then his estate.