Henry VIII: June 1536, 6-10 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1887.

'Henry VIII: June 1536, 6-10', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536, (London, 1887) pp. 440-470. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol10/pp440-470 [accessed 19 April 2024]

June 1536, 6-10



6 June. Vienna Archives.	1069. Chapuys to Charles V.
	On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me, which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the Concubine matters would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine, in which he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine and of her brother. And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess his heir; but by what he said afterwards, which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before. For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother, nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple. This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted (quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her, as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to understand.
	Notwithstanding what Cromwell has told me, many fear the obstinacy of the King towards the Princess. The earl of Sussex in the Privy Council proposed to the King that as the Princess was a bastard, as well as the duke of Richmond, it would be right to prefer the male to the female; and as this opinion was not opposed by the King, it may be that some will hereafter favor it. One who knows the French ambassador's secrets told some one that the King had offered the Princess for the duke of Angoulême; on which the said ambassadors (sic) despatched a courier to France on Ascension eve, and on their return next day the King spoke about it again, and the ambas sadors remarked that although nothing had been said of the restitution of the Princess, yet it was quite obvious that that must be presupposed on both sides. Then the King got into a great anger against the obstinacy and disobedience of the said Princess, showing clearly that he bore her very little love or goodwill. I should think he made the offer of the said marriage to interrupt the peace negotiations between your Majesty and France, which are based on the marriage of the duke of Angoulême.
	Having endeavoured first to ascertain from Cromwell the King's inclination upon the above subject, I delivered to him your Majesty's letters to himself, and communicated to him the substance of what you had written to me; at which he showed himself as pleased as could be, especially as I told him that, to simplify matters, after my letters were deciphered, I would show him everything in confidence. He said to me, as before, that I should find the King his master very well disposed to peace and amity with your Majesty. I would not then enter into particulars in case of revocation and establishment of amity until I saw how the King proceeded; and by what I have perceived hitherto of the King and Cromwell, they only reckon upon preserving neutrality and remaining friends with all the world; but they have since spoken "plus avant." Cromwell tells me (but I have only been able to extract it from him by divers means) that the bailly of Troyes had come to know how the King wished to be comprehended in the peace, and that the King had replied he wished only to be comprehended as a principal contrahent; and he wished to comprehend the others, not the others to comprehend him.
	The same was declared to me by the King, to whom I said that the thing was in his hands to do so if he pleased. Cromwell also told me that the bailly had brought to show the answer which the King his master had made to your Majesty upon the very honorable proposals made by you in Consistory; and that in that answer the king of France, by way of reproach, had said that without his aid you would not have obtained the Imperial crown, nor even have gone into Spain before it. At these words this King had been sorry, for it was his part to boast of these things and not that of any other, and begged the bailiff to advise his master to put in his answers things more true or more probable. Cromwell also said that the rest of the answer was such that he should have been ashamed to make it. He also said that the said bailiff [and] the other ambassador had proposed the marriage of the eldest daughter of France with this King, but that it was labour lost, for this King would never marry out of his kingdom. On my asking why, he gave me a very slender reason; viz., that if a foreign queen of great connections misconducted herself as to her person she could not be punished and got rid of like the last. And on my replying that this was a misfortune not to be expected in generous and well brought-up persons, as they might see by the example of the late Queen, I took the opportunity to suggest the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, saying everything that seemed to me suitable. As to the "Infanta" ("linfante") Cromwell passed this over altogether; but as to the Infant Don Loys, he gave ear to it readily, enquiring several times of his age and personal qualities, and how many children the king of Portugal, his brother, had. And on my saying that although there was no hope of Don Loys succeeding to the crown of Portugal, yet, besides being of so noble blood and so virtuous a prince, he had enough goods of his own to maintain honorably the estate of the said Princess, I would not say better than the duke of Suffolk and the queen of Scots' present husband, but I came so near this, that he himself said so, and, moreover, that it was certain that, failing hope of the succession of this kingdom by a male child of the King, your Majesty would, it is to be hoped, in that event do something for the advancement of the said Infant.
	Next day, Ascension Day, (fn. 1) I was with the King at 8 a.m., who, after kindly congratulating me on my convalescence, and thanking me for the letters I had written to him, began to make recital of your Majesty's letters of 13 and 18 April and of 15 May, and showed in everything the greatest satisfaction. The conversation turning on your Majesty's visit to Rome, I, finding the King in such good humour, said, in addition to the contents of the letters, that your Majesty was more desirous of the King's approval of the reasons you had given in your justification than for that of all other princes, as the King was one of the principal of all Christendom, and by his wisdom and experience was most competent to judge such matters, and that your Majesty would have been glad, before putting forth the said justifications, to have taken counsel with him about them, as you would do in all other matters. He appeared very glad to hear this, and said I should do him very great pleasure by communicating the said justification,—all the more so as, after dinner, the French ambassadors were to speak to him about that matter, and they did not always speak the truth. He took in good part my offer to read the copy of your Majesty's letters to your ambassador in France; and after talking together a while, begged that I would read them to the Chancellor and Cromwell. I did so, and they found it all so good that they had no criticisms to make.
	Coming to the recital of the last letters, I studied to keep as close as possible to the text, they were so wisely and exquisitely couched, only I kept silence about "la frondeur quil avoit, et lautre fois," and refrained from saying that if this King would not go roundly to business, your Majesty would be justified, reserving that clause till it should be necessary. I also forebore to mention at once the offers of the French to treat haut et bas in what concerned him, or the delay your Majesty had made therein; but afterwards it came in very opportunely to tell him, and I had no great difficulty in persuading him of it, for he had long suspected it.
	Having explained my charge to the best of my power, the King, who had been resting in a window, rose up very glad, and told me that I had brought him the most agreeable news, and for his part he was desirous of peace and amity with all the world; yet he thanked me very much for the trouble I had taken in these matters, and the good service I had done therein, as he had learned from the letters of his ambassador. After some other talk he added, that in accordance with his custom to conceal nothing from me, although the matter was of small importance, the cardinal of Lorraine had made great complaint to his ambassadors that he had heard in your Majesty's court that they had solicited and obtained, in the name of the said King, peace and amity with your Majesty; thereby insinuating that that had hindered peace between your Majesty and the king of France; and though the King does not believe that such reports have emanated from your Majesty's court, yet he will be glad if the thing be accomplished. I said these were French inventions, as he might suppose, and that I was sure if there was anything to remedy in the said case, or any other that concerned him, it would be done with great goodwill. I then said I understood the French had proposed to comprehend him in the treaty of peace, and that it would be much more profitable and honorable for him to be the principal, and comprehend the French if he thought good, and that it only rested with him to do so. He replied that he had made pretty nearly such an answer to the French ambassadors, and that he could not well say for what the bailiff of Troyes had come, for his commission was so vain and so ill founded that it was a shame, and that he would engage that the bailly could not tell distinctly what charge he has, and that formerly the bailiff had appeared to him a man of good judgment and experience, but now he found him quite otherwise. I said I thought that it might have been the fault of the matter and not of the person, that had given him such an opinion of the bailiff. He said both causes concurred, and that he was astonished at the terms of the French, who would never come to the point about anything, and were only seeking a multiplicity of matters, and that long ago he had proposed certain things to the French king by his ambassadors, to which he had not yet had any reply, though he had expected that the bailiff would have brought it, and so long a time had elapsed that the circumstances had altogether changed. He said that the said bailiff, among other things, had communicated to him the answer of the French king to the propositions made by your Majesty in Consistory, but it was no great thing.
	After these and other conversations, by the advice and even request of Cromwell I recited what had been written to me from the Court of the king of the Romans of the lanceknights who have already passed into Italy, and of the preparations still made in Germany, both of foot and horse, which makes me doubt that the said King was ill informed of the forces of your Majesty. Cromwell also begged me to relate to the King what had been written to me from Genoa and elsewhere of the retreat and disbanding of the men levied by Canigno de Gonzaga and his companions. It is on this, as the King affirms, that Francis bases his argument that your Majesty was the first to violate the peace; but on my showing him that as it was against the treaties for Francis to negociate or levy men in Italy against your Majesty, and that as, besides, those Italians raised for the French king being all or most of them subjects of your Majesty and of the Empire, it was lawful for your Majesty to treat them as you had done. He made no reply, but seemed quite satisfied.
	Towards the close of our conversation. Cromwell, fearing I might forget to show the King your Majesty's answer to the French ambassador at Lucca, came forward to remind me about it. The King approved it entirely, even though he seemed thereby to have less hope of an "appointement" than by what had taken place before, which is what those here have always demanded. In the end he said to me that if I had any power to treat he would order his Council to attend to it, and, if not, I ought to write for it. I told him that I had no special power, but that I knew part of your Majesty's intention, and that to gain time, if he pleased, Cromwell and I would communicate, and that according to the decision we came to I would engage to have the said power, and if it was necessary, that some honorable person should come, to give the matter more weight. To which he consented. Shortly after I left the chamber he sent to me by Cromwell to say that it would be better, before wasting time in conference, to write for the said power and wait for it; but on my insisting on the opposite view, Cromwell, after speaking again with the King, arranged on the third day after to make answer to me, and begin our conference. He was so busy, however, that we could not confer till the Monday following, which was the 29th ultimo. I then visited him at his house, and the first words he said to me were that perhaps I suspected that the delay of my answer was owing to some hope they had of treating meanwhile with the French; but I must banish that opinion, for matters were not in such a state, and, even if they were, I might be assured they would treat nothing to the prejudice of your Majesty; yet it was true that they expected news from France before sending a dispatch to their ambassador with your Majesty, but my answer would not be delayed by that. Hereupon he began to speak about the matter of the Princess as that on which depended the stability of all the other matters to be discussed. On which I showed him the injustice of the letters which he wished the Princess to write. He asked me to moderate, correct, and amend what I pleased, or to dictate another letter such as I would have, and to use my influence to get the Princess to write; in which there will be no difficulty, for the Princess is determined to do only what I advise her. Cromwell assured me that every day since I had spoken with the King, they had been discussing the affair of the said Princess, and that certain remonstrances I had made with him and others of the Council had been well taken, and that the King no longer made any difficulty in making the said Princess his heir, and that he had approved of the overture I had made for the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, which might be pursued after the restoration of the Princess, but not before. And as to the other marriage of the Infanta of Portugal, it was impossible, for the King did not intend to marry out of the kingdom. Cromwell might have said also that the King had already fixed on a wife, to wit Jane Semel, as I wrote to Granvelle on 20 May. Yet the King denied it on Ascension Day (fn. 2) to the French ambassadors, telling them he was at liberty; whereupon, as I am told, the said ambassadors next day despatched a post. On my telling Cromwell that I had heard that on the French requesting to have the Princess for the Dauphin, the King would not consent, but offered her to the duke of Angoulême, he confessed it to me, saying I might well consider what the worth of this offer was; that these were artifices of princes; and he dared to add (at which I was astonished, especially as the case only applied to the King his master) that princes often do things so extravagant and dishonest that he would rather lose one of his arms than think of acting so.
	After reading to Cromwell your Majesty's letters, which he liked very much, I said if it was only a question of treating of a new and stricter friendship, we had labored to no purpose, seeing that there was no rupture or innovation on either side. And when he admitted this to be true, I went on to show that as sometimes physicians desired illness for their friends, and lawyers disputes, in order to show their true love and regard for them, and as God, without the wish of anyone, had offered a great opportunity of showing that the memory and root of old friendship was not extinguished between your Majesty and the King, and, moreover, to show the zeal he had for the service of God, the peace of Christendom, and the promotion of the Faith, the King had taken so much trouble to conciliate the Emperor and the king of France, so that he might be justly called the author and conservator of peace, that he had all the more reason to be angry at the wilful violator of peace, especially at such a juncture, when your Majesty was on the point of completing your holy and necessary enterprise against the enemies of the Faith; and that by this and other evidences, of which the King his master was fully informed, especially the understanding of the French king with Barbarossa and the Turk, with whom he had made a treaty, all Christian princes were justified in taking arms against the said King, especially the king of England, who, besides being a principal member of Christendom, bore the title of Defender of the Faith, and besides doing a good deed, would wipe out the evil rumors spread of him in France that he was no good Christian. On this Cromwell suddenly said to me that I had taken the word out of his mouth, and that if there were no other reason why the King should declare himself against Francis, he believed that Francis could be immediately crushed, or at least reduced to such terms that he would hereafter leave the world in peace; but he saw one danger in the King's so declaring, viz., lest your Majesty came to treat with the French, to which you appeared to be very well disposed, considering the offer of Milan to the duke of Angoulême; and if your Majesty considered well the consequence, you would as little consent to give the said duchy to the duke of Angoulême as to the duke of Orleans. This advice about not giving Milan to the duke of Angoulême had already been given to me by the King. I told Cromwell that in the event of your Majesty making any treaty with the French without the consent of his master, and in case his master made any difficulty about the said declaration, I proposed that he might give pecuniary aid. This I thought necessary to accelerate the negociation, and to find out the better what is in their mind, for to wait an answer to the first objection there would be no end. As to what concerns the defence of Flanders, I told him there was no need to speak, for it was notorious that the King was bound to the defence of Flanders by several treaties. Cromwell assured me that the King his master had said to him, just as he was leaving the Court to wait upon me at his house, that he knew well that among other points I would not forget to speak of the said protection of Flanders. Further, Cromwell said to me that if it rested with him he would resolve suddenly to make the said declaration against the French king, and that he would use all his influence to that effect; but that if I were of opinion that the King his master should meanwhile interfere in behalf of peace, or should send some ambassador to the king of France to advise him to desist from his enterprises, that would be done at once. I replied that as to advising the king of France, I did not think it expedient, for reasons he might sufficiently understand; it would only serve like the water which farriers throw upon the fire, and that if the King wished to induce peace he must act on the advice of Solon, the legislator of Athens, who, to appease the dissensions that might arise in that city, ordained a law that, in case of trouble arising, no citizen should remain who did not declare himself either on the one side or on the other. Cromwell said this was true, but there remained the objection that if the French knew that England was going to join with the Emperor they might offer terms, even to their own disadvantage, to injure the King his master.
	To this objection I gave, I think, a satisfactory answer, with which he appeared to be content, and said that he would make a favorable report to the King, and next day give me answer. Next day he sent to ask me to excuse him, because it was impossible to speak to me either that day or the day following. On the third day, which was 1 June, he said he was obliged to go to the country, and would give me on his return an agreeable answer.
	Must not omit to mention that, among the remonstrances which Cromwell approved of, he noted particularly that it was not at this time that the kings of France had first troubled the affairs of Christendom, and that their glory and ambition had caused the loss of the Holy Land, and compelled that chivalrous prince Richard Cœur-de-Lion to withdraw, Philip of France having made war upon him unjustly. Recited also to Cromwell several other wrongs done by the French, and how they boasted that the Dauphin would subdue the realm as another Dauphin had done in the time of king John; and that on this subject they had invented certain prophecies, which they had got printed, to encourage the said Dauphin, though he is well enough inclined to it himself, and some time ago dared to say in the presence of Englishmen that he would regain the title and arms which the king of England bore, and something more besides. Cromwell acknowledged it was all true, and that there were other arguments for the same course, and it would not be his fault if it were not adopted.
	They have delayed my answer so long awaiting news from France, as Cromwell let out to me. The delay was to my great annoyance, as I feared that meanwhile my man George would arrive with letters from your Majesty. He came on the 1st inst., and, according to your Majesty's command, although the King has made his decision, as I have already mentioned and have before written to Granvelle, yet I will not forbear to declare the affection and goodwill of your Majesty in this point, even more amply since there is no danger of being taken too literally; yet I will take care that it cannot be said this is an offer of being godfather after the child is baptised (que ce soit ouffre de comparaige apres lenfant baptiste).
	The day before George's arrival the man of the French ambassador came, who had left the same day, and to take the same news as George to the Court of France; and as soon as he had dismounted, he went in great haste with letters to Cromwell. Next day the two French ambassadors were with Cromwell, and were at Court the day before Whitsun eve.
	On Whitsun eve, in the morning, Cromwell came to see me at my lodging, although I had sent to request him to wait for me at his own, and first told me, pour joyeuse entrée, that the King and the new Queen were wonderfully well pleased with the wise and prudent letters the Princess had written (in which, nevertheless, there was nothing corresponding to the draft abovementioned, nor anything that could prejudice her), and that the King was resolved to make her his heir, which he supposed to be one of the principal articles of my charge on which the rest depended. Now, it is true that I had perceived some indications that there was a proposal to declare the Princess heir without giving her the title of Princess, and she will remain excluded in case of a son or daughter being born. If this be so, and I see an opportunity to remedy it, I will speak about the subject. If not, I will not stick at it much, hoping that by the establishment of peace and augmentation of amity, with the great prudence and virtue the King will perceive in her, that she will be declared true and just princess,—although, according to the opinion of many, there is no fear of the occurrence of any issue of either sex. Coming to the principal subject, Cromwell said that he had repeated to the King his master the communications we had had together, and the King had given him patient audience, well noting and considering everything, and that he had since heard the French ambassadors, to whom he had made a brusque reply, first as to the marriage of the Dauphin with the Princess, that he knew not why they urged it, as at the meeting at Calais he had resolutely replied about it to the king of France, his brother, and as to the duke of Angoulême he was too young for the said Princess, who was of marriageable age. As to declaring himself against your Majesty, he saw no ground for it, and though they said that your Majesty had been and was his enemy, he did not see it; he had much greater occasion to complain of several who had called themselves his friends, and he could very well testify what they had done about the "privation" and other things; and as to the danger which they alleged to him, which was the sole motive they made use of, that your Majesty aspired to universal monarchy, and that you were revengeful of injuries—that the English, after feasting France, would have their St. Martin—there was not the slightest fear, for they knew the nature of your Majesty, and for other good reasons besides. As to assisting them with a contribution for the war, he also declined it for the same reason. As to the suggestion that he should take this affair in hand in order to bring to agreement your Majesty and the King their master, and that he would write to your Majesty to procure an abstinence of war while they were treating of peace, he replied that it was not reasonable that he should write such letters, for several reasons, especially as the amity between your Majesty and him was not well consolidated, but he would request me to write with diligence to your Majesty to consent, notwithstanding past matters, to an honorable peace, and used such arguments with me as he thought fit. But, considering everything, he had very little occasion to meddle with such matters, seeing that they had turned about on all sides in their negociations, even to his disadvantage, employing therein his principal enemy, the Pope, and without informing him of anything important, except at the end when the matter came to be broken off. For a compliment, they had asked him how he would be comprehended in the peace, in which matter your Majesty had acted more honorably and cordially, having told him by me that it was in his power to be the principal contrahent, and to comprehend those whom he pleased. At which words Cromwell said the King showed great delight, saying further, that the French, after so much trifling and making a thousand offers, which he repeated to the ambassadors, especially those that the cardinal of Lorraine had made to your Majesty, and seeing themselves deserted by everybody and in great danger of being completely baffled, now came to him and tried to make him stumble with them in the ditch into which they had blindly precipitated themselves, and that it was no wonder their affairs went so badly, considering the envy and dissension between the Grand Master and the Admiral, who were chief of the Council, and that they need not have made so much boast hitherto to lower their ears immediately after, and that your Majesty managed your affairs more honorably without so much fuss, and yet showed clearly that you were not in such need and poverty as the French had pretended. And here the King inveighed strongly against the cruel enterprise of the French against the duke of Savoy. Such was, as Cromwell affirmed, the King's reply to the French ambassadors, which he ended by telling them that if their master wished him to promote this peace, they must put aside passion and cupidity and submit to reason; which, in his opinion, suggested that a king of France should be satisfied with such a wealthy kingdom, without irritating the flies by which he might be provoked. And he desired that the ambassadors should write with diligence to learn the will of the King their master upon this matter, and have it set forth in articles.
	After relating this to me, Cromwell began to show me the inconveniences that war would entail, and the good that would ensue from a peace, during which an expedition might be got up against the Infidels, these two Kings joining their forces with those of your Majesty; and the King his master would take care that it was all without prejudice to your Majesty; adding that the King requested that I would write about it without loss of time, since I did not know particularly your intention about this renewal of peace, and perhaps I was not perfectly informed of all the articles in which your Majesty considered the French to have infringed the treaties, and that if the French king would not consent to more reasonable conditions than he had done hitherto, the King his master would have the more occasion to declare himself, and it could not be imputed to rashness on his part, as it might be if he did so suddenly. Afterwards Cromwell said to me, without my proposing the subject, that, as to the Council, it must not be supposed that his master wanted to have a god apart, and separate himself from the union of Christians; he desired the Council as much as anyone else, provided it was called by Your Majesty as chief of Christendom. On this I replied that for this time it was right to leave the power of summoning it in the Pope's hands, and if it was otherwise determined at the said Council use would be made of it accordingly. I begged him, however, to consider and put in writing how your Majesty could effectually call the said Council; which he promised to do, and therewith I got rid of the matter for my part as far as possible, in order not to spoil the principal matter, considering that there is time enough to treat about the Council. After Cromwell had finished his discourse I warmly thanked the King for his goodwill to your Majesty, and Cromwell for the trouble he had taken in so meritorious a work. Therewith I began to praise the wise and prudent answers the King had given to the French ambassadors, especially the excuse he had made for not writing the letter they wanted him to write, because the King, not being informed of the disposition of affairs there, might have requested something of your Majesty, which you could not grant without serious damage, and you would have been in great perplexity, not wishing to refuse the King anything that was in your power. I said that, having spoken with the King, I would willingly write to your Majesty as above, and although I have no charge to discuss the said matters of the peace, yet, considering the desire you had always shown to have peace, [even] accepting unjust and injurious conditions, I would dare promise that your Majesty would not refuse the said peace if it could be assured with true regard to the right and wrong of everyone. The said King had seen how the French had observed preceding treaties, and it might be regarded as rashness to trust them again. They were now very low, and had no refuge except the Turk, with whom they wished to negociate, and they wanted the King to mediate, which the Emperor would have been very glad of if the King had been made arbiter from the first. It must also be observed that the French, seeing your Majesty had spent a vast sum of money on the expedition to Africa, and in guarding yourself against them, would seek means to make that expense unavailing; for one of the things they seek is to wear out your Majesty's money, and make you vacillate in your promises to the Italian princes; and I did not know how the Germans would be satisfied, especially some who had come at their own expense to serve you; and that it was necessary to maintain such men for the need one might any day have of them, especially against the said French, who keep no faith; and I thought your Majesty ought to consent to no peace till Burgundy was restored, which so justly belongs to you, with the arrears and expenses you had incurred for this army, and an indemnity paid to the duke of Savoy. He said his master would assuredly have good regard to everything as reason would.
	As to what he had before said, that I had no particular information of the infringements of treaties by the king of France, which is the ground the King takes for [not] making the declaration which I demanded, I observed lightly that I had, and related to him what you had been pleased to write to me, telling him, besides what I had said to him last time, that even if there were no other pretext but the stoppage of payment of their pension, that was quite as fair a cause for declaring war against them as when the Cardinal had declared it against your Majesty. Cromwell said that was true, but these princes were marvellously scrupulous not to wound their honors, and it was necessary in this matter to yield to the King, begging that I would therein do a good office. I said it was not necessary to wait for other news from your Majesty to know what you would demand in case we came to negociate for the establishment of peace between you and his master.
	He said he thought so too, but the King wished not to know it in order to pay this compliment to the French. Thereupon I requested him as earnestly as possible, by his duty to God and the King, and for the benefit of the realm, that he would urge the King without further delay to declare for your Majesty. He said that the short delay till an answer came from you would not matter, and that I might be assured everything would come about as your Majesty desired, requesting me, for the honor of God, at once to use every effort to have the matter of peace referred to the King's arbitration, and assuring me that in that case the French would have nothing in Milan, and that the King would have due regard to Burgundy and the other matters I had put forward. This he repeated to me several times.
	The French ambassadors, who expected to go to Court to day, have been put off till tomorrow to give place to me, and this morning before the King rose I was at Court. The King sent immediately to excuse himself by Cromwell that he was not so early out. I replied that he did me wrong to treat me with such ceremony, for he might count all your Majesty's servants as his own. At which words Cromwell showed himself very much pleased, and immediately reported them to the King. On coming from mass the King repeated his excuses to me, and thanked me for the answer I had made to Cromwell. He asked where your Majesty was. I said my man, who had just returned, had left you at a day's journey from Alessandria. He also reported that on telling your Majesty the news of the arrest of her whom the King had justly executed, and declaring the cause to have been a conspiracy against his person, your Majesty appeared astonished and troubled, and asked if it was possible that she could have shown such malice against such a good, humane, and virtuous prince, who could not have done more for any person than he had done for her; and that afterwards your Majesty began to praise God that the King had escaped such danger, and that the matter had been discovered before any mischief was done. On hearing which the King was very glad, saying he was much bound to your Majesty. He then asked if it was possible that the man who had carried those news had already returned. I said, Yes, and that, besides the duplicate of the last dispatch, he had brought letters from your Majesty in which you charged me, besides recommendations, to speak of the offers (partiz) mentioned therein. He thanked your Majesty many times for your goodwill, saying that the said offers were very honorable, but even if he had not been married he could not have chosen either of the two by reason of the proximity of blood. Still he was none the less bound to you.
	On his return from mass I accompanied the King to the chamber of the Queen, whom, for the King's satisfaction, I kissed, and congratulated her on her marriage, and said that her predecessor had borne the device La plus heureuse, but that she would bear the reality, and that I was sure your Majesty would be immeasurably pleased that the King had found so good and virtuous a wife, especially as her brother had been in your Majesty's service, and the satisfaction of this people with the marriage was incredible, especially at the restoration of the Princess to the King's favor and to her former condition; and, among other congratulations, I told the Queen that it was not her least happiness that, without having had the labour of giving birth to her, she had such a daughter as the Princess, of whom she would receive more joy and consolation than of all those she could have herself; and I begged her to favor her interests; which she said she would do, and especially that she would labour to obtain that honorable name I wished for her of "pacific," i.e., of author and conservatrix of the peace. After speaking to the Queen, the King, who had been talking to the other ladies, approached, and wished to excuse her, saying I was the first ambassador to whom she had spoken, and she was not accustomed to it, that he quite believed she desired to obtain the name of "pacific," for, besides that her nature was gentle and inclined to peace, she would not for the world that he were engaged in war, that she might not be separated from him. After dinner I went to speak with the King in his chamber, and protesting "pour non lui altérer son cerveaul," that I would not for the present object to the answers made by Cromwell, I begged him to take in good part that which I should say about the conversations Cromwell and I had had together. He desired that I would speak boldly. And I began to make part of the remonstrances I had made to Cromwell. He replied that it was true that the leagues and confederacies between your Majesty and him are far more ancient and better grounded than those with France; and, that notwithstanding it was true that the cause for which they had been made with France had ceased, he could not on that account fail in the promise he had made, for he was bound to both parties to defend the party attacked, and the French pretended that they were entitled to do what they had done against the duke of Savoy, because he had refused to restore Nice, which was only a surety, without violating the peace, and it was quite another thing to invade one of those comprehended in the peace from what it was to invade the subjects and dominions of a principal con trahent. And he begged your Majesty would look to this, lest by attacking France you might be called the aggressor, and he should be compelled by treaty to defend the party attacked, which would be disagreeable for him. On my showing him the articles in which the French had infringed the peace, he replied, as to Gueldres he was not informed, but he knew that a French gentleman who had been conveying money to Gueldres on the part of Francis had been taken at Brussels, and he did not think your Majesty would pretend a rupture on that account, seeing that you had made no mention of it in your statement at Rome. As to Wirtemberg, he tried to excuse the French, saying the Duke had gone to seek them, and the money the French had delivered was for the purchase of certain lands, and that the Duke was only subject to your Majesty much in the same way as the duke of Savoy. He attaches more importance to what the French have done "en lendroit de loccupateur de Mirandula;" but in the end he gave up almost every point, although he wished somehow to excuse an incursion lately made by the French on the frontiers of Artois, saying it was done by peasants of their own accord. After much talk the King notified to me that it would be necessary, in order to soften both parties, to tell them their wrong and show some "braverie," begging your Majesty to consider the good that would come of a new peace; and instead of commanding, he begged me to do my duty in this matter, not once but at least ten times, saying to me "Monsieur, je vous supplie, considerez, faictez, ecrivez, &c.," which was quite extravagant courtesy. At last, seeing that it was no use pressing him to declare himself, I asked him what, in conclusion, I was to write to your Majesty. He replied that I ought to know better than he; but since I asked him he thought I should write that if you were willing that he should mediate this peace he would do it willingly, and would take care to allow no article that was not honorable to your Majesty. I said he ought to bid me write another article, viz., that in case he found the French to be violators of the peace or aggressors, or that they would not agree to a reasonable peace, he should declare himself for your Majesty. He replied cheerfully and distinctly that I might boldly assure your Majesty of it. He did not repeat what he had said before, that it was necessary also that he should use such "braverie" towards your Majesty in case you were wrong, nor that it must be considered if new conditions more unreasonable than the previous were put forward he should consider himself mocked by the parties unless it was owing to expenses since incurred, or a change in the situation. The King having explained to me as above I told him he might hold it certain that he would find all the fault was on the side of the French, as he would see clearly if he would weigh a little what I had said to him. Moreover, the French would never consent to honorable conditions. I therefore begged him to consider from this time about making a new treaty with your Majesty, and that he would declare to me what he would demand on his part in like case. He said to me he had certainly not considered about it, and for the haste of this despatch, as he had not all his council, he could not at present determine, but I might write to your Majesty that I would inform you of everything by the first despatch.
	The King had said to me before with great protestations that it was not by way of reproach, and he begged me not to inform you about it if I did not think it for the benefit of affairs; that, because the promise formerly made to him to continue the war against the king of France, even to the privation of the Crown, had not been kept, he feared that when they came to treat it would be the same thing again. But I satisfied him on this point by several reasons.
	On my leaving the King he called several of his Council who were there in the chamber, and repeated to them our communications. Meanwhile I went to talk with this Queen's brother, whom I left very well informed of the great good it would be, not only to the Queen his sister and all their kin, but also to the realm and all Christendom likewise, if the Princess were restored to her rights; and I am sure he will use his good offices therein. The duke of Norfolk afterwards, leaving, told me that I should see without being told that the King his master had no need of Chancellor or Council to make his replies and take his determinations, for he did all his business himself. I afterwards spoke to Cromwell, reporting the brusque words the King had used to me, but excusing him because he had already taken upon himself the office of an arbiter, who to bring the parties to an agreement imputes blame to both. Cromwell replied that I had spoken truly, and he thought it a great advantage that I understood the nature and artifice of the King his master, and that he could assure me all would go well; and he prayed God that during these interludes your Majesty's army might make notable progress, and that if the Princess were restored, which he hoped would be by Saturday next, all the rest could be easily settled; and that the Queen, after leaving me, had spoken to the King as warmly as possible in favor of the Princess, putting before him the greatness and goodness of all her kindred. Cromwell would advise your Majesty to write a rather long letter to the King about the injuries done you by the king of France, your efforts for peace, the expences you have incurred, and offering still to accept a sure and honorable peace, especially for the King's sake; and that you might send me the conditions apart if you did not think proper to write them to the King, among which conditions Cromwell presupposes would be the demand for Burgundy.
	I have delivered the letters of credence to the three dukes, who thank you very humbly and promise to use their best offices for the matter in question and all other things, especially the duke of Suffolk, who has again sent for leave to take a command of Englishmen for the service of your Majesty. The duke of Norfolk inclines more to the side of France; I know not whether owing to conformity of conditions, or because the pension assigned to him by your Majesty was never paid. The interview of the two kings is forgotten. The king of Scots, after the example of his "patrisant et matrisant," has also aken to wife "une sienne amoreuse," and laughs at the French who had failed in their promise to him.
	Not being too well assured by the words of those here, I thought it my duty not merely to write simply how matters stood, but to add some of the circumstances, that your Majesty might judge more clearly the intentions of these men; for which reason I beg you to excuse my prolixity. London, 6 June 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 31.
6 June. Vienna Archives.	1070. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
	Thanks him for his kindness, as shown in the letters received from George. Writes fully in cipher to the Emperor. The King wishes to be mediator of the peace, and, if not, to have a just occasion and honorable means to declare against France. Does not think he will join France against the Emperor unless the French will renounce their obedience to the Pope. The Council are very pleased at being free from their subjection to France, which led them by the nose. Advises the Emperor to write the King letters of congratulation and thanks for what he has done for the Princess. It would be well also to write to the Treasurer Fitzwilliam, a man of sense and a good servant of the Princess.
	Sends a copy of a letter he wrote to the King a little after the arrest of the lady (Anne Boleyn). Showed it to Cromwell before sending it, but he altered nothing. The King was pleased with it, as Chapuys writes to the Emperor.
	The night before Anne was beheaded she talked and jested, saying, among other things, that those bragging, clever persons who had invented an unheard-of name for the good Queen would not find it hard to invent one for her, for they would call her "la Royne Anne sans teste;" and then she laughed heartily, though she knew she must die the next day. She said, the day before she was executed, and when they came to lead her to the scaffold, that she did not consider that she was condemned by Divine judgment, except for having been the cause of the ill-treatment of the Princess, and for having conspired her death.
	Though he has perceived nothing, thinks that the English in making a new treaty would stipulate for the restitution of what France occupies of theirs, and perhaps would wish to be assured that the Emperor would not molest them for their disobedience to the Holy See. Wishes to know how to act if this be so. One of the King's chamber said to one of Chapuys' men that the day after the execution the ambassadors offered Madame Magdalene to the King. He replied that she was too young for him, and he had too much experience of French bringing up in the case of the concubine. The same person said also that the woman whom the king of Scots had now taken had formerly given him a bastard. Having married her to another person, who has long lived with her, he now wishes to marry her; at which this King is displeased.
	The Emperor already had the hearts of all here, but this affection is much increased by what he said in Consistory. The duke of Suffolk said it would profit his Majesty more than gaining one or two great battles. Though Suffolk is a pensioner of France and a knight of the Order, he hates the French on account of their intelligence with the Turk. London, 6 June 1535 (sic).
	The King said casually and quite courteously that the French said that all the treaties they had made had been compulsory and in fear. Shut his mouth by reminding him how often the French king had said, both in writing and by word of mouth, that he would observe the treaties, and he said so still. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.
[June.] Vienna Archives.	1071. [Chapuys to Henry VIII.]
	Would have waited on him before, but for an attack of fever. Cannot yet safely go out. Writes, however, to express his zeal for the promotion of an inviolable amity, and to congratulate the King on this new felicity, rejoicing at the removal of obstacles to the long desired alliance. God has shown special care for Henry. Many great and good men, even emperors and kings, have suffered from the arts of wicked women. It is greatly to Henry's credit that he has detected and punished conspiracy before it came to light otherwise. Enlarges on this at considerable length, and assures Henry that he may rely on the firm friendship of the Emperor. Lat., pp. 4.
	1072. Neutrality of England.
R. O.	Commission to —to retain for the King's service—men whose names he shall certify in a bill of parchment, signed by the King and subscribed by himself and delivered to the King's secretary; with power to supply vacancies as they arise. It is stated in the preamble that the King is at peace with all princes, but having leagues with other princes for mutual defence requires to be prepared to furnish assistance, if asked, and to take steps for the more ready furniture of a crew for the town of Calais. On parchment.
6 June. R. O.	1073. William Reppes, Bishop of Norwich.
	Royal assent to the election of William Reppes, S.T.P., abbot of St. Bennet Hulme, as bp. of Norwich. Signed by the King. Endd. by Wriothesley: Apud Grenwiche vi^to Junii anno 28. "Wryothesley."
6 June. R. O.	1074. J. Husee to Lord Lisle.
	I have received your letters of the 2nd and 3rd June. In answer to the first, touching Sir Ric. Whethill, Mr. Prysley this night delivered him your letter, and declared your pleasure, to which he only hummed and hawed, but at last said he had made many friends; so that apparently he means to persevere in his malicious suit. Mr. Prisley, however, still hopes he will take further advisement. The negligence about your Lordship's hosen was owing to my bedfellow Fyssher, who would not suffer me to send them by any other than himself. He deserves to sit three days in the stocks for it, but it rests with your Lordship to qualify the punishment. As for the parson of St. Martin's, I stayed 40s. in my hands for the tenth, before your Lordship's letter came to hand. As to your other letter I shall deliver Mr. Hennage your Lordship's letter, and motion him of my lady's daughter. As to the nomination of an abbey, I wrote by Petley, and will make further search. When I have set these matters in frame I will follow your affairs in Hampshire. The proxy I shall deliver the second day of the Parliament, as the custom is. Snowden is a diligent waiter, but Mr. Treasurer has not yet motioned the King in his cause. I hope he will be earnest when he begins. As for the Marsh, though the matter has been taken by Water's information not after the true meaning, Mr. Secretary says the letter I send with this is wholly the King's pleasure, and will satisfy you. Wriothesley had this letter five days, and never told me till today at Court, but delivered it to me this night at Stepney. Mr. Secretary was not a little displeased at this, but in truth Wriothesley favored the party, or he would not have kept it. If you send lord Dawbny a piece of wine it would do no harm. As to my check, your Lordship's letter to Mr. Treasurer will ease it. I will certify Mrs. Medcalff of your pleasure touching Lyssle: You will receive a letter of the King's for Peretrey's pardon along with this other letter of the King's sent herewith. Remember Mr. Secretary's wine. I cannot yet know what answer the King made him touching your suit. The Queen's brother is today created viscount Beauchamp. London, 6 June. Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
6 June. R. O.	1075. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
	I have your three sundry letters. I can hear nothing of the liveries you sent to John Davy. I think one of Mr. Marshall's servants has the conveyance of them, but Mr. Degory's livery I have delivered to Mr. Chichester. I am glad the gentlewoman has arrived. The bowls, I assure you, cost no farthing less, and if you like them not the poor man that made them will take them back. Mine host hopes you will appoint him some venison; but one thing you may be sure of, "that my hostess is the honest man." As for Antony Husee's wife's cushion, I shall do as your Ladyship shall command me. I am much bound for the pains you have taken about my check. When I deliver my Lord's letter to Mr. Hennage I will move the preferment of your daughter to the Queen, which I hope will be easily obtained. It might be well to send lord Dawbny a piece of wine, but Mr. Sulyard must not be forgotten. The Queen's brother was this day created viscount Beauchamp. Mr. Tayler sends commendations. It was reported here that Mr. Rockwood was dead. Your gown shall be made with all speed. London, 6 June.
	Cranewell, Harwod, and Myller desire you to remember their liveries. Hol., pp. 2. Add.
6 June. R. O.	1076. Sir William Fitzwilliam to Lord Lisle and others.
	Has received their letter in favor of Henry Mounteney and Thos. Bradfield, the bearers, to be walkers and overseers of the forest of Guisnes, as, considering its extent, three persons are few enough. Wonders they would charge the King with the maintenance of three keepers, seeing his Grace has not been charged with any, and need not have been if they had done their duties; but understanding that the woods were decayed, and that there was one keeper in the days of Henry VII., he appointed Sextyn. Cannot ask the King to undertake further charges, but advises the deputy to promote the men within the town of Calais, according to the new Acts. Greenwich, 6 June. Signed. P. 1. Sealed. Add.: To my very good lord the viscount Lisle, the King's deputy of the town and marches of Calais, the lord Edmund Howard, comptroller of the same, Sir Richard Graynfeld, knight, high marshal of the said town and marches, Sir [Thomas Palmer], knight, p[orter of the said] town, and to Robert Fowler, squire, vice-treasurer there.
6 June. R. O.	1077. Cardinal Campeggio to [his Brother Marcantonio].
	For months, or rather years, I have been anxious to visit the king of England, to whom you know how much I am bound. And now that the King has put aside evil counsels, and is more ready to listen to truth, does not wish to delay longer. Gives his brother, who has sustained so much labor on his account, this additional charge:—First, to provide money with all haste from the revenues of the Cardinal's abbey of Orbais, (fn. 3) or by way of Lyons from John Bonguilelmo. Then to go to Boulogne, and, by aid of the deputy of Calais, procure a safeconduct for the Cardinal; afterwards to cross to England, procure an introduction to the King, and declare the Cardinal's wish to serve him, presenting his letters; or, if his audience be deferred, to address himself to the most influential councillors. Is to express the Cardinal's gratitude for having been twice received as legate in England, and for the infinite benefits the King has conferred upon him. He is then to try whether it will be of any use supplicating for the restitution of the fruits of the bishopric of Salisbury to the Cardinal, or else of their being kept meanwhile in the hands of the collectors; or, if he find it advisable, to leave the matter to some better opportunity. He is to use all opportunities of advancing the Cardinal's interests with those whom he judges favorable to them; and, in conversation, he may refer to the Council to be celebrated at Mantua next year, suggesting how important it would be for the King to have some one there appointed Protector (the title with which he formerly honored Campeggio) of known authority and experience. And though the Cardinal's own interests are the principal ground of his going into England, he must not omit any opportunity of suggesting to men of influence that, for the peace of the kingdom and the health of simple souls easily led into error, his Majesty should be reconciled to the Holy See; with which views preachers of new heresies should be restrained and mischievous books prohibited, and the King, as Defender of the Faith, should confirm his own books. He may also offer the Cardinal's services in procuring absolution for the King, such as some of his ancestors have obtained to their honor after many acts of disobedience. If this be well received he may go further, and propose that if the King would write to the Cardinal, a practice may be set on foot, so that ultimately a commission should be given to him for the reconciliation with Rome, or some one might be despatched to the Pope to act along with him. If this were ably managed it might bring his brother into great credit. The Cardinal's friends in whom he chiefly trusts are the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the bishops of Bath, Durham, and Winchester, and Polydore Vergil, his proctor.
	That in these conversations he may be informed of the grounds of dispute between the Emperor and the French king, sends copy of a long speech made by the former on the second day of Easter before the Pope and Cardinals, and the answer sent by the French king to the Pope on Ascension Day. As the Cardinal has not been without enemies who have sought to calumniate him with the King, he is constantly to maintain that, except in giving his vote freely in the King's matrimonial cause, he has always sought the King's honor, ascribing all the evil to bad councillors, and always hoping that the King would one day see the truth.
	From the Emperor's speech and the French king's answer you will see wherein the difficulty of peace lies, and the danger in case the Turk should attack the Christians; of which, though there is no fear this summer, yet, if he made peace with the Sophi, he might easily turn his arms against us. But if the king of England were reconciled to the Pope they would be able to prescribe terms of peace to the glory of both; on which subject you might remind him that Henry has always been arbiter of peace and war among princes. You might also read English histories, especially those of Polydore, for instances of quarrels and reconciliations with the Holy See; and French histories, especially that of Emilianus.
	Sends a cipher with instructions for communicating with safety. Recommends as a messenger into England Gherard Buoncourt, canon of S. Pol in Liege, formerly master of the Cardinal's stable, who knows English. Sends also his seal, that he may write and seal letters in the Cardinal's name if necessary. Rome, 6 June 1536. Lat. In Vannes' hand, pp. 7.
Vit.B. xiv. 222. B. M.	2. Italian original of the preceding. Signed. Mutilated. Add.
7 June. R. O.	1078. Sir Edward Bray to the Duke of Norfolk.
	On the last day of May, a "speneys" of St. Sebastian of Biscay came to Brythemston, and sold a French boat laden with mackerel nets. The men of the town asked my advice whether they should buy the boat, to which I gave no answer, but they bought it. Immediately after they left, tidings came along the coast that the King desired them to be taken. On-June 3 three servants of Mr. Comptroller came to my house, assuring me that they brought letters from the Lord Warden by the King's order, that an attempt should be made to take the "speneys," and that the Lord Warden had lever than 100l. they might be taken. An hour after the "spenys" came afore Brythemston with three French boats laden with nets and mackerel; whereupon I, with Mr. Gyfford and Mr. Shelly, took her. The crew is 28 persons, well appointed for war. I wish to know the King's pleasure and yours, and meantime they shall be treated as the King's friends. As far as we know, they do no harm to Englishmen. 7 June. Hol., pp. 7. Add. Endd.
7 June. Otho, C. x. 279. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 148.	1079. Princess Mary to [Cromwell].
	"Good Mr. Secretary, I think so long to hear some comfort from the King's grace, my father, whereby I may perceive his Grace of his princely goodness and fatherly pity to have accepted my letter and withdrawn his displeasure towards me, that nature moveth me to be so bold to send his Grace a token, which my servant, this bearer, hath to deliver to you." Begs he will find means that the King may send her a token, which will be her greatest comfort till she is permitted to come to his presence. [From Hownsdon the 7 of J]une. Hol. Mutilated.
7 June. R. O.	1080. Sir Edward Seymour Lord Beauchamp.
	Later copy of Grant in June, No. 5. Pp.4.
7 June. Vit. B. xiv. 224. B. M.	1081. — to Cromwell.
	"Viro magnanimo benemeritoque serenissimi Regis Secretario ip . . . Saluto in Christo Jesu.
	"Si la mia carta serra apresso V. S. frivole et di poco importantia . . . . . . . . . fatte mei non sinde fa memoria, serra di importantia apresso de un . . . . . . . . . . . donato et buttato qua in quisto loco, como havesse offeso la serenissima Ma[esta del Re] de Anglia per havire mia liberta, et andare aservire Dio et lu mio studio ne . . . . . . . . . . Dilche vostra magnificentia per quista mia presente intendera como son quillo fratre . . . . . . . . una littera di lu actu di Maystro Moro, quando fo decapitato; dove havi . . . . . . . . cto per mia confessione; donde come recto jodice et magnifico per mia con . . . . . . . . . . laudetur non si retrova cosa contumeliosa contra el serenissimo re pu . . . . . . . . . . si cosa havisse commiso di errore tutto lu reputireti in la mia ingnora[ntia] . . . . . havisse saputo che simili litera era di inportantia, non laviria porta[to por tutto el] oro del mundo, dilche, signor mio, son quasi passati doi mise che son carza [rato] . . . . . . . . . la pena mia grande et lo perdimento del tempo per causa che me son parti . . . . . . . . . . camino frustere decasa mia per studiare, ma vinto di infirmita et . . . . . . . . . senza argento, si non che Dio me aprestato la gratia, io fora sepellito.
	"Dove, signor mio, si con honore di justicia me posseti donare la liberta . . . . . . . . si non autem habbia alcona provisione di possere vivere per che sto qua et . . . . . . . . . . Altro non dico, continuo prego al Signor per vestra salute. Da le carzare de Cal[es, 7 June (fn. 4) ] 1536." Hol. Mutilated. Add. Apparently by the writer of No. 925.
7 June. R. O.	1082. Fraunces Harbart to Cromwell.
	These parts are now in good peace, for the Deputy is at peace with all the Irishmen here. He intends to set forward on 25 July against O'Bren, who is banded with the Geraldines and Desmonds of those parts. Want of money is a great hindrance, and has caused the soldiers to commit extortion. Since he was made a captain, has not received 40l. from the Treasurer, but has spent 100l. of his own on his men. Has remembered Cromwell's words that if he died in his Prince's service, he died in the service of God, and if he lived doing him service, he needed not to doubt that he should thereby be made a man. Hopes to be rewarded for his services as others are who have not so well deserved. Now is the time, for the King has more in the land than he ever had before, by means of parliament, and Harbart has assisted as one of the Commons House. Asks for licence to come to England, but not till after this journey against O'Bren, Thanks him for his preferment to be one of the King's council, but he is not allowed to sit. Some about my Lord envy him because they see him ever much towards Mr. Treasurer. Asks him to write to the Council about it. Was not made privy to their last letters to the King. Dublin, 7 June. Hol. pp.3. Add.: Chief Secretary. Endd.
8 June. Otho. C. x. 280. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge. 149.	1083. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.]
	Begs his daily blessing. Though she understands, to her inestimable comfort, that he has forgiven all her offences and withdrawn his displeasure long time conceived against her, her joy will not be full till she is allowed to come to his presence. Begs pardon for her continual suit and rude writing, for nature will suffer her to do no otherwise. Hopes God will preserve him and the Queen, and send them a prince. Hownsdon, 8 June. Hol. Mutilated.
8 June. Add. MS. 25,114, f. 162. B.M.	1084. Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop.
	The bailly of Troyes, lately sent by the French king, has treated only of two points;—first, the King's opinion touching the summoning of a General Council; second, to know the King's determination concerning the desired contribution. Is commanded to signify to them that the King's answers "as the same were conceived and translated into French, be now delivered to the said bailly." 1. The King thinks the summoning of a free General Council would be very expedient for the honor of God and the extirpation of error, but that it is more than necessary for all princes to see that no Council be held except in a safe and indifferent place; that an order should be taken amongst Christian princes beforehand for the appointment of such a place and for the manner and form of the indiction, and who shall be the minister in the same, for the King has so clearly deciphered the usurpations of the bishop of Rome that he cannot consent to any Council being indicted by him. 2. Although the King will always be a sure and faithful friend to France, as he perceives an inclination both in the Emperor and the French king to refer their quarrel to his arbitration, he thinks the appointment of any such contribution at this time would make him an unmeet umpire between them. He would, therefore, defer it till the Emperor actually invade France or refuse his mediation. He hopes speedily to receive such articles from his said good brother as will enable him the more thoroughly to feel the Emperor's inclination. Trusts they will give effect to the King's answer. He neither intends greatly to seek nor to refuse the office of mediator. If it be put to him, the Emperor's ambassador thinks his master will condescend thereto, and the bailly of Troyes and Mons. de Tarbes think the same as to Francis. Wallop is of himself to use his influence in the matter with the Emperor's ambassador, and any others who, he thinks, may advance it. The King was much offended at Gardiner's earnest suit for the pension appointed to Master Brian, "taking it half unkindly that though his Grace had no pretence of right in it, ye should labor so earnestly to defeat his earnest promise." Advises him in his next letters to give the King satisfaction. From the Rolls, 8 June. Signed. Pp. 5. In Wriothesley's hand. Add. and Endd.
Calig. E. i. 123. B. M.	1085. Henry VIII. and Francis I.
	Reply of Henry to propositions made to him by Francis I. through De Dinteville, bailly of Troyes, touching the proclamation of a General Council, and their respective contributions to the war against the Emperor.
	Henry thinks a Council General very necessary for the extirpation of the present abuses and errors which darken God's truth, and injure the authority of princes; but it must be held in a secure and indifferent place, so that not only those present may express their opinions freely, "mais aussy que tous les Chrestiens puissent accorder ensemble auparavant tant d . . . . et place tel que dict est, que de la. . . . . . . . indiction, et qui en sera le ministre . . . . . . . bien et parfaictement deschiffres les u[surpations que l'Evesque] de Rome a attainct par la supremite . . . . . . . qui est totalement resolu ne s'accorder a [aucun concile] dont l'indiction sera faicte par ledit Eves[que ou par] aulcun autre potestat, sinon qu'il soit a[ccordé] . . . en la forme et maniere dessus expresse. [Et le Roy] se fye veritablement que la grande discre[tion] . . . . . quil cognoist en son bon frere apres avo[ir bien] considere et contrepoyse les choses susdites se . . . vouloir et adviz."
	As to the contribution, Francis ought to feel certain that he will always find a sure friend in the King; but since Henry has asked [the Emperor] to refer the matters at variance between them to him, and thinks Francis will be ready to do the same, he thinks paying the contribution now would make him suspected and less fit to mediate, and therefore thinks it had better be deferred till the Emperor invades the dominions of Francis, or refuses to abide by Henry's decision. He waits to hear that Francis is agreeable to the articles already passed between them. Trusts he will make honorable and reasonable offers and trust [more] in the King's friendship "en fin de conclusion q[uil] na offert et commyz a levesque de Rome ou a aul[cun] autre potestat ou ambassadeur." If he cannot induce the Emperor to listen to reason, Henry will not fail to make such answer about the contribution that all the world may see that he is the French king's friend. Fr., mutilated, pp. 3.
Calig. E. III. 125. B. M.	2. The opinion of the king of England on the two points proposed to him by De Dinteville, to the same effect as the preceding, but more brief. Fr., pp. 2, mutilated.
8 June. R. O.	1086. John Bartelet to Cromwell.
	In accordance with the Act of the last Parliament, the mayor and aldermen have chosen Mr. Pryseley as burgess to attend Parliament. He left within these eight days. Has made certain arrangements about the passage into England, as the mayor and aldermen have not lately furnished it with ships and vessels of their own according to their duty, taking, nevertheless, the half passage to themselves. It is possible they may wish to frustrate the letters patent granted to him three years ago, and have given Pryseley instructions "contrary to my poor honesty." Asks Cromwell to advertise him before he gives any credence to such matters. Calais, 8 June. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary and Master of the Rolls. Endd.
8 June. Statute Roll.	1087. Parliament.
	Begun at Westminster 8 June 28 Hen. VIII., Acts concerning:—
	1. The attainder of Thos. Fitzgerald and his five uncles [c. 18].
	2. Assurance of the manor of Southwark to the King [c. 19].
	3. Jointure of Dame Grace, wife of Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to Henry lord Morley [c. 20].
	4. Exchange between the King and the prior of St. Johns [c. 21].
	5. Lands belonging to the earldom of Warwick [c. 22].
	6. Pension to Robert Shurborn late bp. of Chichester [c. 23].
	7. Attainder of lord Thomas Howard [c. 24].
	8. Assurance of lands to viscount Beauchamp [c. 25].
	9. Assurance of lands in Kew to viscount Beauchamp and lady Anne his wife [c. 26].
	10. Church of Elsingspittle to be the parish church of St. Alphes, Cripplegate [c. 27].
	11. Moiety of Ricard's Castle assured to John Onley [c. 28].
	12. Exchange with the abbot of Westminster for Covent Garden [c. 29].
	13. Purchase of Stanton Barry from Thomas Pope [c. 30].
	14. Enlargement of St. Margaret's churchyard, Southwark [c. 31].
	15. Lands at Westminster conveyed to the King by the churchwardens of St. Martin's and St. Margaret's [c. 32].
	16. Durham Place conveyed to the King by exchange [c. 33].
	17. Baynard's Castle assured to the duke of Richmond [c. 34].
	18. Exchange with lord Sandes [c. 35].
	19. Award between Sir Adrian Fortescue and Sir Walter Stoner [c. 36].
	20. Jointure of Dorothy, daughter to the earl of Huntingdon, to be married to Ric. Devereux, son of lord Ferrers [c. 37].
	20a. Assurance of Paris Garden, &c. to the Queen [c. 38].
	21. Earldom of March [c. 39].
	22. Lands assured to Edw. North [c. 40].
	23. Manor of Birmingham assured to the King [c. 41].
	24. Exchange with the abbot of Abingdon [c. 42].
	25. Lands assured to Thos. Jermyn [c. 43].
	26. Manor of Haselyngfeld assured to the Charter House [c. 44].
	27. The Queen's jointure [c. 45].
	28. Lands assured to Thos. Hatclyff, clerk of the Green Cloth [c. 46].
	29. Lands assured to John Gostwyke [c. 47].
	30. Concerning a marriage to be had between lord Bulbeke, son and heir apparent to the earl of Oxford, and Dorothy, eldest daughter of the earl of Westmoreland [c. 48].
	31. Exchange of Covent Garden with the abbot and convent of Westmoreland [c. 49].
	32. Exchange between the King, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell (Wimbledon, Mortlake, &c.) [c. 50].
	33. Jointure of Katharine duchess of Suffolk [c. 51].
	34. Lands of lord Rochford, Norris, and others [c. 52].
	35. Benefit of clergy restricted [c. 1].
	36. Against servants embezzling [c. 2].
	37. Power to allot townships in Wales [c. 3].
	38. Repeal of statute for dowlas and lokerams [c. 4].
	39. For prentices [c. 5].
	40. For continuing the Statute of Beggars and other Acts [c. 6].
	41. The Succession [c. 7].
	42. For continuing statutes against exportation of copper, &c. [c. 8].
	43. For continuing statutes against perjury and others [c. 9].
	44. For extinguishing the authority of the bishop of Rome [c. 10].
	45. For restitution of first-fruits during vacancies to next incumbent [c. 11].
	46. Declaring the limits of the King's palace of Westminster [c. 12].
	47. Against non-residence of spiritual persons [c. 13].
	48. Prices of wines [c. 14].
	49. Punishment of pirates [c. 15].
	50. Dispensations from Rome [c. 16].
	51. The King's successors when 24 years of age to have power to annul Acts of Parliament made during their minority [c. 51].
	1088. Parliament.
R. O.	A list of peers, viz.:— Bishops: My lords of Rochester, St. Asseye, Landaph, Exiter, Cicestre, St. David. Abbots: My lords of Ramesey, Glocestre, Tavestoke, Burton.
	The archbishop of York, lord Lysley. Barons: My lords Barkley, Mautraverse, Fitzwaren, Darcy, Mountegle, Hussey, Wentworth, Stourton, Dudley. P. 1. Commencement lost. Endd.: . . . . . at this Parliament.
R. O.	1089. Against Papal Jurisdiction.
	A suggestion for avoiding any further recognition of the bishop of Rome or of the fact that his authority had been once respected in England, which would be only too apparent from the clause quatenus jura et statuta, &c. which it seems to have been proposed to insert in the King's grants confirmatory of old bulls. It is proposed that the substance of every bull, so far as it may be granted with the King's honor, should be excerpted and passed by a grant from the King without any mention of the bishop of Rome. Pp. 2. Underneath the text, in Cromwell's hand, is scrawled, "My lord of Wynch. The Staple." Endd.: For confirmacion of bulls.
R. O.	1090. Against Papal Jurisdiction.
	Draft preamble of an Act of Parliament apparently intended for the "Act for extinguishing the authority of the bishop of Rome" (28 Hen. VIII. cap. 10.), but differing from that which was adopted. Large paper, pp. 2. Endd.
R. O.	1091. Sir Walter Stonor to Sir Adrian Fortescue. (fn. 5)
	In the possession of Sir Walter Stonore:—The manors of Dudcote and Penyon Maysy, entailed by fine to heirs male, Michellescourt and Pannellescourt in Burwardescote.—97l.
	In the possession of Sir Adrian Fortescue:—Pushull Venables, Watcombe, Warmodescombe, Bromesden, Byxgybwyn, and Condycote, Stonore, Sottwell Stonore, Settwell St. John, Boorton, Watlyngton, Cuxham, Thame, Rycote, Standelf, Clayore, Tettysworth lands, Sadeler's lands, Lyncolne's lands; lands in Reddyng, Tylehurst, Benesheves, Burghfelde, Erle, Whittley and Shenyfelde, Parkes manor in Brytewell, Mowlsoos, Pushull Napper.—144l. 0s. 4d.
	In the possession of Dame Mary Englefelde:—Horton, by gift of Sir Adrian Fortescue, 50l.; Ermyrgton, 66l. 13s. 4d. All these lands are entailed to the heirs male, by fine or will.
	In possession of Sir Adrian Fortescue, in right of his wife Anne, daughter of Sir Wm. Stonore, to which Sir Walter Stonore makes no claim:—The manors of Nurslyng, Wolfeston, Berkeden Hode, Womeforde, and Clyfto Bernefelde, 138l. 19s. 5d. Bradeston in Berkeley Herons, 50l. Melrethe, 23l. Alveley, 44l. Paid him out of the Exchequer, 66l. 13s. 4d. P.1. Large paper. Endd.
R. O.	1092. Schoolmasters.
	Bill in Parliament exempting the masters of free grammar schools annexed to chantries from payment of first-fruits. Large paper, pp. 2. Endd.: For the schole of Wycke and other lyke.
8 June. Poli Epist., 455.	1093. Pole to Card. Contarini.
	The person whom he sent with his book to the King has returned with letters from the King to the effect that he is not displeased with what Pole has written, but as their opinions differ in many points, or rather, in everything, he desires him to return, that he may communicate with him. Cromwell writes, urging him to do so as soon as possible. Answers to this by a plain refusal, unless the King first returns to the Church. What was said about the favor in which Tunstal and "Balsoriensis Episcopus" were with the King is not true. Cromwell is the sole governor. Some good things are said about the new bride. Despairs of England. Expects to hear again from England as soon as the King knows he will not return. Venice, 8 June. Lat.
8 June. Vienna Archives.	1094. Charles V. to Chapuys.
	We received, on the 5th, your letters of the 19th ult., and take it as very good service that you have so fully informed us of the contents besides what you have written to Granvelle; desiring you to continue to keep us informed of what you negociate on the matters of which we wrote to you by the secretary of the English ambassador here, and since by your man George, for until we have more certain knowledge we cannot tell what to say. We trust to your discretion to advise and assist the Princess our cousin as you have done hitherto. We send copies of the answer made by the French king to the Pope in reply to what we lately said to his Holiness at Rome, and also of the reply made by us to the said answer, which you may use with the King and Cromwell as you think best. Asti, 8 June 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
9 June.	1095. Cromwell. See Grants in June, Nos. 11 and 26.
9 June.	1096. Bishopric of Norwich. See Grants in June, No. 12.
9 June. R. O.	1097. William Abbot of Waverley to Cromwell.
	I received your letters on the 7th, and have endeavoured to accomplish them. I send you the true extent and value of our monastery, beseeching you to help in its preservation, that it may continue in the service of Almighty Jesu. I am the bolder to ask this of you, because when I was with you last year at Winchester you told me to repair to you on this business. Waverley, 9 June. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed.
9 June. R. O.	1098. Mary Lady Guldeford to Cromwell.
	I have lately received by a lacquey of my lady marquess of Exeter a letter from you, showing that the King has given the keeping of Ledes and Langley to Sir Edw. Neveyl, to whom you wish me to give the preferment of my lease of the three mills in Ledes park and of the herbage and pannage of Ledes and Langley. I received by the same messenger a letter from the King to the like effect, and a third from Sir Edward. I think myself not well handled in this by Sir Edward, who knows I cannot refuse either the King or you who have been so kind to me. Nevertheless I will confer with him at my leisure, hoping the King and you would not have me let it to my loss. Beheworthe Castle, 9 June. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
9 June. R. O.	1099. Thomas Bell, sheriff of Gloucester, to the Bishop of London.
	Whereas of late I put a bill into your hands of the disorderly and colorable preaching of certain of the bp. of Worcester's preachers, since then the enclosed bill of articles was presented to Mr. Tysen, official of Worcestershire, in the archdeacon's visitation at Miche Malvern by Will. Horton, gent., of the par. of Stawnton, Will. Groundy, John Snede, John Kyng, and John Clerke, of the said par., testifying that Jas. Ashe, parson of Stawnton, has spoken slanderous words against the King. I desire that the said articles may be submitted to the duke of Norfolk. Many people here think that the bp. of Worcester does ill to admit such a light learned man to preach. He will not suffer any D.D. or B.D. of the diocese to preach who are known for discreet men and learned, but has admitted the warden of the Grey Friars, Worcester, Sir Saunders, parish priest of Winchecombe, Sir Benet and Sir Garret, his two chaplains, and divers other light persons who follow the parson of Stawnton, to the disquiet of Christian people. The said Benet preached at Gloucester on Sunday next before last May Day, saying if the Purgatory priests do pray with their tongues till they be worn to the stumps their prayers shall not help souls departed. He also said that the mass was no help to departed souls. The said bp. has likewise admitted a Black friar "called Two-year old," who was banished from the diocese of Worcester by Dr. Bell, then chancellor, for his abominable living and drunkenness; and a similar evil priest named Hen. Marshall he has promoted to a benefice and allowed him to preach in his diocese. We trust that by you and the duke of Norfolk the premises will be redressed. Gloucester, 9 June. Hol., p. 1. Endd.: "The copy of Thomas Bellys lettre of Gloucetour directed to the Busshop of London.
9 June. R.O.	1100. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
	You will receive of Hugh Colton one doz. quarter lings, in number 31. I had laden the half cwt. ling and the cwt. haberdeyn, but in consequence of your Ladyship's letters I got the fishmonger to take it again, giving him 53s. 4d. for the quartern. I bought it of Skerne the fishmonger, a kinsman of Mr. Skerne, of Lincoln's Inn. Both ling and haberden were never so dear. You shall have your gown against Corpus Christi day. Skut requires half a yard more, 14 yards in all. Your bonnet I shall bespeak next working day. As yet I can get no answer of Mr. Hennage concerning your Ladyship's daughter, but I have good hope your request will take effect. London, 9 June. Hol., p. 1. Add.
9 June. R. O.	1101. Sir Ric. Whetthyll to Lord Lisle.
	I have received your letter of the 2nd inst. in answer to one I wrote to your Lordship that my son Robert might be admitted to the late Thos. Prowde's room, but I perceive your Lordship will do all you can to continue Snauden in the same spear's room. You inform me that you gave it to Mr. Porter, and not to your servant, as I and mine had reported, "and will enjoy the said room in despite of your Lordship;" and also that my wife and son Robt. have behaved themselves unbecomingly to you and my Lady. Cannot understand their offence, but knows that Calais tongues and pens often promote mischief, but truth and patience will win at last. After the King granted the foresaid spear's room for my son Robert, I showed him, if his Grace meant my son to have it, he must direct letters to your Lordship, to discharge one that was admitted and sworn in it. "His Grace said a was sure once, twice or thrice hit was not so." I assured him it was true, and when he asked me who, I told him Leonard Snauden, your servant. His Grace answered, "what, so soon? so soon? well, said his Grace, resort unto us again." Two days after I applied to know his pleasure, and he bade me cause a letter to be made and sent to your Lordship, wherein I cannot yet be at an end. "But of your goodness ye offer me the next room for my son, or else to spend 100l., and still to continue in malice towards me." I have given you no cause for this, but I have no doubt the King's Council will say that my son's gift is better than Mr. Porter's, both because it was earlier and also by the ordinance made by Mr. Treasurer and the other Commissioners that anyone giving money for a room should lose it. Moreover, after the commencement of the last Parliament, the Act stood in effect. You will therefore hold me excused if I follow the King's grant. London, 9 June. Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.
9 June. R. O.	1102. Anthony Colley to [Cromwell].
	Wrote about the 25th May last by Rob. Cassy, of Dublin, respecting the great cost to which the King was put with his army here, and though they were endorsed to you, they were taken from the bearer and opened by the lord Deputy, in fear lest they should contain matter displeasing to him, and the writer was committed to prison, where he has been for 11 days and not allowed to see any of his friends. Desires he will send an order that the writer and his letters shall appear before him, as he is afraid that by the subtlety of the Master of the Rolls Cromwell will never see his letters in their unaltered form. This will prevent the truth from coming to his ear, and no one will venture to write to him of the affairs in Ireland. It was the policy of the late earl of Kildare to keep England in the dark on matters of Ireland. He usually prepared matters for the Council, which were first signed by his own followers there, and then by others; consequently the Council of England was frequently misinformed, and those were blamed who had never offended. Thinks he should send a commandment to the lord Deputy not to stop any letters, for the King and his Council are not so barren of understanding to need to have their letters construed and expounded. There are some here who do not wish that Cromwell should meddle in anything without their advice, as though their wits exceeded all men's. His said letters are written in the same "un-legible" hand that this is. Mr. Treasurer is very good to the writer, but not so the lord Deputy. If Cromwell will have him discharged of his service there, would be much obliged, as nothing that he can do would satisfy the deputy. Dublin, 9 June. Hol., pp. 2. Add.: [To the] right honorable Mr. [Cromwell].
	1103. Anthony Colly's Retinue.
R. O.	Complaint by the retinue of Anthony Colly, which belonged to that of Sir Wm. Skeffington, late lord Deputy of Ireland, showing that the present lord Deputy, since the coming over of the Chief Justice of the King's Bench here and John Alyn, Master of the Rolls, has committed their captain, the said Anthony, to prison, on the ground that the said deputy (Skeffington) is supposed to have sent one of the King's servants named Casy to him and to lady Anne Skeffington to say that he was going into England, and delivered letters to him for Cromwell and other of their friends; which letters being taken from him and read by the said deputy (lord Leonard Grey), he sent to lady Skeffington, the Lord Chancellor, the Chief Baron and justice Lutterell, to urge her to deny "the same her writings," request the good will of the said deputy, and promise never to write such things again. They hope also to constrain Colly, who is still in prison, to deny the truth of many things laid to his charge. It is a pity a man cannot write to the King or to Cromwell but his letters will be intercepted and scanned by his adversaries here. The present lord Deputy favors none of the late lord Deputy's retinue. We beg that an impartial commissioner be sent over. The last journey we ever made, some of us, without help of the said deputy, took a prey from the King's enemies, in doing which several were sorely wounded, and some lost horses worth 5l. sterling. Yet we brought the prey to the said deputy, who distributed it among his own servants and would not give us one cow thereof. Signed by John Colly, petty captain, Thomas Skeffington, and 71 others. Pp. 4. Add. at the head to Cromwell as Secretary.
	1104. Dame Anne Skeffington.
R. O.	"The articles of such ungentle demeanour as hath been showed in Ireland to dame Anne Skeffyngton, wife of the late Sir William Skeffyngton, knight, sith his departing, as followeth:" (1.) Lord Leonard Grey, by the Council of Ireland chosen justice of the land after the death of Sir William Skeffyngton, rebuked one Wyght, second baron of the Exchequer in Ireland, for preferring a letter to be signed with the Council's hands to the King's Grace of the late deputy's good service in Ireland. The baron asked lady Skeffington for the letter and showed it to lord Leonard, who has retained it by force. (2.) Lady Skeffington having household stuff at Mynowthe, after her husband's death hired carts to bring it to her, but lord Leonard would not suffer her to have any thence unless she would deliver him part thereof, and he still keeps it. (3.) Lady Skeffington had of the deputy and Council licence to send her son-in-law, Ant. Colly, into England with certain hobbies to the King, the Queen, and others her good masters, to solicit her causes. For this she hired a boat of Nich. Watkyn, but lord Leonard took it from her; she then hired another of Robt. a Powell, now in England, and paid beforehand, but lord Leonard arrested it for 14 days, and then commanded the said Antony not to go to England; in proof of which, Robt. a Powell, who was Mr. Treasurer's servant, yet has 5l. 13s. 4d. paid him for freight of the vessel. So the lady is without her money, and driven from her suits and "to the great charge in keeping of her horses." (4.) When Sir William Skeffington, at his last coming to Ireland, saw the country in ruin with Thos. Fegarod's war, he was glad to retain to the King's service as many Irishmen as he could. He retained one Arte Ogge, an Irish captain, with his company, who was arrested by John Sersfelde, merchant of Dewllynge, for debt; but Sir William, "seeing all the country in burning, robbing, and in busy war," did detain him to serve the King. Lord Leonard, being deputy, and divers of the Council, decreed that lady Skeffington, as her husband's executor, should pay 40l. which the Irishman owed, because her husband discharged him out of prison. (5.) A servant of the late Sir William, named Wm. Wade, chanced to be hurt in a fray, and afterwards "did hurt him which hurt the said William first." Wade has been imprisoned and fined 4l. off his wages. (6.) John Allyn, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, lately obtained of the King the chancellorship of St. Patricks in Dewllyng for a young brother of his, neither wise nor learned. Thomas Cannon, servant to the late deputy, having said the brother was insufficient for such a room, the Master of the Rolls imprisoned him in the castle for four days, although, as one of the King's soldiers, he ought to be judged by the marshal; "but such lordly ways these new masters take that they be very busy to conquer every man with their authority." Pp. 3.
9 June. Brady's Episc. Succession.	1105. Consistory at Rome.
	"Fuerunt lectæ literæ de morte Reginæ imo concubinæ Regis Angliæ quæ deprehensa in adulterio a Rege fuit tradita neci cum fratre et quatuor nobilibus viris." From Barberini MSS.
9 June. Corpus Reform., iii. 89.	1106. Melancthon to Joachim Camerarius.
	Was detained after the departure of the English by the expectation of meeting Bucer. They have modified their opinion, but it was thought safer to settle nothing about concord lest more discord should be raised by the dissent of the more earnest. Was much troubled by the affair, but the end was peaceful enough. Will soon follow this letter. Is free from the projected journey to England, for, after these tragic occurrences there, plans have greatly changed. The second Queen, more accused than convicted of adultery, has been executed. These vicissitudes denounce the anger of God against all men, and show him that their own misfortunes and dangers should be borne with resignation. 5 id June. Lat.
10 June. Excerpta Hist., 261.	1107. Anne Boleyn's Execution.
	Anonymous letter giving an account of the execution on Wednesday 17th May of lord Rochford, Weston, Brereton, Norris, and Smeton, and on Friday the 19th of Anne Boleyn; with a report of their speeches on the scaffold. After her execution the Council declared that the Queen's daughter was the child of her brother, and that she should be removed from her place and the daughter of the former again acknowledged as princess and successor in the kingdom; "and the King did so receive her with the utmost graciousness." London, 10 June 1536. Translation from a Portuguese original in the convent of Alcobaça.
	2. "II successo in la Morte della Regina de Inghilterra con il consenso del Consiglio di S. M., et la Morte di IIII. gran Baroni del Regno," &c. London, 10 June 1536. An Italian tract of 4 leaves identical in its contents with the preceding, and printed in italic type clearly contemporary. (fn. 6)
10 June. Otho, C. x. 262 b. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 125.	1108. Princess Mary to Cromwell.
	I send by the bearer, my servant, "both the King's Highness' letter, (fn. 7) sealed, and the copy of the same, again to you." You will see I have followed your advice, and will do so in all things concerning my duty to the King, God and my conscience not offended; for I take you as one of my chief friends next his Grace and the Queen. I desire you, for Christ's passion, to find means that I be not moved to any further entry in this matter than I have done; for I assure you I have done the utmost my conscience will suffer me, and I neither desire nor intend to do less than I have done. "But if I be put to any more (I am plain with you as with my great friend) my said conscience will in no ways suffer me to consent thereunto." Except in this point, neither you nor any other shall be more desirous to have me obey the King than I shall be ready to do so. I had rather lose my life than displease him. I beg you to take this letter in good part. I would not have troubled you so much, but that the end of your letter caused me a little to fear I shall have more business hereafter. Hownsdon, 10 June. Hol. Mutilated. Add.: [To my go]od Master Secretary.
10 June. Otho, C. x. 261. B. M. St. P. i. 455. Hearne's Sylloge, 124.	1109. Princess Mary to [Henry VIII.]
	Begs his daily blessing. Has already, she trusts, obtained forgiveness on her suit, with licence to write to him; but hopes for some token or message of reconciliation, and that she may obtain her fervent desire of access to his presence. Excuses her importunity. Begs him to accept his penitent child, who henceforth puts her state and living in his mercy, next to Almighty God, under whatever conditions. Prays God preserve him and the Queen, and send them a prince. Hownsdon, 10 June. Hol. Mutilated.
Ib. f. 281.	2. Another copy, also holograph, dated like the preceding. Mutilated.
Ib. f. 264.	3. A third copy, also holograph, (fn. 8) dated Hownsdon, 13 June. Mutilated.
Otho. C. x. 273. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 137.	1110. Cromwell to Princess Mary.
	"I have received your letters, whereby it appeareth you be in great discomfort, and do desire that I should find the means to speak with you." Your discomfort can be no greater than mine, who upon your letters have spoken so much of your repentance for your wilful obstinacy against the King, and of your humble submission to obey his pleasure and laws in all things without exception or qualification. Knowing how diversely and contrarily you have proceeded at the late being of his Majesty's Council with you, I am ashamed of what I have said and afraid of what I have done. What the sequel shall be God knows. With your folly you undo yourself, and I say to you, as I have said elsewhere heretofore, it were pity you should not be an example in punishment, "if you will make yourself an example in the contempt of God, your natural father and his laws by your only fantasie, contrary to the judgments and determinations of all men that ye must confess do know and love God as well as you." To be plain with you, I think you the most obstinate woman that ever was, and I dare not open my lips to name you unless I have such a ground thereto that it may appear you were mistaken, or at least that you repent your ingratitude and are ready to do your duty. I have therefore sent you a book of articles to subscribe, on receiving which from you again, with a letter declaring that you think in your heart as you have subscribed with your hand, I will venture to speak for your reconciliation. If you do not leave all sinister counsels, which have brought you to the point of undoing, I take leave of you for ever, and desire you to write to me no more; "for I will never think you other than the most ungrate, unnatural, and most obstinate person living, both to God and your most dear and benign father. And I advise you to nothing, but I beseech God never to help me if I know it not so certainly to be your bounden duty, by God's laws and man's laws, that I must needs judge that person that shall refuse it not meet to live in a Christian congregation; to the witness whereof I take Christ, whose mercy I refuse if I write anything unto you that I have not professed in my heart and know to be true." Mutilated draft.
10 June. R. O. St. P. v. 54.	1111. Henry VIII. to James V.
	Has received his letter of the 21st, declaring his friendly stomach, yet interlacing an argument about the place and time which the King had supposed agreed upon. "Considering that purpose as now by your means changed," we shall, without further dispute, "accomplish and perform as much friendship towards you as ye do either promise to us, or as our proximity of blood confirmed by treaty doth require." Desires credence for Sir Adam Otterburn. Westminster, 10 June. Draft, in Wriothesley's hand, with address at end. Endd.
10 June. R. O.	1112. Walter Cowley to Cromwell.
	Has forborne to write to Cromwell, knowing that other persons did. Is handled roughly for his truth, and untruly reported of in consequence of his refusal to bear tales against Mr. Agard. Trusts in Cromwell's judgment.
	Excuses Agard for having written to Mr. Pole and "touched" Allen and Aylmer. He was inflamed with excess of gladness at being restored to Cromwell's favor. The strife between them is beginning to rise again.
	Agard is known to be diligent, so that "great mish shold bee of hym." Meddles not with Mr. Treasurer's praise; but no one could soon stint in declaring his service, and he flees occasion of strife.
	Lately Ossory, the Lord Treasurer, the bishop of Mith, the lord of Kilmaynam, and others, sent letters to Cromwell by Robt. Case, and they were opened by the Deputy and others without Master Treasurer's knowledge. Case is now in England, and can be examined. Asks him to exhort the Deputy to leave such conduct.
	Nothing can be done until the army is out of debt, and no great power can continue unless the revenues are sufficient to pay for it. The profits acquired by this Parliament will draw to a good sum. A general reformation must consist principally in inhabiting, and in building and repairing defences. Meanwhile the Deputy, with Ossory, Butler, and the English Pale, should endeavour to enfeeble the Irishry.
	Disapproves of the King's granting away the lands now had by this Parliament. Those who make suit can be preferred to farms or other things that do not diminish the King's inheritance.
	Manors and castles in the Marches might well be given to hardy gentlemen in fee-farm. Ossory and his son deserve as a reward the restoration of their old honor and inheritance, which exceeds not 100l. a year.
	Hears that his father is like to have further preferment. He must be exempted from any particular devises, and as having his only preferment by the King, to dwell among the Council here in Dublin, devising only the advancement of the King's affairs and profit. Dublin, 10 June. Hol., pp. 7. Add.: Master Secretary. Endd.
10 June. R. O.	1113. Matthew Kyng to Cromwell.
	Today, Thos. Canon, one of the late Deputy's retinue, arrived here without a passport from the Lord Deputy or licence from the Council. Believes he intends to declare to Cromwe untrue matters about the Lord Deputy. Desires him not to believe such people until the truth be known. "Troubled" the said Canon here in the King's behalf, till he alleged that he was a suitor to Cromwell, and then let him pass. Waits for wind and weather to go to the north of Ireland. Chester, Trinity Eve, 1536. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
10 June. R. O.	1114. Sir John Wallop to Lord Lisle.
	I thank you for your letter and news. I think you know of the Admiral's return out of Piedmont, and of the garrisons he has left behind him. There has been no news since, except of skirmishes between those of Turin and Anthony de Levay, in all of which the French had the better, except in one reported yesterday, in which Mons. de Listney and another gentleman were sore hurt, and Mons. de Trayvis was taken prisoner. The Spaniards trained them out of the town. The chief rulers there are Hanyball, Mons. de Legre and Burey, and the garrison contains the flower of all the youth of the Court. In the second town, called Fossham, Monpesade is captain, and in the third, called Cony, the marquis of Salust. I think these two towns could not be kept against the Emperor's army. The Emperor has sent a defiance to the marquis of Salust, and has confiscated his country, saying he is his subject, while the French king claims him as his; so the war is now begun. The Emperor has already 50,000 foot. His horse are at least 6,000, but have not all come from Almaigne. The French king showed my lord of Winchester and me yesterday that he has 30,000 Swiss and Almains ready, and above 33,000 Frenchmen, legioners, venturers, and Italians, and 2,000 men-of-arms. Consider what two battles these will be if they join together! Mounte Jean within these two days took Egobell (Aiguebelle), in Savoy, where 1,500 peasants were killed. Lyons, 10 June. Signed.
	The duke of Longfeld in returning home died on the 8th inst., on this side Molynes.
	"Copy of a letter come, written from Lwke, the 6th day of May 1536. His Majesty shall be at Allexandre the 22nd day at the furthest, from which place"—(ends abruptly). Pp. 3. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
10 June. Add MS. 8715, f. 256, b. B. M.	1115. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.
	Yesterday a courier came from England with news that the King has taken to wife that lady for whom he showed the greatest preference even during the life of the other (quella Dama che vivendo anche l'altra mostrava che piu gli piacesse.) * * * Ital., pp. 3. Modern copy. Headed: Al Signor Protonotario Ambrogio, Di Lione, 10 Giugno 1536.
10 June. Paludan Müller, Aktstykke i. 558.	1116. Marcus Meyer.
	On Friday after Whitsunday, Marx Meier freely and without constraint confessed the following articles:—
	Eleven articles are set forth, mainly relating to his dealings with Lubeck and Wollenwever. Those relating to England are—
	1. That when he came from England to Lubeck he met with count Oldenburg, Benedict von der Wisch, and Achim Buckwolt, who alone secretly decreed the war with Wullebewer (sic) and announced it to him.
	10. He had requested of the King of England by Dirick Hagenaw, whom he sent thither with a small vessel, two of the best ships with 500 men, and was in hopes of obtaining them in the end, and if he had asked for more he would have known how to get them.
	ii. Twenty-four interrogatories founded on the above confession.
	iii. Answers to the preceding interrogatories given under torture on Saturday after Whitsunday.
	1. The king of England sent ambassadors to Warberg to negociate with the duke [of Holstein], count [of Oldenburg], and those of Lubeck that he might obtain a portion of land in Denmark; but when they lost hope of obtaining this portion they negociated with "ko. w." (king Christian). The money was to come to Hamburg. Dr. Poek promoted the matter by his demands. 2. Gert von Oldenburg (should be Odingberg) and John von Elpen brought 10,000 angelots from the king of England. It was they who began the negociation with him, but they did not finish it. If the covenant had been completed he would have sent the money. (fn. 9) The merchant was obliged to give bonds for it. 3 and 4. To these articles he says little. The 3rd inquired how much help the King had already given or lent to Lubeck, and for what purpose. The 4th relates to what he said about the Burgundians not seeking to injure king Christiern. 5 and 6. Concerning Ditmarsch, Riga, &c. 7–24. Gives particulars as to his capture of Warberg, and as to his relations with Lubeck, Wollenwever, &c. Provincial German (Plattdeutsch).