Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1887.
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January 1536, 21-25
|141. Chapuys to Charles V.|
|My man has sent me from Flanders, where the Queen has kept him some days, your Majesty's letters of the 13th ult., to which I must delay replying till his return. I thank you for writing that I shall not be forgotten when the time of distribution of benefices arrives. Must not omit to say that the enterprise mentioned in the said letters is becoming more difficult every day, especially since the death of the Queen, as they have kept more company than before ("lon a tenu plus de court et en plus de regard que par avant"). I have also received your Majesty's letters of the 29th, with your most prudent discourse touching the perplexity of the affairs of the late good Queen and of the Princess, the substance of which considerations, though not so well put, has been already at times communicated to the said ladies. Moreover, I added another point, viz., that what was chiefly to be feared, if they were compelled to swear all that the King wished (besides the bad effect mentioned in your Majesty's letters, that so many would lose heart and join the new heresy), the danger would be, not that the King would proceed by law to punish daily disobedience, but that, under color of perfect reconciliation, if he were to treat them well,—I don't suppose the King but the Concubine (who has often sworn the death of both, and who will never be at rest till she has gained her end, suspecting that owing to the King's fickleness there is no stability in her position as long as either of the said ladies lives), will have even better means than before of executing her accursed purpose by administering poison, because they would be less on their guard; and, 'moreover, she might do it without suspicion, for it would be supposed when the said ladies had agreed to everything that the King wished and were reconciled and favorably treated after they had renounced their rights, there could be no fear of their doing any mischief, and thus no suspicion would arise of their having received foul play.|
|The King and Concubine, impatient of longer delay, especially as they saw that proceedings were taken at Rome in good earnest, and that when your Majesty goes thither the provisions will be enforced, determined to make an end of the Queen's process, as you will see by what follows. It must have been very convenient for them that she died before the Princess, for several reasons, and, among others, because it was at her instance that proceedings were taken at Rome, and because they had less hope of being able to bring her over to their opinions, reckoning more upon her constancy by reason of age than on that of her daughter, especially because, not being naturally subject to their laws, they could not constrain her by justice as they could her daughter. Further, I think the cupidity which governs them has led them more to anticipate the death of the mother, as they will not be obliged to restore the dowry.|
|Now the King and Concubine are planning in several ways to entangle the Princess in their webs, and compel her to consent to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; and Cromwell was not ashamed, in talking with one of my men, to tell him you had no reason to profess so great grief for the death of the Queen, which he considered very convenient and advantageous for the preservation of friendship between your Majesty and his master; that henceforth we should communicate more freely together, and that nothing remained but. to get the Princess to obey the will of the King, her father, in which he was assured I could aid more effectually than anybody else, and that by so doing I should not only gratify the King but do a very good office for the Princess, who on complying with the King's will would be better treated than ever. The Concubine, according to what the Princess sent to tell me, threw the first bait to her, and caused her to be told by her aunt, the gouvernante of the said Princess, that if she would lay aside her obstinacy and obey her lather, she would be the best friend to her in the world and be like another mother, and would obtain for her anything she could ask, and that if she wished to come to Court she would be exempted from holding the tail of her gown, "et si la meneroit tousjours a son cause" (?); and the said gouvernante does not cease with hot tears to implore the said Princess to consider these matters; to which the Princess has made no other reply than that there was no daughter in the world who would be more obedient to her father in what she could do saving her honor and conscience.|
|From what the Princess has sent to tell me, it seems probable that the King will shortly send to her a number of his councillors to summon her to give the oath. She requested me to notify to her what to reply, and I wrote that I thought she had best show as good courage and constancy as ever with requisite modesty and dignity (honesteté), for if they began to find her at all shaken they would pursue her to the end without ever leaving her in peace; and that I thought they would not insist very much on her renouncing her right openly, nor abjuring the authority of the Pope directly, but that they might press her to swear to the Concubine as Queen, alleging that as the Queen was dead there could be no excuse for opposition. I wrote to her to use every effort to avoid any discussion with the King's deputies, beseeching them to leave her in peace that she might pray to God for the soul of the Queen, her mother, and also for His aid, and declaring that she was a poor and simple orphan without experience, aid, or counsel, that she did not understand laws or canons, and did not know how then to answer them; that she should also beseech them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her weakness and ignorance; and, if she thought it necessary to say more, she might add that as it is not the custom to swear [fealty] here to queens, and such a thing had not been done when her mother was held as queen, she cannot but suspect that it would be directly or indirectly to her prejudice; also that if she (Anne Boleyn) was queen, her swearing or refusing to swear did not matter, and likewise if she is not; and that she remembers well one thing,—that in the Consistorial sentence by which the first marriage had been declared valid, this second marriage was annulled, and it was declared that this lady could not claim the title of queen, for which reason she thought in conscience that she could not go against the Pope's command, and that by so doing she-would prejudice her own right. I also suggested to the Princess that she might tell her gouvernante it was but waste of time to press such matters upon her, because she would lose her life ten times before consenting to it without being better informed and her scruple of conscience removed by other persons than those of this realm whom she held "suspects," and that, if the King, her father, would give her time till she came "en eaige de perfection," from which she was perhaps not far removed, God would inspire her to devote herself entirely to him and enter religion, in which case she considers her honor and conscience might be preserved; or she might be meanwhile otherwise informed;—that this delay could be no disadvantage to the King, her father, but rather the contrary, for if she came to consent to matters the act at such an age would be of more validity. This I wrote to her, not as a positive instruction, but only as matter for consideration. I will think more at large of other means for putting the matter off in case of extremity, but if they have determined to poison her (luy donner a manger), neither taking the Sacrament nor any other security that can be invented will be of much avail.|
|At the request of the Princess, who has twice written to me about it very warmly, I have again this morning asked leave of the King to visit her. Cromwell has sent word in reply that the King will grant it as soon as she is removed from where she is, which will be very shortly. I cannot tell, however, what to think of it considering the promises I have formerly received, seeing that notwithstanding that the King, since I spoke to him, gave me leave to send one of my servants thither every week, and Cromwell also had granted it to me two or three times, yet the gouvernante refused the day before yesterday to let my man speak to the Princess, telling him she was forbidden to let anyone speak with her without bringing a letter or token from the King; yet she offered for my sake to let my man see her, provided he promised not to say anything of it to anybody, but she did not dare to allow him to converse with her; and this courtesy the gouvernante showed in consideration of some little presents, which I have heretofore made her by advice of the Princess. The latter, hearing from her oratory the conversation between the said gouvernante and my man, and finding she would have no opportunity of speaking with him. called out loud to the gouvernante to let him go, and that, please God, she would nut see him or any other to the displeasure of the King, her father. Perhaps they do not wish anyone to speak to her until she has received the said summons. I do not know if it would be good that your Majesty should send some personage to see her who should make the necessary representations to the King for the amendment of her treatment; which, as she has sent to tell me this morning, grows worse and worse. That would be a comfort to her, and would encourage this people in hope while the remedy was preparing there. But it would be convenient if your Majesty's affairs would allow, that whoever should come should adopt rather a high tone, otherwise it would be no use; for, as the good Queen used to say, these men show themselves sheep to those who appear like wolves, and lions to those who show them some respect, and she always forecast that the gentleness used towards them owing to the exigence of the common affairs of Christendom would be the cause of her destruction; and if no one shows resentment at the death of the said Queen, it will encourage them to put an end to the other (d'achever Pautre, i.e., the Princess). And though it may not be advisable to make mention of poison, yet there is good ground for speaking otherwise of the rigour and illtreatment shown to her. Several of them confess, and even keep on saying that grief was the cause of her death, to exclude suspicion of anything worse. Seeing, therefore, that the grief of the Princess is now more dangerous, especially as it is increased by her mother's death, there is good occasion to insist upon her better treatment. "Sire, l'amyte et compassion de ceste bonne dame me fait passer lymites; je supplie a vostre majeste le me pardonner et l'attribuer a ladite compassion."|
|Since my last letters of the 9th inst. I have had no opportunity of writing. I soon after sent one of my servants to the place where the good Queen died, to learn the circumstances since my departure, and also to comfort the poor servants, and to see what I could do both for them and for the funeral, for which the Queen had left some directions. My man returned only three days ago, and informed me that for two days after I left her the Queen appeared to be better; and even on the day of the Kings (Epiphany), on the evening of which she, without any help, combed and tied her hair and dressed her head. Next day, about an hour after midnight, she began to ask what o'clock it was, and if it was near day; and of this she inquired several times after, for no other object, as she at length declared, but to be able to hear mass and receive the sacrament. And although the bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, offered to say mass before 4 o'clock, she would not allow him, giving several reasons and authorities in Latin why it should not be done. When day broke she heard mass and received the sacrament with the utmost fervour, and thereafter continued to repeat some beautiful orisons, and begged the bystanders to pray for her soul, and that God would pardon the King her husband the wrong he had done her, and that the divine goodness would lead him to the true road and give him good counsel. Afterwards she received extreme unction, applying herself to the whole office very devoutly.|
|Knowing that according to English law a wife can make no will while her husband survives, she would not break the said laws, but by way of request caused her physician to write a little bill, which she commanded to be sent to me immediately, and which was signed by her hand, directing some little reward to be made to certain servants who had remained with her. She also declared that she desired to be buried in a convent of Observants of the Order of St. Francis, to which her robes should be given to make church ornaments, and that the furs should be reserved for the Princess, her daughter, to whom she likewise desired to be given a collar with a cross which she had brought from Spain. On these points Cromwell replied to one of my servants, that as to the burial, it could not be done where she had desired, for there remained no convent of Observants in England; but as to the rest, everything would be done as regards the Princess and the servants as honourably and magnificently as I could demand. Next day I sent my man to the Court to Cromwell, to ascertain the whole will of the King on the subject, and to request that the King would write to the physician and apothecary of the Queen to go to the Princess. And though Cromwell had said he would get my man to speak to the King, yet he had no audience except of Cromwell himself, who called him into the room in which were two ambassadors of Scotland, who are returning to France, and conversed long with my man, asking him of my health "et de mon exercise,"—all, as I imagine, to make the said ambassadors believe that there were great matters "sur le bureaul" and very good understanding between us. At the end he spoke to him more coolly than he had done the day before, adding the condition that the King wished first to see what the robes and furs were like, and that if the Princess wished to have what had been given her she must first show herself obedient to her father, and that I ought to urge her to be so. As to the physician, he said if my man would go to him in his lodging he would give him letters for him. At evening he put off my man till next clay, and on his returning next day, told him that he was sending to me, on the part of the King, the person who had come to accompany me when I went to the Queen; and Cromwell begged my man to urge me not to refuse an audience to him whom he sent to me. The said person acknowledged to me in conversation that Cromwell had promised my man to write to the Queen's physician and apothecary to go to the Princess, but that afterwards, having considered the matter with the King, he thought that as they were Spaniards, and not his subjects, they will make as little difficulty in obeying my letters as his own, and that I might write to them, and if they objected and the need was greater than it was at present, for he did not consider the said Princess ill, he would write to them as should be convenient. As to the burial, the King said the same as Cromwell, that the bequest of her robes to the Church was superfluous, considering the great abundance of ecclesiastical vestments in England, and that although the Queen's will was not accomplished in this respect, something would be done in the abbey where she should be interred that would be more notable and worthy of her memory; that the abbey intended for her was one of the most honorable in all England. It is 17 miles from where she lived, and is called Pittesbery (Peterborough). As to the servants, it concerned nobody so much as himself to requife their services, as he had appointed them to her service. As to the Princess, it depended only on herself that she should have not merely all that her mother left her, but all that she could ask, provided she would be an obedient daughter. Hereupon he entered on a great discussion touching this obedience; but I think in the end he regretted having gone so far, because he did not know well what to reply to me but that the King must be obeyed, and she must not presume to be wiser or of better conscience than her father. And on my telling him that the urgency with which her father had pressed her, and the threats that had been used, had been only to induce the Queen, her mother, on whom everything depended; to consent to the King's will; and as the cause had now ceased, I hoped the Princess would not be importuned any further, especially now in her time of trouble, as it might bring on some severe illness, or even death, which would be a very great loss, and could produce no good. He replied that there was no trouble or other cause which could excuse the said Princess from obeying her father's commands, and that the King would not forbear to do what seemed to him reasonable—in fact (he presently added) whatever he wished. And even if the said Princess died, it would be no such great evil as people supposed; and that the King his master had already well discussed all the ill effects that could possibly arise from it, and that he was well able to answer for everything. He had held the same language to my man in coming from Cromwell's house. Your Majesty will consider to what state matters have come.|
|The Queen died two hours after midday, and eight hours afterwards she was opened by command of those who had charge of it on the part of the King, and no one was allowed to be present, not even her confessor or physician, but only the candle-maker of the house and one servant and a "compagnon," who opened her, and although it was not their business, and they were no surgeons, yet they have often done such a duty, at least the principal, who on coming out told the bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, but in great secrecy as a thing which would cost his life, that he had found the body and all the internal organs as sound as possible except the heart, which was quite black and hideous, and even after he had washed it three times it did not change color. He divided it through the middle and found the interior of the same color, which also would not change on being washed, and also some black round thing which clung closely to the outside of the heart. On my man asking the physician if she had died of poison he replied that the thing was too evident by what had been said to the Bishop her confessor, and if that had not been disclosed the thing was sufficiently clear from the report and circumstances of the illness.|
|You could not conceive the joy that the King and those who favor this concubinage have shown at the death of the good Queen, especially the earl of Wiltshire and his son, who said it was a pity the Princess did not keep company with her. The King, or the Saturday he heard the news, exclaimed "God be praised that we are free from all suspicion of war"; and that the time had come that he would manage the French better than he had done hitherto, because they would do now whatever he wanted from a fear lest he should ally himself again with your Majesty, seeing that the cause which disturbed your friendship was gone. On the following day, Sunday, the King was clad all over in yellow, from top to toe, except the white feather he had in his bonnet, and the Little Bastard was conducted to mass with trumpets and other great triumphs. After dinner the King entered the room in which the ladies danced, and there did several things like one transported with joy. At last he sent for his Little Bastard, and carrying her in his arms he showed her first to one and then to another. He has done the like on other days since, and has run some courses (couru quelques lances) at Greenwich.|
|From all I hear the grief of the people at this news is incredible, and the indignation they feel against the King, on whom they lay the blame of her death, part of them believing it was by poison and others by grief; and they are the more indignant at the joy the King has exhibited. This would be a good time, while the people are so indignant, for the Pope to proceed to the necessary remedies, by which these men would be all the more taken by surprise, as they have no suspicion of any application being made for them now that the Queen is dead, and do not believe that the Pope dare take upon him to make war especially while a good part of Germany and other Princes are in the same predicament. Nevertheless, now that the Queen is dead, it is right for her honor and that of all her kin that she be declared to have died Queen, and it is right especially to proceed to the execution of the sentence, because it touches the Princess, and to dissolve this marriage which is no wise rendered valid by the Queen's death, and, if there be another thing, that he cannot have this woman to wife nor even any other during her life according to law, unless the Pope give him a dispensation; and it appears that those here have some hope of drawing the Pope to their side, for only three days ago Cromwell said openly at table that a legate might possibly be seen here a few days hence, who would come to confirm all their business, and yesterday commands were issued to the curates and other preachers not to preach against purgatory, images, or adoration of the saints, or other doubtful questions until further orders. Perhaps by this means and others they hope to lull his Holiness to sleep until your Majesty has parted from him, which would be a very serious and irremediable evil. I think those here will have given charge to the courier, whom they despatched in great haste to give the news of the Queen's death in France, to go on to Rome in order to prevent the immediate publication of censures.|
|It was reported here that the King, intending to go or send some good personage to console her, had ordered the death of her mother to be kept secret from the Princess; but it was no use; her gouvernante told her the news four days after the Queen's death, before which time I had already written a consolatory letter for her, and had sent it to one of her ladies to present to her, which letter gave her great cousolation. Soon afterwards she wrote me in reply a very good letter, well written and well worded, in which, besides infinite thanks for all the good I had done her, she begged me to intimate to the King, her father, that if he took her away from the company in which she was she thought it would be fatal to her, and that following my counsel she would endeavour to show such constancy as I wrote to her, but in any case she would prepare herself to die. On the evening of the same day she begged her gouvernante to write to the King to have the physician and apothecary of the Queen, rather, as I think to hear particulars of her mother's illness and death than for any need she had of their services; and, on the King replying that any illness she might suffer must be from worry (facherie), and that she had no need of a physician, she wrote me another letter, begging me, among other things, to press for the said physician and apothecary, which I did, as your Majesty will have seen above. I sent the day before yesterday to the Princess the letters your Majesty wrote to the Queen, her mother, and also that the queen Regent in Flanders wrote to her, from which she received inestimable comfort, as she wrote me by a letter of hers, which I received half an hour ago. She has written to me since she heard the death of the Queen more frequently than she did before, and this, I think, to testify the good heart and constancy to which I continually exhort her, in which certainly she shows great sense and incomparable virtue and patience to bear so becomingly the death of such a mother to whom she bore as much love as any daughter ever did to her mother, who was her chief refuge in her troubles.|
|Great preparation is made for the Queen's burial, which, as Cromwell sent to inform me, will be so magnificent that even those who see it all will hardly believe it. It is to take place on the 1st February. The chief mourner will be the King's niece, daughter of the duke of Suffolk; the duchess of Suffolk will be the second; the third will be the wife of the duke of Norfolk's son. Of others there will be a great multitude; I think they mean to dress in mourning about 600 persons. Nothing is said yet of the lords who are to be present. Cromwell again, since I wrote to your Majesty, has twice sent to press on my acceptance the mourning cloth which the King wished to give me, and would gladly by this means bind me to be present at the interment, which the King greatly desires, but following the advice of the queen Regent in Flanders, of the Princess, and of several good personages, I will not go, since they do not mean to bury her as Queen. I have refused the said cloth, saying simply that I did not do it of any ill intention, but only because I was already provided. The King had intended, or those of his Council, that solemn exequies should be made at the Cathedral Church of this city, and a number of carpenters and others had already been set to work to make preparations, but, since then, the whole thing has been broken off; I do not know if it was ever sincerely intended, or if it was only a pretence for the satisfaction of the people, to remove sinister opinions.|
|One of the two[Scotch] ambassadors who passed this way about two months ago, returning from France, visited me on repassing the other day, and among other things told me of himself that the French had avoided informing the King, his master, of the death of the duke of Milan, well knowing that the practices for the marriage of the King, his master, were being interrupted, and without that they did not yet know how they stood as regards the French marriage; and that they had been trying hard of late to find out if the King would consent to give the Princess to the King, his master, but they find no likelihood of it. The said ambassador told me they had shown this King a brief, written by the Pope to the King, their master, expressing his desire to deprive Henry of his kingdom, and that if it appeared to him that the said King, their master, was able to treat for a reconciliation between the Pope and him, he would employ himself therein with very good will. To this the King replied that there was no occasion for the king of Scots or any other to trouble himself, for the Queen being dead, at whose request the whole had been done, he imagined there would be no further question, for he supposed his Holiness would attempt nothing in vindication of his primacy over the Church, considering the questions that had arisen about it at all times, and that, besides the Greeks having always held the King's opinion, the greater part of Germany, and other northern Princes, agreed with him also. He told me also that the ambassadors sent by this King a few months ago to Scotland were only to persuade the king of Scots to withdraw his obedience from the Apostolic See; but they have lost their labor, for they got nothing but ridicule. The first time they spoke to the King they asked for a secret audience, "et ny outrement que le secretaire," and as soon as the said ambassadors entered on the subject of their heresies, there arose the most horrible thunder that had been heard for a long time. Then the King began to make the sign of the Cross, not so much for the horror of the thunder, as he said, as of what the same ambassadors suggested. This King is sending new ambassadors to Scotland upon the same business, as the said ambassador has given me to understand, to whom I did not speak at great length except to assure him of your goodwill to his master, telling him, moreover, that they were good and wise, and that, seeing the state of matters here and elsewhere, they might very well secure their interests both for the present and for the future.|
He who is called baillie of Amboise, of whom I have several times written
to your Majesty, left here a few days ago, and having passed Boulogne,
he was taken and detained at the request of the French ambassador here
resident. To-day a French gentleman has arrived from Germany who
belongs to M. de Langey. When I can learn his charge I will inform you.
London, 21 Jan. 1535.
French. From a modern copy, pp. 14.
|142. Chapuys to Granvelle.|
|Thanks him for 3,000 ducats. Expresses his great obligations to Granvelle, who has made him what he is. Excuses himself for not having written lately, which was owing to haste, a slight indisposition, and the trouble occasioned by the death of the Queen, who certainly was very grateful to Granvelle for his good services. Among the last words she said, she made her excuse to his Majesty and you, and also to the comendador mayor, that she had not been able to write, and that I should beg his Majesty and request you too on her part one way or other to finish her business; for the slowness of the remedy and the gentleness shown to those here would destroy her and her daughter, and throw all the kingdom into confusion. The said Queen has not been able to give you proof of her good will, but the Princess, if she lives, will accomplish it, being well informed of your good services to her mother and her.|
|I have just been told there was some rumour that this King and the king of Scots were to have an interview on the frontiers about Easter. I do not attach much importance to it, because if it were so, the Scotch ambassador would have told me something of it. I have not been inclined to talk much of late days, and I refer you to my long letters to his Majesty. London, 21 Jan. 1535.|
P.S.—I had arranged with the Queen's physician that whenever her life
should be in danger she should be reminded to affirm in extremis that she
had never been known by prince Arthur, but he forgot it in his grief and
trouble. It is suspected that the poison came from Italy, as I shall write to
you shortly, but I do not believe it.
Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 2.
|143. Chapuys to M. Antoine Perrenin, Secretary of State to the Emperor.|
I am very sorry that I have not been able of late to write to my lord,
our Maecenas (Granvelle), and to you. But I have been prevented by the
haste of the despatch, a slight indisposition of my own, and the distress of
the death of the good Queen. Now, I should like to repair the fault,
especially for the good news in the despatch given to George, if I had
matter which I could think agreeable to you. I need not tell you the
satisfaction given me by the assurance of the 3,000 ducats which, but for
the favor mentioned in your letters of the 12th and 16th ult., I must have
regarded as lost, &c. Refers to other private affairs. This people complain
daily more and more of the slowness of his Majesty. God grant that it do
not cost us the good Princess! May God listen to the wishes you have
expressed in cipher, provided it be soon. Certainly his Majesty ought to
treat with anyone whatever to avenge the injury those here have done to
God, his Majesty, and all his kin, which, as you know, affects the tranquillity of the whole of Christendom. I much fear, whatever you write, that
you will not be so quick in your arrangements; for you cannot possibly
abandon his Majesty in this journey, and you must consider about your
arrangements in Court hereafter for your profit and the pleasure of the
ladies. I did not think more of your occupations, nor of the length of the
letters you write for his Majesty, in which you have enough to do without
imposing more upon you; so, awaiting the coming of George, I take my
leave. London, 21 Jan. 1535.
Fr., pp. 2. From a modern copy.
144. Chertsey Abbey.
See Grants in January, No. 17.
|145. Thomas Lord Lawarr to Cromwell.|
I have received your letter and shall never be able to recompense your
goodness. I send you my proxy signed, leaving you a window to put in
whomever the King likes to appoint. At my poor house, 21 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|146. John Thompson, Master of the Maison Dieu, to Cromwell.|
|Here are 450 workmen, by which the works are speedily set forth, but no sufficiency of victuals, unless they be provided by commission. The store in my house is little in comparison with such a multitude, and the grain of the Priory is carried out of the country.|
On Thursday I went to the Chapel to celebrate, and in the Mass book I
found the name of the bishop of Rome put in before the King's name
in this manner, "Et pro—nostro Romano episcopo." This was done by a
French friar, who is now in France, and made keeper of the said chapel by
Mons. Joke (Joachim). "Thursday last I was desired to the priory to see
what order was there," and found the doors broken up, the beds, boards,
wood, cocks of brass, bolts of iron, glass, &c., broken up and carried away.
Certain persons had been in a dry draught under the sub-friar's chamber
and found certain pieces of pewter, two cloths of diaper, certain books, and
two ladders, to enable people to enter the house. If you please that Mass
be said once or twice in the week to stop the bruit of the people, and that
I may occupy the land unleased to John Antony, I will see that nothing of
the same kind happens again. Dover, St. Agnes' day.
Hol., pp. 2. Add., Secretary. Endd.
|147. Sir Giles Capell to Cromwell.|
Although Cromwell brought his servant Gaynesford before the
Queen's Council to receive the 100 marks due to his wife at Michaelmas, at
the rate of 40 marks a year, they have refused to pay more than 80 marks,
saying the other 20 were paid to the King before her Grace had any interest.
Begs his further aid in the matter, and that he will take charge of his
patent which the Queen's Council wished to see, alter and translate it as he
thinks most for his wife's advantage, and give an acquittance for him if
desired. Rayne, 21 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|148. John a'Borough to Lord Lisle.|
Delivered his Lordship's letter to "the Portingal," and showed him
his pleasure concerning the sugar he had sold to Gardynere. He was very
glad and said the captain of the ship had been at Luxbon (Lisbon) and
complained of great need of money. The King had lent him 200 ducats
besides 25 ducats that the said Padrye Vegoe paid for a new mast, and he
had bound your Lordship to pay it in Hampton. When I came to Calais
we had other news of the ship which was sold at Messina, in Sicily, and the
ordnance laid a land at Leghorn; "and as they say that came in the ship
that the captain was retained in service with the duke of Florence." Is
bound to mention this to his Lordship. Fears he only said the truth that the
captain would deceive his Lordship and the writer also. Knows for his own
part he will be undone by him unless his Lordship help him. The Turk
pretends to make the largest army ever seen, to the number of 700 galleys.
He is already setting forwards, some believe to take Crona again from the
Emperor. Barba Rowse (Barbarossa) is with the Turk in Constantinople,
and will be his admiral. The Emperor, on the other hand, stops all ships
at Messina going to Candy or Constantinople. Master Gonstone's two ships
and we were stopped there two months, and we were only liberated by the
Viceroy after great suits. What has become of Gonstone's ships I know not.
"Our Lord send us poor English out of our danger of both parts." Venice,
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Un to the ryzght honorabyll and my syngluler good lord Lysle, lord Lyeff tenant yn Callys, thys be d'd, or yn hys absense to the grasyous lady hys bedfellow. Viâ Venisia. Endd.
Wegener Aarsberet-ninger, iv. 22.
|149. Christian III.|
|Instructions to Suavenius to show Henry VIII. about the meeting of his envoy with bishop Fox [of Hereford] at Smalcald, the grounds of war with Lubeck, and the negociations with the Emperor relative to the Danish succession. If the king of England will help him now, he will in a general council help him in return against the bishop of Rome, and will also secure the votes of the king of Sweden and the dukes of Holstein. Gottorp, 21 Jan. 1536. Signed and Sealed.|
|Ibid.||2. Six sets of credentials signed "Cristian" and sealed, for Peter Suavenius, addressed to Henry VIII., Cromwell, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, bishop Gardiner, of Winchester, and bishop "Fachs," of Hereford. Same date.|
3. Articles of questions proposed by the English envoys at the first
meeting at Smalcald to Mich. Rantzow, in German; with a copy of his
replies in Latin delivered to bishop "Fachs."
See Report xlv. of Dep. Keeper of Pub. Records, App. ii. 18.
|150. H. Earl of Northumberland to [Henry VIII.]|
According to the words had betwixt us at Hakney, I, having no issue
of my own body, propose to make your Majesty heir of all my lands and
possessions, comprised in a pair of indentures, betwixt your Highness and
me, made 3 February last, in the 26th year of your reign. Now, being
"unfenely" sick, I beg your Highness to provide such as may be most
expedient for the furtherance of the same. It is not the debility of my blood
which forces me to this, but the love I bear to your Majesty, as a true
subject and "one of the most poorest of your blood . . . ne so have truly
served your Majesty." Your Grace will perceive further by a bill of articles,
signed by my hand, which I send by the bearer. 22 January. Signed.
|151. Richard Ryche to Cromwell.|
|In your letter I see it is the King's pleasure that we should be ruled by the advice of Mr. Controller when he repairs to Kimbolton, and declare to him our proceedings since I left London. Please let Mr. Controller know how the household is to be ordered, after the interment of the Princess Dowager. The gentlewomen claim divers apparel as given them by the lady Dowager, and the officers divers stuff as their fees. It would not be honorable to take the things given in her lifetime. Kimbolton, Saturday, 22 Jan.|
Send letters to my lord Audley, the master of Corpus Christi College, (fn. 1)
Oxford, Warram, the prior of Martin; to be here at the beginning of the
term that we may proceed in the assurance of the King's exchanges with
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|152. Robert, Abbot of St. Alban's, to Cromwell.|
Thanks him for his goodness, especially of late, of which he is informed
by Mr. Chamley, who moved Cromwell for the abbot's preferment. Trusts
greatly to Cromwell, his position here being "so intrykid with extreme
penurye, daily calling of the old debts of the house, daily reparations, as
well within the monastery as without, in farms and tenures," and most of
all encumbered with an uncourteous flock of brethren. It is impossible for
him to continue in this case, as the bearer will inform him, by whom he also
sends instructions to desire relaxations of some injunctions heretofore given.
St. Alban's, 22 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Thomas Cromwell, Secretary, &c.
|153. The Canons Resident of Sarum to Cromwell.|
In studying many times to please you we could find nothing so meet
as to offer you the stewardship of our lands never before granted to any
man, with a fee of 5l. a year. We have delivered the grant to Dr. Tregonwell. Sarum, 22 Jan. 1535.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|154. Copthall Park.|
|Confession of Thomas Hynde to having killed various deer in and about Copped Hall Park, in the company of John Burtun, between Lent, 26 Hen. VIII., and Holyrood Day. Killed a stag on Pentecost morning, and brought it to his master (fn. 2) who sent it to the King. After Pentecost, Mr. Ryche and Serjeant Rothe killed a stag in the Purly. Burtun said his master and he had killed a stag, and "Hynd asked him how they laid it up on horseback because his master was so little; and Burtun said he lifted well."|
|ii. Confession of Richard Wels, 22 Jan., 27 Hen. VIII., accusing Thomas Tyes of taking a deer, which Wels had found new killed, and was taking to Jonson the deer-keeper.|
iii. Confession of John Burton, to having killed deer in company of
Thomas Hynde, Mr. Browne's servant, in and about Copped Hall Park until
Midsummer. Mentions his master, Mr. Celister (Solicitor?).
Titus, B. xi. 393. B.M. St. P. ii. 301.
|155. Deputy and Council of Ireland to Henry VIII.|
|Before the arrival of the deputy and army in Ireland, the earl of Ossory and lord Butler his son, made resistance and "roodis" against Thos. Fitzgerald, and in all the extremity of the rebellion, alone kept their allegiance.|
|After the deputy's arrival, they did all they could for the apprehension and exile of the said Thomas. At the late deputy's death they came hither for the election of a governor, and the staying of the Irish borderers. They have practised to allure many of the Irishry to an ordinary obedience, "and to constitute tenours and senyori[ty] to your Highness with a yoke of your laws."|
They also assisted the commission to execute the laws in Kilkenny,
Tipperary, and other places under their rule. They are very willing to
have the King's jurisdiction furthered. Trust the King will remember
their good service. Dublin, 22 Jan.
Signed: Leonard Gray—J. Barnewall, the Kynges grace is chaunceler. —R., B. of Delvyn—J. Rawson, prior of Kyllmaynan—Willm. Brabason— Gerald Aylmer, justice—John Alen, Mr. of the Rolles—Patrik Fynglas, baron—Thomas Houth, justice.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
Lamb. MS. 603, f. 81.
|156. Thady O'Byrne.|
Indenture made 22 Jan. 1535, 28 (fn. 3) Hen. VIII., between lord Leonard
Gray, justiciary of Ireland, and Thadeus O'Byrne, who promises to be faithful to the King, send men to hostings, etc.
Copy. Lat., pp. 2.
Add. MS. 8715, f. 188. B.M.
|157. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
* * * No further news from England. It is true
what the French say, that the Princess is ill to death.
Ital. Modern copy, pp. 2.
Headed: Al Signor Mons. Ambrogio, da Lione, li 22 Gennaro 1536.
Corpus Reform. iii. 22.
|158. Melancthon to Francis Burchardus.|
|Has been to Wittenberg, summoned by letter from Luther. The English have not begun to deliberate with our party about anything. Yesterday, they told him they would treat of the articles of doctrine in order, and urge him not to go away.|
Has conversed with them. They are too fond of quibbling. Luther
received them affectionately, and is as yet delighted with their courtesy.
|159. Henry VIII. to [Lord —].|
Licence to absent himself from the parliament to be held at Westminster, 4 Feb. Greenwich, 23 Jan. 27 Hen. VIII. [Not signed.]
|160. Henry Earl of Cumberland to Henry VIII.|
Your borders are in good stay, save that I know not who shall answer
for redress to be had of Ledersdale and the Debateable Ground. Lord
Maxwell, warden of Scotland, has thrice burned the same in part, and thinks
I have not done my duty, because I have not burnt the remainder. Now
the king of "Scotysh" comes to the borders to see redress in everything
according to the league and peace taken betwixt him and your Highness.
As appears by the copy of a letter enclosed I have taken two rebels of Scotland for which the king of Scots has written to deliver them to lord Maxwell.
As Maxwell has neglected to apprehend rebels whom I have written for, I
have deferred delivering them, and also the destruction of the Debateable
Ground, till your pleasure be known. Skypton Castle, 23 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
|161. Henry Earl of Cumberland to Cromwell.|
Lord Maxwell has again burned upon the Debateable Ground. He
has demanded, and got the king of Scots to write for, the delivery of two
Scotch rebels taken by the Earl, who have been "resetted" in Dacre's Castle
of Rouclyf. Knows that English rebels have been seen openly with Maxwell,
at the day of march holden at the Batingbush, and have ridden with him at
hosting. Has therefore required him to attach the said rebels first, which
he refused, saying that they were in the woods. Can get no redress for
Leddersdale, for it bangs still in the King's hands, no one being yet assigned
to answer for them; but the king of Scots is himself coming to Dumfries
about it before Shrovetide. Desires to know whether he is to continue here
until the king of Scots comes, in which case he requires a pardon for his
appearance at the Parliament. Skipton, 23 Jan. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add: To Master Secretary.
|R. O.||2. Copy of No. 160.|
|162. Ric. Wharton to Cromwell.|
I thank you for your favors to me, especially as I am growing old,
and send you such pleasure as these quarters will afford. Framlingham,
23 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|163. Launcelot Colyns to Cromwell.|
Your commissaries have visited here at York. I hope you will
appoint discreet men belonging to the poor religious houses to oversee their
husbandry, as in their barns and garners, for the preservation of good
religion. When I was with you lately you approved of my suggestion that
certain religious places, when they give in the inventories of their goods,
should certify you by private letters of any plate or treasure not openly
known. Those who are to take the inventories should be informed accordingly, for many of the houses are very poor. Has done nothing yet with
the dean of York. York, 23 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add: Mr. Cromwell, Secretary unto the King's Highness.
|164. Articles against the Abbot of Coggeshall.|
1. Knowing that he should be visited, he counselled the brethren
"not to be known of certain plate that was in the house," that the King
might not have it. 2. Expecting that the King would have the lands of the
house, he let many under their value. 3. He neglected the injunction to say
a collect at High Mass for the King and queen Anne, though the King is
"our" founder. 4. He read a book of a certain prophecy amongst us, his
brethren, containing words such as Novus papa erit a Deo clectus. 5. He
practised immorality. 6. He has used divination.
Pp. 2. Large paper.
|ii. Examination of Richard Clerke, alias Brayntre, monk of Coggeshall, Essex, aged 31, upon the above articles, 23 Jan. 27 Hen. VIII.|
1. Where the monastery of Coggeshall possesses nine chalices, seven of
them gilt, William Love, now abbot, perceiving he should be visited by the
King's commissioners, counselled his brethren to confess to six chalices only,
and to say they were not privy what plate the abbot had. 2. One John
Pascall has a grant of two farms beside Tolleshunt, Essex, for a certain
rent, and, besides that, certain cheese by a separate covenant, so that if the
farms came to the King, Pascall would only pay the rent. The abbot
caused his brethren to grant to one Loveday, for roofing part of their church,
100 marks, but Loveday only got 30l. 3. When the abbot says High Mass
he always omits the collect for the King and queen Anne. 4. The abbot,
sitting at his table, said he had a book which showed him all the troubles the
clergy should sustain, and how in the end there should be a new pope chosen
by God, and read extracts. 5. The abbot gave a drink to a young woman
to cause miscarriage; she nearly died; if she had died the abbot and others
intended to have buried her in the woodyard. Deponent knows this from
Dan John Sampford, late abbot there, yet living, and Nic. Crane, his servant.
The abbot did unlawfully use one Robt. Goswill, then young and now a
monk there; this was about ten years past. 6. The abbot used unlawful
crafts to tell of things that had been lost.
Signed: Rychard Branktre.
Pp. 3. Large paper.
iii. Deposition of John Bokkyng, monk, in support of the charges. The
leases were made a little before they were visited to "one Pascall and
Mone" (sic.) The divinations were made with "a book and a key and other
Signed by John Bockyng.
Pp. 2. Large paper.
|R. O.||165. The Abbot of Shrewsbury.|
|Articles against the abbot of Shrewsbury accused by Thos. Madockes, of London, merchant tailor, of having "misused the foundation of his monastery contrary to his Grace's last injunctions."|
1. No infirmary for sick men kept; nor hostry; nor days of hall.
2. A certain parsonage named Rokerdyne, should be for maintaining a
scholar at Oxford, which he never did. 3. The parsonage of Nes was given
for a priest to sing for king Henry V., but he never kept one. 4. No
inventory or accounts made since he was abbot. 5. The roof over the high
altar is gradually falling to pieces. 6. The convent sit wet in the choir when
it rains. 7. No one except his confederacy dare speak in support of the
rule. 8. Eighty or 100 seals have passed through his means, whereof the
convent cannot know the fine, but it is by estimation 800 or 900 marks.
9. A chalice alienated. 10. The convent had 2s. a week for St. Katharine's
mass, but now only 12d. 11. Withholding from the Chamber certain lands
which should find books, and now there is not a whole book in the choir.
12. Has proved that he came in by simony. 13. He pulls down the house
daily to the bare ground, never to be rebuilded, and whether he would have
sold the timber, tile, and stuff, no one can tell. 16. The word of God was
never preached there since he was abbot.
Large paper, p. 1. Endd.
|166. Sir T. Erskine and Ro. Abbot of Kinlos to Lord Lisle.|
We have not failed to show the King, your master, and his Council
the good treatment we had of your Lordship. What we have done in that
behalf with the King our master his special letters to your Lordship will
show, which, together with the safe conduct you desired, we have delivered
to your servant the bearer. Excuse us that we come this way now without
visiting you, as we must go with diligence to the king of France when he is
in [Ly]ons, "and force it is to us to be in Deep," but we shall visit you at
our return. Tell my lady we presented her new year's gift to the King our
master, and he was much pleased. At Ry, Sunday, 23 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add: Governor of Calais. Sealed.
Granvelle, Papiers d'Etat II. 423.
|167. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.|
* * * Has just received his letters of the 15th and
16th, with the news of the death of the queen of England. Has not yet
heard of it from his ambassador in England, and the English ambassador
here has no letters from his master, and does not therefore consider it as
certain * * * . Naples, 23 Jan. 1535.
Add. MS. 28,588, f. 135. B. M.
|168. Count of Cifuentes to Charles V.|
* * * The bull of privation of the king of England
is already expedited (despachado) and wants nothing but publication, which
is the matter of importance, although they will raise objections to its being
issued before your Majesty comes. Juan Enart writes that news has come to
the French court that the queen of England is dead. Rome, 23 Jan. 1536.
Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.
Add. MS. 28,588, f. 137. B. M.
|169. Dr. Ortiz to the Comendador Juan Varquez de Molina.|
Since his last letter on  Jan., there has been no news from
England. Does not therefore write to the Empress. The bull of privation of
the king of England has been concluded and sealed but not published.
Account of an assault by the servants of the bishop of Paris on the house and
person of the archbishop of Conchano. Rome, 23 Jan. 1536.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern copy.
Add. MS. 28,588, f. 145. B.M.
|170. Martin Valles to Juan Vazquez de Molina.|
On the arrival of the news of the death of the queen of England, the
English ambassadors came to the King and talked very big (tuvieson muy
largas platicas). One of the three has gone by post to England. Many
suspect that they will marry the eldest daughter of this King with the king
of England (con el de Inglaterra), and this will be a step towards making
war with us. The coming of the Germans is certain. The gentlemen of the
kingdom and the officers of the royal household are ordered to be ready for
war by 20 or 21 March. Lyons on the Rhone, 23 Jan. 1536.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern copy.
|24 Jan.||171. The Scotch Ambassadors.|
|See Grants in January, No. 23.|
Cleop. E. v. 293. B.M. Strype's Eccl. Mem. J. ii. 85.
|172. Edw. Lee, Archbishop of York, to [Cromwell].|
I received on the 23rd the King's letters and yours by the King's
messenger Adams, instructing me to avoid contrariety in preaching
against the new novelties, by which I suppose you mean that no opinions
should be taught without discreet qualification, and also to repress the
temerity of adherents of the bishop of Rome. I know no man here who
goes about to advance the said bishop's authority, but if I find any I will
put him to silence. Contrariety in preaching I have not suffered, and have
heard of none except that one friar in York preached purgatory, whom I
discharged of preaching because he did it without knowing the King's
pleasure, as I wrote to you by my brother the treasurer of York. There was
also a dispute between the vicar of Doncaster and a light friar there, and I
charged the former not to preach of any article mentioned in the King's
order. Then, being informed that the friar preached some of the said
articles, I ordered the vicar to forbid him; and forsomuch as the said vicar
and others laid articles against the said friar which he had preached, I sent
for him, first by a gentle letter; but he would not come, saying he would ask
counsel, and went to London. On his return I caused him to be cited, but
he would not appear. I have now given a commission to examine his
articles, and if he have preached slanderously I shall discharge him of
preaching. I have information also against a grey friar whom I shall
discharge for preaching slanderously. I admitted some at the request of
Dr. Browne pretending that they were discreet and learned. Other
preachers of novelties I know none, except two or three who profess to have
the King's authority. One has preached since at St. Paul's and declared his
learning, which is like his life, both nought. All the King's matters the
people hear reverently, but at such novelties they grudge much. If any
come, with the King's license or yours, I trust you will silence them.
Cawood, 24 Jan. Signed.
|173. Ric. Southwell to Cromwell.|
The prior of St. Faith's, near Norwich, has repaired to me for divers
causes, and spoke to me among other things of a copy of a charter, lately
found in his house, for the ruling of it. He complained of the embezzling
of the charter itself under seal, which was seen in his house, and in the
custody of one of his brethren, who is now at large. He asked my advice,
and I have advised him to take the copy with him to London and lay the
matter before you. Of the affairs here I shall advise you by Mr. Hogen.
24 Jan., Anno 27.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
|174. Robt. Haldesworth, Vicar, to Sir Henry Sayvell.|
Has received Sayvel's letters, by the hands of Mr. John Sayvel
and Mr. Thomas, saying that their "great enemy" will appear at Candlemas
and be dismissed his office. Advises caution, as their enemy has many
friends and much money. If the case fails, Sayvel's friends in this quarter
will be undone, and divers of his tenants "slayne and murdred and no
remedy had." Sayvel thinks the case will cost 120l., but he must remember
that he will have to pay high to Mr. Pekyngton for the lands that Sayvel's
brother-in-law, Mr. Sottyll, pledged. And if he begins the law with
Master Tempest, it will cost more than he thinks. Sends 20l. Sayvel will
get other 20l. from Mr. Wylson, in Soperlane, London. Reiterates cautions.
Halyfax, 24 Jan. 1535.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
Add. MS. 8715, f. 189. B.M.
|175. Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio.|
* * * There is no fresh news from England.
Brien has returned, glad, as he hears, at the death of the poor Queen.
When this is followed by the death of her daughter, who is, the French say,
sick to death, the opinion that it has been helped on will increase. The
king of England has no true friends here. Everyone talks of his doings as
they ought to. All approve of the tightening of the knot, and praise the
Pope for proceeding in this as in other things as he was expected to do.
Ital., modern copy, pp. 3. Headed: Al Signor Mons. Ambrogio. Da Lione, li 24 Gennaro 1536.
|176. Sir Thomas Cheyney.|
|i. Extract from the Memoranda Rolls of the Exchequer, Hil. 28 Hen. VIII. rot. 26. citing:—|
|1. Letters patent granting certain lands, which had belonged to the priory of Davington, to Sir Thomas Cheyney for 99 years. 25 Jan. 27 Hen. VIII.|
|2. Inquisition taken at Smarden, 26 Oct. 27 Hen. VIII., before John Mayny, escheator of Kent, of the lands of the late priory of Davington. It seems that the convent consisted of Matilda Dynmark, prioress, Eliz. Audly, nun, and Sibilla Moonynges, lay-sister. Elizabeth died 12 June 18 Hen. VIII., and the prioress on 11 March 26 Hen. VIII.; Moonynges then left, and the priory remained empty.|
ii. Extract from Originalia Roll, 49 Edw. III., being copy of a grant to
Geoffrey Newenton of land in Eastchurch, Isle of Sheppey.
Lat., pp. 10.
|177. Thomas Runcorn to George Blagg.|
|There is no news since you left. They say that the king of France is making great preparations for war with the duke of Savoy, and war materials are brought here from Paris. Four days since he was so ill in the night that his thirst could not easily be quenched, and there is great danger of his having a relapse of the same complaint he had when you were here. This will be sad news both for us and his subjects. Perhaps it had better not be spoken of; therefore commit this letter to the flames, unless you wish to communicate it to Knevet, to whom, as to Wiot, give my best remembrance. My lord (fn. 4) and Wallop and his wife are well. All very much regret your absence. Lyons, viii. cal. Feb.|
Give my respects to Sir Fras. Bryan (dom. Brianus), to whom I would have
written if I had anything worth communicating. Your chaplain, my
companion, Medous, Rob. Massey, and my brother William salute you.
Hol., Lat., pp. 2. Add.. D. Georgio Blaag, amico &c., in Aula.
|178. Sir Simon Harcourt to Cromwell.|
As it pleased you, at my request, to write to the justices of assize at
Stafford to inquire of a riot made by Ric. Persall and others of the retinue of
John Persall against my servants, the said Richard has been found culpable
and so indicted; but as my son and servants are in no greater security than
they were before, because John Persall still maintains unthrifty persons
about him, I have sued him and others of his retinue with a subpœna to
appear before the Council. When he appears before you, I beg order may
be taken that neither I nor my son may be molested by him hereafter.
Staunton Harcourt, 25 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
|179. Sir Nich. Wadham to Cromwell.|
Since my coming home from London the poor men of Lyme have
been with me, desiring me to put you in mind touching the Cobbe there and
the expenses they have been at, and how they have pawned the Cross and
other jewels of their church in hope of the King's favor. If they are not
helped the town will be decayed. I beg your favor for my son, the bearer.
Meryfelde, 25 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add.. Master Secretary. Endd.
Luther's Briefe, iv. 670.
|180. Luther to John Frederic Elector of Saxony.|
Hoped to have been done with the English embassy in three days,
but they do not intend leaving yet for some time. Has much to do himself,
while they have been wrangling over this single matter nearly 12 years, and,
from the position they take up, they will come to no conclusion one way or
other. The cost to the Elector will be intolerable, though they offer to
defray it themselves if they only get what they want; on which the Elector
will know well what counsel to take. * * *
St. Paul's Day, 1536.