Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.
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December 1536, 1-5
|1218. The Monks of Salley.|
Letter beginning:—"In our right hearty wise we commend us unto you
as special brethren of this our Pilgrimage of Grace for the common wealth."
Desire them to see that the monks of Salley, whom they have restored to
their house, live there as becomes their religion. Have written to the abbot.
Credence for bearer, who can give news and show how my lord of Cumberland doth sore intreat divers persons of late taken by him. "At your beadhouse of the blessed monastery of Our Lady of Salley, the — (blank) day
Draft, pp. 3.
Lansdowne MS. 203 f. 197. B. M.
|1219. Margaret Countess of Salisbury.|
Deed by which she grants to Edw. Montagu, serjeant-at-law, the
office of steward of her manor of Eston, near Stanford, Northt., 1 Dec.
28 Hen. VIII.
Modern copy, p. 1, with rough facsimile of the Countess's signature.
|1220. John Gostwyk to Cromwell.|
You wish to know what money remains in the Mint, in Rob. Lord's
hands and in mine. Mr. Vaughan, who will attend you tomorrow, will
report what is in the Mint. I enclose a bill of plate remaining in the Jewel
house, in the custody of Draper and Halely, amounting to 2,159l. 6s. 8d.
Rob. Lord has in hand 3,870l. 11s. 6d., received out of the Mint and of the
First Fruits, and I have 440l. 10s. Total, 6,470l. 8s. 2d. I have paid
some of the greedy persons today, and mean to pay the rest tomorrow. viz.,
Daunsy the alderman, Raaf Symondes, Champneys, and other:—Marshall
has been all this time at the bishop of Canterbury's house here at Lambeth,
and is now conveyed to Kent, and remains in the Bishop's own house. The
King should send letters to the Bishop to send him up, and the people will
be satisfied. There is 8l. owing for plate received of the Treasurer of the
Augmentations, which cannot be converted into money. London, Friday
Pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|ii. Two bills relating to the above, both dated 1 Dec. 28 Hen. VIII.|
|1221. Duke of Suffolk and Sir Wm. Par to Henry VIII.|
The bearer has just arrived from the earl of Northumberland with
the enclosed ring as a token. The Earl is kept so that he cannot write.
Does not put much faith in his message, but if the King thinks it requisite
to put anything in practice, will attempt it. Lincoln, 1 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
|1222. John Husee to Lady Lisle.|
|I informed you, by Will. Fyssher, of all things requisite till then. Mr. Wyndsor is here, and will make over your money with all celerity. He sent for Hide, but he has not yet come, or any one for him. As to Fristock, the man I sent into Devonshire has not yet returned, and till he comes I can do no good. I hope the Chancellor will show himself your true friend. Mr. Basset is merry, and wants money. Holt threatens to arrest me for the sum your Ladyship owes him. The torches and quaryers shall be sent with the first, and the ling if Mr. Wydsor will give me money. I think money was never so scant since this King reigned. Mr. Skutt complains that you do not keep promise with him. London, 1 Dec.|
The world is not here thoroughly settled. I wonder my Lord and you
do not write your minds about the parcels of Fristock.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
|1223. [Lords in Pomfret to Norfolk and Shrewsbury, &c.]|
"Right honourable and our very good lords," where you were
informed that here about Pomfret were assembled a great multitude of
people, this herald can inform you we do not yet number a hundred. In
this meeting we meant no such deceit as you wrote of; and no danger shall
ensue to your Lordships, but you shall have lawful warning, according to
our promise nigh Doncaster. After you have on Sunday sent the safe-conduct you shall be ascertained of the manner, place, and number on [M]onday
next, when the nobles, [lords] and worshipful men of our parts will be
here to consou[lt] thereupon.
Draft, p. 1. Mutilated.
|1224. Henry VIII. to Suffolk.|
Has received his sundry letters, especially those addressed from
Newark by Sir Francis Bryan, and heard the credence committed to Sir
Francis. Thanks him profusely for his zeal, &c. It appears, by his letters,
written conjointly with Norfolk and others from Newark, that he knows the
state of affairs. Desires him, in case of a new commotion, to perform the
"enterprise of Hull," and meanwhile to fortify suitable places, sound the
inclinations of the gentlemen, and use all dexterity to induce them of
Marshland to come in. Money shall be sent with all diligence. "We send
[also] unto you a general" —
Draft, in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 7. Endd.: To my lord of Suffolk, 2 Dec.
2. Proclamation of the King's pardon to the inhabitants of Lincolnshire
for their late rebellion; seeing that their offences proceeded from ignorance
and the spreading by seditious persons "of sundry false tales never minded
nor intended by his Highness or any of his Council," and also in consideration of their submission. All of them shall be at liberty to obtain separate
pardons out of Chancery without paying anything for the Great Seal.
Exceptions made as regards — (blank) Kendalle, vicar of Lowthe, Rob.
Leche, of Horncastle, "and such other persons that were the first beginners,
procurers, and ringleaders of the said rebellion, which be now taken," and
remain in ward of Charles duke of Suffolk, President of the Council and
Lieutenant-General in those parts, be excepted out of this pardon. Richmond, 2 Dec. 28 Hen. VIII.
R. O. St. P. i. 519.
|1225. Henry VIII. to Shrewsbury.|
By our common letters to you and others of our Council there, we
have signified our pleasure for the conclusion to be taken at the meeting
with the rebels. In these letters, which we desire you to keep to yourself,
we require you to give implicit credence to the bearer, Sir John Russell.
And if at the meeting you do not agree with the rebels, you shall set forth
such articles as hereafter declared. It appears by certain letters from Darcy
and Aske to you, and from you to us, that Darcy has been of better sort
than reported, and would be glad to come in. If he do, we intend to show
him mercy, and have delivered secretly to the bearer his pardon. And if
he can persuade Aske to do the like, we send his pardon also. You and
Russell alone shall practise with them to receive the same without making
the rest of the Council privy to it, and assure them that on their conforming
themselves to serve us, we shall be good lord to them. You shall also
practise with as many others as you think meet to the same effect, directly
or through Darcy and Aske, promising upon your honor to obtain their
pardons, and for their further assurance we have made Darcy's pardon
general to all that will come in with him. The dates which are left blank
you have power to fill up, but you must do so in such sort that there appear
no diversity of hands.
Corrected draft, in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 5. Endd.: To my lord Steward, 2do Decembris.
R. O. St. P. i. 518.
|1226. Henry VIII. to the Duke of Norfolk.|
On receipt of your last letters, written in a far more desperate sort
than we looked for, or than we yet think reasonable by the report of your
spies, we have called to remembrance the whole progress of this matter and
of your advertisements; which we find so contrary the one to the other that
we cannot but recapitulate the same, to show that you have not been so
circumspect as you ought to have been. First you desired, when writing
from Cambridge, that Shrewsbury should not pass the Trent till you joined
him, taking upon you such knowledge of the country and the rivers as
though you had been able to stay the passage of the rebels and thereby
defeat them. Then from Newark you lamented that the earl had advanced
to Doncaster, saying it might have been the cause of ill success. Yet we
see now that unless he had so done a great country had been clearly overrun, and a great number of our subjects spoiled, who are now ready to serve
us against the rebels. Then from Newark you wrote desperately, and yet in
the end said you would esteem no promise you should make to the rebels
nor think your honor touched in the breach of it. And how soon you fell
to a point with them, and dissolved our army without any exploit, leaving
them in their force, percase nothing to our honor, how much you encouraged
them when you came to our presence, we doubt not you have in good
remembrance. And now you that made us believe that if our cousin of
Shrewsbury had not passed the Trent you would have stayed the rebels to
their confusion, write plainly in your last "that if we shall trust either to
treat or do we shall be deceived, adding besides the report of 60 gentlemen
declaring other parties not to be trusted unto." We have now declared to
you our whole stomach, as to him that we love and trust, which if you take
as it is meant we doubt not but you will thank us, and by your deeds cause
us eftsoons to thank you.
Draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 6. Endd. on two fly leaves: To my lord of Norfolk, 2do Decembris.
R. O. St. P. i. 511.
|1227. Henry VIII. to Norfolk, Fitzwilliam, and Others.|
|We have received your sundry letters and credence by Sir John Russell. We wonder you all write in such desperate sort as though the world would be turned upside down if we do not agree to the petitions of the rebels, especially for a free general pardon and a parliament; although you have not yet spoken with them, nor have any grounds for your opinions except such general bruits as you hear from spies. We think you might have considered that words spoken by light and seditious persons take not even by and by that effect that they would desire; but even if the rebels be as cankeredly disposed and in as good areadiness as you write, we marvel that neither you, our cousin of Shrewsbury, have been so diligent in viewing and fortifying the fords of the Don as we desired in former letters, nor that you, our cousin of Norfolk and our Admiral, have devised upon the same since your arrival, knowing that we had the doing thereof so much to heart, and writing from Sir Robert á Lee's house that as the time of meeting was protracted you would see to it. We marvel still more that if you have certain knowledge that the rebels have levied such forces, neither you, Shrewsbury, nor any of our Council there have raised other forces to withstand, or at least to stay them, seeing that we long ago gave special commands to that effect. For if by your negligence the rebels should march forward and cross the Don, we should think ourselves ill served. We are assured, however, that you will repair this error, as by your letters it appears that Tuesday next is the day of meeting, and that the rebels will probably be very stiff on those two points of free pardon and the parliament. Considering how our honor would be touched if we were constrained to grant their desires or allow you to common with them before they had disbanded their forces or at least allowed you to levy such forces as shall countervail them, you are to proceed as follows. First, you shall write to them that we, understanding they have made a new assembly, said to number 20,000 men, cannot a little marvel at their ingratitude when we have sent down the noblest men of our realm out of arms to common with them, and that they should endeavour to gain their ends by violence instead of by humility; that we have therefore given you strict commandment that unless they make their forces withdraw and meet you unarmed in peaceable sort (in which case, as our heralds shall view the country on their side for surety of your persons, their messengers may view it on this side for their security) you should not proceed to the meeting till you have levied like forces for your parts as they have done for theirs. If the captains of the rebels on this agree to dissolve their forces you shall keep the day appointed or such other day as may be agreed between you; and at your meeting you shall first engrieve their attemptates since the appointment taken at Doncaster, complaining of their new assembly, the taking of Ralph Evers and Edward Waters, with our ship, munitions and money, and the sending of Robert Bowes to take our cousin of Cumberland, and the other innovations mentioned in former instructions to you, our cousin of Norfolk, and our Admiral at your departure from us. You shall then move them by all good means to redubbe all their attemptates, declaring to them that of our inestimable clemency we have made answer to their petitions and granted their suit for pardon in a way that should ensure their gratitude and loyalty, which pardon you shall induce them humbly to desire and receive according to former instructions. If they nevertheless refuse it unless it be general and without exception, demanding a parliament or any other articles, you shall say your commission does not extend so far, but to avoid extremity from this their folly if they will frankly signify what they have resolved upon, you will venture to take an abstinence and back their suits if they be such as subjects can offer to their prince. If on this they say that they only desire the said free pardon and parliament, you shall promise as above to be suitors with them, if they will set their hands to the articles thereof, engaging not to molest us with other particular or public matters. And having concluded this you shall take an abstinence for six or seven days as if to send hither to us, and at the end of that time, declare you have by great suit obtained their petitions, and present them the general pardon which we now send by Sir John Russell, who is commanded not to deliver it until such time as they shall determine to receive the same in the manner prescribed, having first advised them humbly to apply for it, withdrawing all their violent demeanours. In like manner you shall grant them a parliament to begin the last [of September next] (fn. 1) at such place as we shall appoint. If they insist on any other articles to these two, of which one is not comprised in their articles, but named only for surety of their pardon, as we desire time to weigh them, and put ourself in further preparation, you shall then declare that we shall require to call the nobles together for their advice thereupon; and you shall take an abstinence for 20 days or longer, during which you shall inform us of their petitions with your advice thereupon, and we can send you an answer. You must, however, with all dexterity induce them to consider the infinite mischiefs that may ensue of the extremity of this matter, and advise them to make suit for such things as can be obtained consistently with the prince's honor. If they insist upon other articles and you take the said 20 days' respite, you shall in the most secret manner write to the earl of Derby suddenly to put himself with all the forces of Cheshire and Lancashire in arms, and likewise to Suffolk to make ready the force of Lincolnshire, and you, our cousins of Norfolk, Shrewsbury, and others there shall levy all the forces in those parts, taking order to keep the passages of Don, which you shall "travail to cleanse and fortify" so that the rebels may be stayed till our advance. You shall also give credence to this bearer, Sir John Russell, who is to keep the pardon in his hands and not deliver it, otherwise than we have by mouth declared to him. And where you have now awaiting on you the bands of Sir John Russell, [Sir Francis Brian], (fn. 2) Sir Anthony Browne [and Richard Cromwell] (fn. 3) you shall cause their wages to be paid from the third day of this month during their abode with you. We also send you a joint commission of lieutenancy to you, our cousins of Norfolk and Shrewsbury, and another commission for you and the rest of the Council there to common and conclude.|
P.S.—We have received your sundry letters, the one written at Newark,
the other at Nottingham. As to your device mentioned in the former for
the taking of a new day if you do not agree with the rebels, and preparing
500 or 600 horse and 200 or 300 foot; we do not mislike the taking of a
further day, which agrees with our letters and credence now sent by Sir John
Russell. Concerning the horses and men to be shipped in Norfolk, we
neither approve nor disapprove it, for the success thereof may be good,
although we trust it shall not come to such extremity. But we wish to
know where you think meet to have those horses levied, and we shall
advertise you of our further mind. As to the suggestion in your letters
from Nottingham that we should send you some degrees that they should be
stayed till we might again put our forces in order: supposing it should be
meet for that purpose, and seeing you have no man there that can enter the
number of days to be inserted in the safe conduct, but that it should appear
to be done by two hands "which might administer cause of argument to
send unto you sundry safe conducts for sundry times," you will perceive by
these our letters as to the degrees that we have therein waded as far as we
possibly can with our honor. We have sent you one safe conduct, and shall
send two more with all diligence, the one for 16 days, the others for 20 and
for 40 days, that you may put forth such and as many as you think fit.
Finally, as you wrote from Nottingham that the Don is much fallen and the
rebels very mad and furious, we doubt not that having now the means to
stay them, you will use such diligence for the fortification of the fords that,
whatever the end of the meeting may be, you will provide both for our
honor and your own sureties. Albeit it is much to our marvel to receive so
many desperate letters from you. We might think that either things are
only regarded from one side, or else that you are so perplexed with the bruits
of one part that you omit to write the good of the other; yet we could be as
well content to bestow some time in the reading of an honest remedy as of
so many extreme and desperate mischiefs. If any man raise objection upon
any quiddity touching the free pardon, you shall upon your honors promise
that it shall be maintained valid both generally and severally to all, and
that they shall at all times have it again in as vailable sort out of the
Chancery as any of them can devise.
Corrected draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 28.
Harl. 6,989, f. 60. B. M.
|1228. The Privy Council to the Duke [of Norfolk].|
|Send copy of a letter from Suffolk to the King on the arrival with him of a servant of Sir Will. Musgrave's; by which and by the credence of Musgrave's servant it appears that Tynedale and Riddesdale be of good sort, and have rather done displeasure to the rebels than otherwise; also that Cumberland and Westmoreland are not so ill-disposed as was thought; also that lord Clifford, Sir Will. Musgrave, Aygloby, and others kept peaceably the town and castle of Carlisle; that Sir W. Musgrave has been with the earl of Cumberland at Skipton and found him so well victualled and furnished that he cares little for the malice of his enemies. The King, therefore, thinks that if you first fortify the passages of the Doonne with ditches according to his device, Yorkshire men will be easy to deal with; for those parts being brought to some stay, Suffolk, with the Lincolnshire men, my lords Steward, Rutland, Huntingdon, and others on the other side, and my lord Derby of the third part, with such preparation as his Grace can shortly make, will be able to bring the rebels to obedience.|
|You are, therefore, as it will not be honorable to the King to grant the free pardon, but only encourage others, to use all dexterity to induce them to receive the first pardon, and to stay with them long thereupon before you proceed to the other degree, which his Highness will by no means come to unless forced. You must use all wisdom, for his Highness regrets to receive so many desperate letters without mention of remedies. He said lately the passage in your letters, that he should be deceived if he trusted to the passages, agreed but shrewdly with your letters from Cambridge, hoping my lord Steward would not have passed the Trent before your coming to him, as though you had known the country and the rivers so well that you had been then able at your will to have discomfited the rebels, and were much disappointed afterwards. And yet if my lord Steward had not indeed marched forward, contrary to your mind, there had been more lost than percase would have been recovered in a good time. Surely his Highness is your good lord, and we all beseech you to show your wisdom as he thinks his honor will be much touched if he grant the free pardon.|
Send letters from the King for Norfolk himself; but assure him whatever
is contained in them, the King is as gracious to him as ever he was in his
life. Richmond, 2 Dec. Signed by Cromwell, Audeley (Chancellor),
Oxford, Sussex, the bishop of Chichester, and Sir W. Poulet.
Modern copy, pp. 3. The orig. endd.: At Hatfeld. From the King's Council, 4 Dec. This letter is numbered CXXV.
|1229. Ric. Southell to Cromwell.|
|I last night arrived here in London, and learn, from my brother, the King is displeased with me. Begging your Lordship to appoint a time for me to wait on you and to be a suitor to the King "that I may come unto declaration." If any offence shall appear in me I shall desire to be banished for ever.|
If I had not repaired to you, I had written that from this time till Candlemas it has been accustomed to convey from Yarmouth and other ports in
Norfolk, to Hull and Newcastle, red herrings and white and grain, which, if
necessary, no doubt you will stay. 2 December, Ao xxviii°.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
|1230. The Northern Rebellion.|
|Examination of Percyvall Saunders and Wm. Charnoke before Edw. earl of Derby, Sir Alex. Radcliff, Sir Wm. Leylond, Sir Thos. Halsall, and Barth. Hesketh, one of the counsel of the said earl, and justices of the peace, 2 Dec. 28 Hen. VIII.|
|i. Saunders deposes that on Tuesday night Nov. 28, about 12 o'clock, Hugh Parker and others, disguised and armed, broke open his door and forced him by blows to be sworn "to God and the King and the commons."|
|ii. Charnoke deposes that the same night they came to his house. He kept them out as long as he could, but finally swore, being threatened with death. He offered to go the next day before Jenkin Gylibrond, and do as others did, but they would not take that answer. One Laurence Whitell was sworn or gave them money to spare him, and Thurstan Collyng and his son were sworn.|
|iii. Hugh Parker (16 years old), deposes that he went to one Bankes house to get his head rounded, and afterwards met with John Pyper and John Yate at an alehouse; was induced to go with them as in sport, and denies that Charnoke offered any resistance. Signed by the earl of Derby and the other examiners.|
|iv. John Yate, of the Knoll, in the parish of Chorley, gives particulars of the swearing of Robt. Bankes, Thurstan Collyngs, Wm. Charnokke, Percival Sanders, Hugh Modesley, and Laur. Whetyll. They told them the commons were between that place and Whalley.|
v. Robt. Bankes deposes to the minstrel (Piper) coming with the others to
his house with their faces blacked, and that he gave them his harness for fear.
|1231. Manifestoes of Aske at Reading.|
|Examinations before Hugh abbot of Reading, Thomas Vachell, J.P. in co. Berks, John Whytt, mayor, and Thos. Beke, Walter Barton, and Henry Watts, inhabitants, of Reading, 2 Sept., (sic) 28 Hen. VIII.|
(1.) Sir Nich. Wagstaff describes how William Wyre gave him, 24 Nov.
last, a bill "devised in the name of one Robt. Aske," to copy for 2d.
(2.) Wm. Wyre, of The Cardinal's Inn in Reading, shows how Geoffrey
Gunter, late of Shrevenham, Berks, lent him the bill to have a copy made.
(3.) Sir Richard Snowe, vicar of St. Gyles, Reading, says that on the
28 Nov., Richard Turner sent him a copy of a letter made by Robert Aske,
to deliver to John Eynon, a priest of the church, to make a copy of. On
St. Andrew's day last, he gave a copy to Nich. Strystram, son-in-law to
Thomas Beke the King's servant, to be delivered to his father-in-law and
also to his uncle John Beke, one of the baileys of Reading. (4.) John
Eynon confirms the foregoing. (5.) Richard Turner got the copy of a bill
from John Bourne. Lent it to Sir John Eynon, priest, to copy, at Eynon's
request. As the lord abbot and Mr. Vachell were in London he kept the
copy of the bill. On St. Andrew's day last, hearing Mr. Vachell was home,
he delivered his copy to Thos. Bewell, serjeant of the town, to take to
Mr. Vachell. Signed by the justices. Each deposition signed by the
Pp. 3. Endd.: Thexamynacon for the bill found at Reading.
|1232. Lord Monteagle to Henry VIII.|
Received his letters, dated Windsor, 9 Nov., ordering him to have his
servants, tenants, and friends, who have not consented to this rebellion,
ready to serve with the earl of Derby where the earl of Shrewsbury should
assign, and also to have seditious persons punished. Has apprehended a
vicar who was said to have spoken against the King's acts and in favor of the
insurrection, and bound him in 200l. to appear before the Council. Has
furnished himself with the friends, servants and tenants, whom he can trust.
Some are sworn to the rebels and he has commanded them not to come in his
house or company. They say that if they had not sworn, their houses and
goods would have been spoiled, and that they are as ready to serve the King
as any others, notwithstanding their oaths. The rebels are about Kendal, as
cruelly minded as ever, and have disturbed his bailiffs for paying him rent,
threatening to hang one, and saying that he should never have any rent there
unless he assented to them, which he will never do. Asks how he should
use his tenants and servants who are sworn, and whether he is still to try
and apprehend the procurers and capitals of the insurrection, as he hears
that the King is going to send down a Council to sit at Doncaster. Horneby
Castle, 3 Dec. 28 Hen. VIII. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
|1233. Shrewsbury to Norfolk and Fitzwilliam.|
Has received their letter desiring him to come to them. Is very sick,
but tomorrow morning, if he can sit on horseback, he will start and be at
Doncaster on Tuesday night. If they can get the commons to defer the
meeting till Wednesday he trusts to be there. Credence for his son. At
my poor cot at Herdwyk, 3 Dec. at 11 a.m. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Duke of Norfolk and lord Admiral or either of them.
|1234. Norfolk and others to Henry VIII.|
Wm. Steward of Scotland passed Newarke four days past. As he
has passed through these rebellious people and heard their ungracious
foolish opinions, thought it advisable to advertise the King, so that Steward
should not pass the realm to make ill report without the King being
advertised of his going into France. The assembly is very great at Pomfret,
and the people bear the rule and not the nobility, who are in half captivity.
Do not despair of bringing the trouble to a good end, and if the people
remain in their great fury, then to do our best to induce them to take a
longer day than the 14 days promised by Darcy and Aske. Advises the
King not to let Steward pass the realm till he hears what effect this meeting
has. Trusts to find true gentlemen in the rebellious parts. The meeting
will not be before Wednesday. Hatfield, Sunday, after dinner. Signed:
T. Norfolk—Wyllm. Fytzwyllm—W. Howard—Antone Browne.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 4 Dec. (fn. 4)
|1235. The Northern Rebellion.|
|Proclamation of the King's pardon to the rebels of the different districts, viz. : That those of Yorkshire, with the city of York, Kingston upon Hull, Marshland, Holdenshire, Hexham, Beverley, Holderness, &c., on their submission to Charles duke of Suffolk, president of the Council and lieutenant general in Lincolnshire, at Lincoln or elsewhere that he may appoint, shall have free pardons granted to them under the Great Seal without further bill or warrant or paying anything for the Great Seal. Richmond, 3 Dec., 28 Henry VIII.|
|ii. The like for the shires of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, York, city of York, bishopric of Durham, &c., and in the parts north of Lancaster, on their submission to Henry earl of Cumberland.|
|iii. The like for Northumberland, &c., as above on their submission to Henry lord Clifford.|
|iv. The like on submission to Sir Thomas Clifford.|
v. The like on submission to Henry earl of Cumberland, Henry lord
Clifford or Sir Thomas Clifford, deputy of Berwick.
R. O. S. P. i. 521.
|1236. Henry VIII. to [Suffolk.]|
On receipt of the letters written by the duke of Norfolk about
granting the rebels in the North a free pardon and a parliament rather
than that they should proceed; as we find by report of Sir Francis Brian
that you agree with this opinion, although we thought the granting of
such a pardon would only encourage others, yet, yielding to the advice
of our Council, we have sent one to the duke of Norfolk, to be, however,
retained in his hands unless very extremity shall force the same. We have
also authorised him to consent to a Parliament to be held at Michaelmas
at such place as we shall appoint. Send copy of the letters. But in case
the rebels shall devise some new matter we have, as you shall see by the
copy of the said letters, appointed the duke of Norfolk with the earls of
Shrewsbury, Rutland, and Huntingdon on the one part, and the earl of Derby
with the forces of Cheshire, Lancashire, and part of North Wales, to prepare
themselves against the said rebels. Meanwhile you shall take counsel
with the gentlemen of Lincolnshire and arrange for the establishment of
sure stays in the country if you should depart from thence for the defence
thereof and of the passages, and also put such a number of men in readiness
as to make up along with your bands 8,000 upon an hour's warning.
Meanwhile you shall consult with Norfolk and Shrewsbury what you
should do in case of extremity, whether to go to their aid or pass over to
Hull or some other place. And on advertisement both of your mind and
of their opinions we shall send you our resolution; for we think it would
not be meet that you should pass over to Hull or other place now
(fn. 5) [and so join with your son the lord Clifford (fn. 6) and such other of those parts
as remain faithfull subjects, travailing first with Tyndesdale, Riddesdale,
Bewcastledale, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, to reduce them to conformity
and enforce the rest of the rebels to obedience, if not by promise of mercy
then by all extremity, and we on hearing of your readiness to advance will
furnish you with treasure. If you thus pass into those parts you shall bend
yourself to take the city of York and to enter Pomfret and all other holds
there and furnish them to keep the country in quiet, making as little spoil as
you can unless you perceive the rebels are obstinate. In which case we leave
all to your discretion.] According to your last letters we have written
to the earl of Cumberland, the lord Clifford, Sir Wm. Musgrave, Edward
Aygloby, the towns of Newcastle and Carlisle, Sir Thomas Clifford and
Sir Reynold Carnaby, sending divers of them proclamations to be made in
those parts. All which letters and proclamations we beg you to forward
to Berwick for their sure deliverance, and advise them by your letters to
do their best to serve us, putting apart all grudges between them and
others. Finally, that you may upon better ground practise with them of
Marshland and Holdenshire, we send you a proclamation under our Great
Seal for those parts, the copy whereof, if you think good, you may cause to
be proclaimed among them, promising on your honor that we will fulfil
everything on their submission if they take the oath contained in the
schedule enclosed. And if you think yourself sufficiently furnished to
receive the Yorkshiremen and others willing to submit to you, we send you
a commission in which you are joined as lieutenant for all those parts, with
our cousins of Norfolk and Shrewsbury, and we desire you specially to
write to your son lord Clifford to encourage him to write to you the plainness
of all things in those quarters about Carlisle, and for your perfect knowledge
of the tenour of our letters to the earl of Cumberland, lord Clifford, and Sir
Thomas Clifford we send you herewith copies.
Corrected draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 12.
|R. O.||2. Fly leaf of the preceding.|
|Endd.: The minute of the letters sent to my lord of Suffolk, 4to Decembris.|
Harl. MS. 6989, f. 62. B. M.
|1237. The Privy Council to Norfolk.|
|Received last night his letters written from Welbeck on Saturday in reply to others as to the hope that the King would assent to Norfolk's desires "made by Sir John Russel" rather than the matter should grow to further extremity. The King is pleased at the loyalty of the gentlemen and has no doubt they will be able to stay the fury of the commons if they attempt further enterprises. Norfolk and his colleagues are thanked for bringing the matter to so good towardness. The King approves of the Duke's suggestions that he should forthwith enter the country and swear the same from place to place, "furnished" with a good company of nobles and gentlemen, whose costs will be paid; but he should first signify what noblemen and gentlemen and what the number of the train should be; on which the King will send his commission. He must consider the great charge the King has been at and try to mitigate it. The King will also write, on his advertisement, to the earl of Northumberland for his coming hither if nothing chance to him in the mean season, and Norfolk will doubtless see that his brethren do no displeasure.|
|There remains one thing to be considered which the King has much to heart and we all no less desire—the preservation of his Grace's honor, which will be much touched if no man be reserved to punishment. And though he has referred this to your discretion, if you could by dexterity reserve a very few, and among a few vile persons Sir Rob. Constable, as he is most notable and most wilful.|
|We send certain of the letters addressed to the bishops and copies of the articles agreed upon by the clergy; "and for the more plain declaration to the people of the truth of the same, ye shall receive one copy whereunto the bishops and clergy did at the beginning set their hands." Richmond, 4 Dec.|
|Signed by lord Chancellor Audeley, Cromwell, the earls of Oxford and Sussex, the bishops of Hereford and Chichester, Paulet and Kingston.|
|Modern copy, pp. 2. The original endd.: At Hatfyld, from the King's Council, 6 Decembris, rec. Numbered "cxxvi."|
|1238. Lord Chancellor Audeley to Cromwell.|
Sends by the King's orders a letter brought by a post about 7 o'clock
this evening. Cromwell is to send to the ports of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex,
Kent, and elsewhere, and to devise other means by land to stay Steward,
who is mentioned in the letter. This Monday evening at 8 o'clock.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|1239. Suffolk and Sir William Parr to Henry VIII.|
I have received your gracious letters which I am never able to
deserve. Concerning the "enterprise of Hull" and stay of this country, I
shall do my best. I have already appointed a muster throughout the shire
to know what able men may be made, with the harness they have indented for,
who with those in my hands may be ready at an hour's warning; and have
appointed captains of the army to take the musters and learn the "very
hearts" of the people. I shall myself use all policy with the gentlemen. If
the "practise of Hull shall be done," I beg to have Sir Anthony Brown and
Sir John Russell and their bands again, and also Mr. Crumwell's gunners
who are at Doncaster, and 50 "haggebusshes" and 20 gunners more, and 50
gunners with big "hangonnes," powder and shot. I beg that bows, arrows,
strings, and powder may be sent. "The bows of the ordnance break in the
bending, and the arrows that the army had are marred with riding and watching in the rain." Of the bows and arrows first sent, we sent my lord Steward
as much as we could spare. Let us have Wm. Gonson again; we lack him
both for putting things in order and in giving counsel. Where your Highness appointed. Edward Waters and — (fn. 7) Lawndie; the one was gone
before your pleasure was known and the other is taken, as your Grace
knows. If you may not spare Wm. Gonson, send some one to take charge
of the ordnance. Notwithstanding the good wind your two barks are not
yet come to Grimsby; however, Hull and the parts thereunto are in great
dread of them. Begs that the bows, arrows, and other things required may
be sent with speed. Lincoln, 4 Dec., 7 p.m. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
|1240. Suffolk to Cromwell.|
This day I received the King's most gracious letters. "Considering
much of the King's goodness therein is showed unto me by your good
means," I heartily thank you. You thank me for your nephew Mr. Richard:
if only for his good service done in this journey, I can make no better
report of him than he has deserved. Lincoln, 4 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|1241. Duke of Norfolk to Henry VIII.|
|Received his letter of the 2nd, ill in bed. It was much to his discomfort. Asks the King to consider whether he is bound of duty to advertise him as he hears or not. Can prove all that he has written by hearsay. Has seen no cause to repent his letters written from Cambridge or Newark, and as to his desperate letters from Welbeck, sent the lord Steward's letter which gave him occasion so to write. On the Thursday that he wrote, and the Friday after, the lord Steward and his company were in great danger if the rebels had taken their advantage like men of war. Never wrote about the river of Don. Still thinks it would have been much better if the lord Steward had not marched until the Marquis and Norfolk had joined him.|
|Whatever he wrote desperately trusts that he has good record of his behaviour when most danger was likely to have been, having but two servants with him.|
|As to what he wrote, that the King must not trust to the defence of Don or Trent, he added, if the water fell. And anyone here would say that he spoke truly as to the Don. Dissolved the army by the advice of all his fellows, and upon such good considerations that he never perceived till now that the King was displeased. Cannot deny that he would have done better if he had first known the King's pleasure, though his charges were alleviated thereby. If he had not dissolved them, lack of victuals would have forced them to retire as far as Trent.|
|Has written no letters to which all the Council have not been privy. Begs the King to pardon his unwise proceedings, and to consider that his years require him rather to pray with his book and beads than to meddle in the great affairs to which the King puts him. Hatfyld, Monday, 8 a.m.|
The lord Admiral's letters will tell the King of the state of affairs here.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 5 Dec. (fn. 8)
|1242. Duke of Norfolk to the Lords of the Council.|
Received tonight their letter of the 2nd inst. with the King's, and a
copy of the duke of Suffolk's letter. They can consider what occasion he
has to lament his misfortune to have his proceedings so taken, but there is
none so much to blame as the King and his Council for putting such weighty
causes in the hands of an old forgetful fool, more meet to sit in a chair by
the fire to keep him warm than to "mayne" such great affairs. Hopes that
his device to go to York and so Northwards, written on Saturday at Welbeck,
may not be well liked, but that he may shortly go home. The report of
Sir Fras. Bryan's servant, Knight, is untrue, as they will perceive by Sir
Peter Vavesour's letter enclosed, which he durst not sign for intercepting.
Sir Wm. Musgrave was once safe in Carlisle, but went out and was sworn to
the commons, "who so being might without great danger ride to my lord
of Cumberland." Thanks them for their assurance of the King's favor,
"which I trust shall never deserve to have the contrary, though my fortune
be not to find no good ink to write withal, as my lord of Winchester cannot
do in France. Surely we be both much like of one nature, very wilful to
write the truth as we hear and see." Hatfyld, Monday, 8 a.m. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: 5 Dec. (fn. 8) Sealed.
|1243. Sir William Fitzwilliam to Henry VIII.|
I have this day seen a letter from your Grace's Council to the duke
of Norfolk, dated at Richmond, the 2nd inst,, in which no mention is made
of me. Nevertheless, I trust I have your favor, for if I have done ill it is
for lack of wit, not of goodwill. Your Council write that your Grace receives
many "desperate letters" from us. We have written only what we have heard,
and it has been confirmed by the the letters of my lords of Suffolk, Cumberland,
Dacres, and all others your Grace's true servants there. As soon as we have
received any better news we sent it, as our letters from Welbecke show,
which no doubt you have received long ere this. My lord of Norfolk and I
have only studied to bring your purpose to pass; and, through Lancaster
herald and other heralds, this day are to meet us at Doncaster 10 gentlemen
and commons, specified in the enclosed bill, coming, "upon our honours,
without your Grace's safeconduct." We shall do our best that on Wednesday, the day of the great meeting, they shall come upon our words without
the said safeconduct, with far less than 300 persons. And then we shall
make as honorable an appointment as we can, and not pass our instructions.
Hatfield, 4 Dec. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: My lord Admiral.
|R. O.||2. The names of such persons as meet my lord of Norff. and my lord Admiral at Doncaster this Monday the iiijth day of December."|
Sir Thos. Hilton, Sir Wm. Constable, Sir Ralph Ellercar, Sir Ralph
Bulmer, and Roger Lasells, Robert Bowys, Nich. Rudston, John of Norton,
Wm. Babthorp, and Robert Chaloner, squires: with two servants each.
P. 1. Small slip.
|1244. The Meeting at Pomfret.|
|R. O.||"My powre advyce to my lorde captayne, baronage and comynaltie at Pomf[rete] ondyr ynsurreccyon that may be resavyd with sysche of the Kyng's counsell as cummythe to Duncaster, where by me semys the Kyng schuld [condescend to] owr petecyon agaynst the Lowler and [trai]tur Thomas Crumwell, hys dyscypyles and adherentes or at leste exyle hym and theym furthe of the relm.|
|"Firste, where yt ys a legyd that we schulde not tayke upon us to assyne his Gr[ace's Council] yt ys nessary that vertuus men that luffythe the communwelthe schulde be of his [counci]l . . . . . he wyl have a Cunsell for his person at hys pleasur, then yt ys nessary that a . . . . . . . . be had for the cummunwelthe as the cunsell off Parys ys in France, for princys schuld . . . . . . susche vertus men as woylde regarde the communwelthe abuffe their princys lo . . . and the . . . . . be cunselde be the nobylles, baronage and commons for the sayd communwyllthe . . . . . . t be resun that be resun that he ys boyrne be blude to the crown that he may . . . . . . his reyne for be sysche meyns princys hathe beyne deposyd . . . . . . . increacyon and senes, and luke in the iij. Regum where Roboam be yonge folyshe cunselle [made] answar to the communs off Israell that hys fynger was greter than the body of hys [father, he beat] thayem with schurgys, he wolde beyt thayem with scorpyuns, and so hys pepyll [would] not suff[er] hym to renge over them, and luke be[c]awyse of fall of princys where that men may persa[ve]that vyce was occacyon theroff, and in thys nobyll reym who reydes the crownakylls of Edwarde the ij. what juperdy he was in for Peres de G[ave]stun, Spenseres, and susche lyke cunsellars and . . . Rycharde the ij. was deposyd for folowing the cunsell of susche lyke. Item, a prynce schulde be mayde Kynge to defende the realme, and rewle hys subietes vertuus[ly] be iutece (justice) myxyd with mercy and pyty, and not undur dysplesur by rygore to [p]u[t] men to de[the]; for thowghe yt ys sayde that our bodes [be] the Kynges when he hayse kyllyd a man he [cannot] mayk a man a lyffe ayene and yf he . . . . kyll he schulde kyll those . . . . . . . enmys to all myghtty God . . . g . . . . co . . . . not to he hayse . . . . . cowynsell of the moyste vertuus byshops, but not of theys . . . . byschops . . . . . . . not or cannot instrut hys Grace in the trowth but saye ever . . . . . . . says to helpe theyme to promocyon.|
|"Item, where yt ys alegyd that the Kynge haythe [au]toryte grantyd hym by parlamente to suppres theys abbays, I thynke that theys parlamentes was of nune actoryte nor vertu, for yff theys schulde be trewly namyd, thay shulde be callyd counsylles of the Kynges [a]poyntment, and not parlaments, for parlamentes owyt to have the knyghtes of schyar and bur[gesses for the t]owyns [at] ther owyne electyon that colde resun for the wellthe of the schyar or towyn, that he . . . . . not sysche men as the Kynge wyll apoynte for hys priva lucor and . . . . . . . nesessates off the schyares and towynes, for what [kn]ew Sir Fransys Brey[an] . . . . . . . . . for the wysche he was burges. I thynke verely he coude . . . . . . . . . . . . . devyse malecyos argament contrary [to h]oly relegyon and agaynst a[ll] fay[th] . . . . . Holy Churche. Wherefore with susche as was off the same set he was a . . . . . . . . . with vertus men he was derydyd to medle off thynges beyonde his lernyng . . . . . . nyse . . and mayke granttes accordyng to ther assygnment for clene contrary to their . . . . a parlament they have devysyd that men may not speke off the Kynges vycys whysch . . . men may say trewly had moste nede to be spokyn on, and reformyd off [all] thyng, [for if] the hede ayke how can the body be hole, and therefor the syne (sin) of a prynse that reynse may be ponysyd, as may be provyd be the Israle[ites] for the syn off Davyd, luke Regum . . . . . . but what so ever Crumwell says ys ryght and noyne but that . . . . . . . . . . . as me semyth the Kynge, yff he lyste, may persave in a very invius enmy and tratur to hys highness, for where he exytes hym to breke the oythe that he mayde at hys coronacyon, in that he maykes hym periuryd, whysch be the law powre men are schaymfully punyschyd. How may a man ponysch smalle offenders where he maykes greter deffalte hysselffe, but thow we that be hys subjectes dar not speke stranges realmes boythe dar speke [the]s trewthys."|
|Item, the false flatterer says he will make the King the richest prince in Christendom, but a man can have no more of a cat but the [skin], that is, the King can have no more of us than we have, which in manner he has already, and yet not satisfied. I think he goes about to make him the poorest prince in Christendom, for when by such pillage he has lost the hearts of his baronage and poor commons, the riches of the realm are spent and his oath and faith broken, who will then love or trust him? "Any foryn prynce or realme? Nay. Be war, yt ys good to beylde a sore neste in ys owyn realme, whysche was weysly and sewyrely begyd before ye sayde trature mellyd" and if he were exiled with his disciples, I trust it would be reetifyyd.|
|The said traitor constrains men to be perjured "be extreym synes (qu. fines ?) as Sir [Ge]orge Conyars, Sir Oswoylde Wylstrop, and [their fe]llowys wer yf they woylde have consy[nted and e]stemyd ther gudes above the [t]rewth and worschyp, but hys servandes and ek hys servandes servandes thynkes to have the law in every playse here oyrderyd at their commandment, and wyll tayk upon thayme to commande scheryffe, justysys of peyse, coram, and of secyon in their mayster's nayme at their plesure, wytnes Brabsun and Dakynes, so that what so ever thay wyll have doyne must be lawfull, and who contrarys thaym shall be accusyd off tresun, be he never so trew a man whysche the fales herlotes emaygeyns be cawyse they that contrarys thayme may have no frendes to gyfe thayme cunsell, but that the may have every thyng sownyd at ther plesur be thayr mater never so falles."|
|If the King will be rich let him follow the trade of his father, the Second Solomon, who inhanced his riches by wisdom and mercy. If a man had deserved death he might have his pardon for money.|
|". . . . . . . . . very sore yff the falter had amend hys cundesyon and grewyn to be a god man agayne, when he had mendyd the Kyng wolde have withdrawe hys wroth [and] be oyne mene or other have lukyd so off hym that he schulde have had suche a thyng as schulde helpe hym as mysche as hys fyne hynderd hym; and a noder cast he had, when a byschoppryke fell he woylde promoyte hys chaplayne, and therby be susche exchange he woylde have the profet of the temperalytes off all the feys (fees?) in the realm and contente all hys prelaytes be the sayme, for he amendyd al ther lynage therby, and hurt none, and zyt incresyd hys owyn rychys memelously. And when marchans that went over se he wolde cherysche thayme that browght in buloyn and suche thyng as incresyd the rychys of the reyme. Wherefore he was boythe luffyd and dred, the reyme so inrychyde and hymselfe also that yt was spokyn to the worldes end that in thys reyme was the goldyn hyll."|
If the said traitor live none of us who are gentlemen or head yeomen can
trust to any pardon. Some other device will be found, whereby we shall
lose our lives, goods, or lands "so that his frympyll frampylles shall be promotyd thereby." How has the duke of Suffolk dealt with the Lincolnshire
men ? It is better to try by battle than to submit. The duke of Norfolk
"and such noble folke as are of ancient blood with baronage of the sowth
and commonalty also should consider these (?), for their part is not unlike to
be in after this." It is good to take time when time is fair. Suggests
that there is much treasure in Cromwell's coffers and his disciples' which
should be employed by parliament for the good of the realm. Concludes
by saying that he prays for the King's honor and the commonwealth as a
true liege man, and that the best way may be taken at this meeting.
Pp. 3. Mutilated. Endd.: The traitorous petitions of the North.
|1245. The Northern Clergy.|
|Cleop. E. v. 381. B. M. Strype's Mem. I. ii. 266. Wilkins, III. 812.||"The opinion of the clergy of the North parties" upon ten articles in favor of the Reformation, all of which they condemn, denying the royal supremacy, the punishment of the clergy by temporal powers, the violation of sanctuary and the right of levying tenths and first fruits on benefices, as contrary to the laws of the Church. They uphold papal dispensations and claim that all the clergy who have opposed the King's superiority should be restored; that tenths and first fruits and other arrears granted to the King by parliament or convocation, and to be paid before next parliament, may be remitted.|
2. Another copy, in which the fifth article is omitted, and other variations
occur. [N.B.—The text in Strype is also very inaccurate, the word
"Parliament" in the sixth article being a misreading of "payment," besides
|1246. For the Second Meeting at Doncaster.|
|R. O.||Instructions for Sir Thos. Hilton and other his companions.|
|1. To declare to the duke of Norfolk and other lords that our meeting of our part is meant of assured truth without any manner of deceit or male ingyne. 2. To receive the King's safe conduct, and to deliver our safe conduct for the assurance of the lords there. 3. To entreat of our general pardon, including all persons who in heart, word, or deed aided the federation in this our quarrel, and that we be not mentioned in the pardon, nor in any records as rebels and traitors. 4. That Richard Cromwell nor none of his kind nor sort be at our meeting at Doncaster. 5. To receive the King's answer by the declaration of the lords, and to certify the very intent thereof to us here. 6. To know what authority the lords have to promise. 7. To demand what pledge they would deliver for the captain. 8. If the particulars are required, then to descend to divers particulars.|
[Demands]:—1. "The first touching our faith":—To have the heresies of
"Luther, Wyclif, Husse, Malangton, Elicampadus (sic), Bucerus, Confessa
Germanie, Apolugia Malanctons, the works of Tyndall, of Barnys, of Marshall,
Raskell, Seynt Germayne, and such other heresies of Anibaptist," destroyed.
2. The supremacy of the Church touching "cura animarum" to be reserved to the See of Rome as before. The consecrations of the bishops to be from him, without any first fruits or pension to be paid to him, or else a reasonable pension for the outward defence of the Faith. 3. That lady Mary may be made legitimate, and the former statute therein annulled for the danger of the title that might incur to the crown of Scotland : that to be by parliament. 4. The suppressed abbeys to be restored to their houses, lands, and goods. 5. To have the tenths and first fruits clearly discharged of the same, unless the clergy will grant a rentcharge in generality to the augmentation of the Crown. 6. To have the Friars Observants restored to their houses. 7. To have the heretics, bishops and temporal, and their sect, to have condign punishment by fire or such other, or else to try the quarrel with us and our parttakers in battle. 8. Lord Cromwell, the Lord Chancellor, and Sir Ric. Riche to have condign punishment, as subverters of the good laws of the realm and maintainers and inventors of heretics. 9. That the lands in Westmoreland, Cumberland, Kendall, Dent, Sedber, Fornes, and the abbey lands in Mashamshire, Kyrkbyshire, Notherdale, may be by tenant right, and the lord to have, at every change two years' rent for "gressom," (fn. 9) according to the grant now made by the lords to the commons there. This to be done by Act of Parliament. 10. The statutes of handguns and crossbows to be repealed, except in the King's forests or parks. 11. That Dr. Lighe and Dr. Layton have condign punishment for their extortions from religious houses and other abominable acts. (fn. 10) 12. Reformation for the election of knights of the shire and burgesses, and for the use among the lords in the parliament house after their ancient custom. 13. The statute for inclosures and intacks to be put in execution, and all inclosures and intacks since 4 Hen. VII., to be pulled down "except mountains, forests, and parks." 14. To be discharged of the quinzinc and taxes now granted by Act of Parliament. 15. To have a parliament at Nottingham or York, and that shortly. 16. The statute of the declaration of the crown by will to be repealed. 17. Pardon by Act of Parliament for all recognisances, statutes and penalties new forfeited during the time of this commotion. 18. The privileges and rights of the Church to be confirmed by Act of Parliament. Priests not to suffer by sword unless degraded. A man to be saved by his book. "Sanctuary to save a man for all causes in extreme need, and the Church for 40 days, and further according to the laws as they were used in the beginning of this King's days." 19. The liberties of the Church to have their old customs as the county palatine at Durham, Beverlay, Rippon, St. Peter of York, and such other by Act of Parliament. 20. To have the statute "That no man shall not will his lands," repealed. 21. The statutes of treasons for words and such like made since 21 Hen. VIII., to be repealed. 22. That the common laws may have place as was used in the beginning of the reign, and that no injunctions be granted unless the matter has been determined in Chancery. 23. That men north of Trent summoned on subpœna appear at York, or by attorney, unless it be directed on pain of allegiance, or for like matters concerning the King. 24. A remedy against escheators for finding false offices and extorting fees.
Pp. 4. Endd.: Copy of the articles to the lords of the King's Council at our coming to Pontefract.
2. Another copy of the above with the articles in a different order, except
Nos. 1–8 of the second series (Demands), which, being on a separate leaf,
may perhaps be another set of articles in the same hand wrongly placed in the
|R. O.||3. Another copy, in the same hand as § 2, of the articles therein omitted, with the following additional:—|
(9.) And that all tenths, first fruits, &c. granted by parliament or convocations, and due before the first day of next parliament, be remitted.
"And we, the said clergy, say that, for lack of time, instructions in these
articles, and want of books, we declare this our opinion for this time,
reserving further determination in the premises to the next Convocation."
Also, we desire that the statute commanding the clergy to exhibit their
dispensations from the Pope before Michaelmas next may be revoked at the
|4 Dec.||1247. Peter Philpot to Cromwell.|
Whereas you have written to me to suffer John Philpot and his sister
Jane, executors to their grandmother, Mrs. Troys, to administer her will, it
is Philpot's intent, as reported, to make as much money of the goods as he
can and depart. Unless, therefore, you are pleased to stay it, there will be
nothing left for the soul, nor will her debts be paid by 100 marks. 4 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add: Lord Privy Seal..
Lamb. MS. 602, f. 135.
|1248. Martin Pells to [Cromwell.]|
|Steven à Pary, the lord Deputy's most intimate servant, is now going to England. He will be able to give information as to who caused and who began this sedition between the Council, and of all the subtle working of this land, by which the King's affairs are hindered. The English Pale, especially the county of Euryell, is in sore decay, as they have very bad neighbours, Nele More, Bryan Row Hanloo, Pheland Row Neele, and the country of Farney. If the rulers were to avoid covetousness the country would soon be quiet. The chief rulers should be native Englishmen, as, if they are Irish, they are sure to have friends among the lords of the Irishry who make raids on the English Pale, who by this means are able to compound with them, so that no restitution is made to those who have been robbed. The frequent change of the Deputy does much harm, as it is a year or two before a man becomes acquainted with the conditions of the people. Neither their fair words nor their oaths can be believed, "for they be full of courtesy, and have much subtle wit as any nation that ever I see." If 4,000 or 5,000 men were sent over next summer and the Deputy, Treasurer and Master of the Rolls were "in one assent," much more service might be done than he would think possible for one summer. The Deputy is much more discreet than when he last came out of England, and more fit to govern a realm than he was before to rule a city. He is also very pitiful to the poor, executing justice with charity, and very "painful forward and hardy in the field." He is very sorry at Steven à Pary's leaving him. The Treasurer is much liked in the country, and is a good justiciar. The Master of the Rolls is of great capacity for the King's causes, and favors the poor people, and if [Cromwell] could find the means that they may "be in one assent," all would be well. If the country were quiet it would be as profitable to England as any land to its prince.|
Mr. Poole (fn. 11) is discharged from his office and goes to England. He was
well beloved in the army, but people wonder he was so quiet with the
Deputy. He said he would never love Steven a Pary, but do all he could
against him, though they used to be the greatest friends in the world.
However, when they come before [Cromwell], he will hear many strange
things. The archbishop of Dublin preached his first sermon on Sunday
after St. Andrew's Day in "Cree Chyrche," Dublin, and set forth the word
of God so sincerely that both unlearned and learned give him high praise,
and those that favor the word of God are "very glad of him, and pray for
him so to continue." Dublin, 4 Dec.
Hol., pp. 3.
|1249. Stephen Ap Harry.|
|R. O.||"A remembrance to . . . . . . his good masters[hip] . . . goods as was tak[en from Richard Da]cre." (fn. 12)|
"First, the lord Leonarde (Grey) being high marcha[l of the army committed] Wm. Poole to ward, for what cause God knoweth and not I, . . . .
. . . . me, and so he did; and that done, his servant come to me and said,
My lord would see y[our . . . ] horse, which I did send unto him by my
servant to his place at Saint Pulcr[es], and at his comy[ng th]e said lord
took him from my servant and so keepeth him, which horse I would not
have sold to no man for 20 mks. sterling." Item.—Stephen Apherrye came
to him while in irons in the Marshal's ward, and charged him with
robbing a priest, wishing to get a sight of his other gelding, saying that it
was hurt at the robbery of an Irish man. To testify to his innocence, sent
his servant for it, and the provost marshal compelled him to sell it to him
for six angel nobles, though he would not have sold it for 20 nobles. Item.—
Apherrye came again to him when in the Marshal's ward, and asked him to
lend him a noble. Said he had very little money, as he had received no
wages since coming into Ireland, but lent him an angel. Apherry then said to
the provost marshal, Wm. Poole, "It is my lord's my master's mind; take
his purse;" and so Poole took from him 26s., with one cross of silver and
gilt. Item.—Poole, being provost marshal, took from him 16d. a day for
board for seven weeks, saying "it was my lord's mind, and all other of the
Council," and for his gavel (gaol ?) fees, 5s., making 3l. 6d.
|R. O.||2. Answer of Stephen Apharry to the feigned articles against him.|
|To the first article he says that a felon who took sanctuary at Kylmayne, while Apharry was under-marshal, was examined by him by permission of the lord of Kylmayne, and "confessed the felony by him committed to the said Gaydon," and other robberies of churches as well. He also confessed that he had delivered to one Griffith a purse with 10s. and a pair of beads worth 14s. Apharry accordingly delivered him to the said lord, and laid Griffith in the castle of Develin, where he was bailed by the justices of the King's Bench. The 10s. and the beads are still in his possession, never having been claimed.|
|2. The said Seyce and his kinsmen robbed the King's cart carrying his irons, being in Apharry's charge. At which time his petty-captain gave him a horse of Seyce's worth 20s. Afterwards the matter was put before Justice Hoore, but Seyce would not appear, and Apharry was not commanded to redeliver the horse.|
|3. A horse worth 5 mks. was delivered by Jas. Fitzgarrat to the said Browne in gage for restitution of a robbery of five kine by one of Fitzgarrat's servants; and afterwards, Fitzgarrat being in prison with Apharry, gave him the horse, paying Browne 45s. Irish for the kine.|
|4. He denies the fourth entirely.|
|5. The said widow sent him a feather bed of her own free will, and desired him to aid her in a suit. He asked the lord Deputy for expedition of justice, and it was remitted by him to the Chief Justice, who satisfied her.|
|6. Robt. Apowell Flowd was indicted in the King's Bench of felony, and Henry Cowley as accessory, and for this reason Apharry put them in prison in Devlyn Castle. Wm. Pole took the said Lingham, but Apharry does not know what he did with him, nor how those attached by him were discharged.|
The 7th and 8th are wholly untrue.
Pp. 2. Endd.: Stephyn Apharry's answere.
Add. MS. 8715 f. 310 b. B. M.
|1250. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
The Cardinal du Bellay tells me that this conflagration in England,
though somewhat abated, is not extinguished, and they can raise a
greater when they please; but he does not see at present how anything
more can be done this winter. He hopes, however, when the King of Scots,
with whom he has the closest intelligence, goes back to his country, the
Pope will have cause for satisfaction. The Grand Master thinks his
Holiness can easily publish the censures in England by means of the
Englishman (fn. 13) in Rome, who has great influence there, and that the people
will in the end kill the King if he persist in his errors. For he was unable
to disarm the rebels, who by signals had collected at one time more than
50,000 men; and he has been forced to satisfy the people by arresting three
or four Lutherans who went up and down the country. I see that here they
are ill disposed to the King, and if any breach arose between them and him,
they would beg the Pope to declare against him. Certainly if France joined
with Scotland against him, the people, who have a head of much authority,
being so angry with him, he might meet with his deserts; and when Signor
Raynaldo (Pole's) man arrives here to pass into England, since his Holiness
has committed the charge to me, I trust it will be possible to send the
censures through him. Hears the queen of England said to the King that
perhaps God permitted this rebellion for ruining so many churches; to
which he replied by telling her to attend to other things, reminding her that
the last Queen had died in consequence of meddling too much with State
affairs. Du Bellay reports that the Scotch king said that if he had a brother
who, only in his thought, opposed the Apostolic See, he would have him
hanged. James shows himself by all his actions devoted to the service of
the Holy See. The marriage will take place at Paris at Christmas. As
Madame Madalena, who is already called the queen of Scotland, is high
spirited (d'animo grande e terribile), and doubtless will use every endeavour
to rule her husband, advises the Pope to send her a brief, which he will
present, and will at all times increase the influence which he appears to
have acquired over the King.
Ital. Modern copy, pp. 6. Headed: Al Signor Ambrogio. Da Melun li 4 Decembre 1536.
|1251. Edward earl of Derby to Henry VIII.|
|Has declared to those he had assembled to execute the King's pleasure at Salley, that upon certificate being made of their numbers, they should be recompensed. Most of the gentlemen have already certified to him the names of their men. Sends a book of these, and an estimate of the numbers not yet certified. Some men came 34 miles and some not 10; some were out five days, others but two. Takes the average at 16 miles and three days. The recompense for jackets may be considered by the Council. Desires that the money may be sent and paid by a treasurer. As to the number of men he might raise in case of a new commotion: the country is but slenderly and ill horsed for this winter season; but he could raise 3,000 on horseback in Lancashire.|
|In Cheshire their loyalty is more uncertain, but they could provide as many as Lancashire, where all north of Lancaster, and in the parts of Whalley and Salley, is sworn to the commons.|
Kept watch, as commanded, for seditious persons; and there were apprehended, 29 Nov., three persons whose names and demeanours appear in the
examinations enclosed, (fn. 14) signed by the writer and other justices of peace.
John Yate, one of the prisoners, says they acted on the procurement of John
Piper, and only for pastime and no evil intent. Will apprehend Piper if he
can be found. As to the inclinations of the people, trusts the gentlemen are
true, but doubts the commonalty. Touching Sir John Townley and Sir
James Layburn, hears they are much with the commons, and are, some say,
sworn to them. Many say Sir James was sworn more than a month ago.
Lathom, 5 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: My lord of Derby's letters, with a book of names and certain examinations.
|R. O.||2. The "book" or certificate referred to in the preceding letter.|
|These gentlemen whose names ensue have certified the earl of Derby of the names and numbers of their companies under the conduct of the earl when he advanced towards Salley to have executed the King's command: —Lord Mountegle, 616; Sir James Stanley, 277; the Earl's household and such as waited upon his carriage, 97; Sir Wm. Stanley, 121; Sir Thos. Butler, 368; Sir Alex. Radcliff, 393; Sir Wm. Leylond, 227; Sir Ric. Assheton, 318; Sir Wm. Norres, 103; Sir Henry Farington, 212; Sir Thomas Longton, 115; Sir Thomas Sothworth, 209; Sir Thomas Halsall, 102; Sir Ric. Aghton, 36; Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, 61; Sir Alex. Osbalston, 164; Sir Roger Bradshaw, 20; Edmund Trayford. 386; Wm. Radclyff, 114; Thomas Gerard of the Bryn, 450; John Atherton, 131; John Longtre and Piers Anderton, 42; Ralph Standyshe, 130; Robt. Holt, 114; Robt. Worseley, 63; John Orrell, 31; Ric. Bolde, 139; John Talbot, 47; Edw. Waren, 59; Thos. Torbok, 41; Peter Stanley, 43; Wm. More, 13; John Hawarden, 22; Ric. Bruche, 17; Roger Ryssheton, 18; Henry Acurs, 9; Ant. Layton, 14; Ric. Lathom, 23; John Holcroft, 53; Henry Halsall, 11; Peris Leghe, 201; Thomas Talbot, 16; Alex. Standyshe, 107; Andrew Barton, 172; Nich. Butler, 112; Thomas Venables, 9; Thurston Tyldesley, 224.|
|The following have not yet certified the earl of their retinues, but they are by estimation:—Sir Wm. Molyneux, 400; Sir Ric. Hoghton, 500; Sir Robt. Hesketh, 250; Sir Edw. Fytton, 250; Wm. Westby, 70; Wm. Kyrkby, 20; Thos. Irland, 100; Thomas Gerrard of Ince, 40.|
|Total, 7, 811.|
Md.—There were other gentlemen not here named who served in the
companies of their friends. Signed: Edward Derby.
Add. MS. 24,852 f. 1. B. M.
|1252. Edward lord Derby to Cromwell.|
Thanks him for his kindness, which he perceives by his letters and
from those of his friends. Has certified the King of the troublous business
in these parts, as near as he can, according to his commandment, and he has
made a certificate of the men he levied when he should have executed the
King's commands at Salley. Lathom, 5 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|1253. The Northern Rebellion.|
|R. O.||Depositions before Sir Thos. Boteler and others.|
|Raynold Ryley and Ric. Barlow, of Bowden, Cheshire, say they were in Pomfret on Saturday after St. Andrew's Day, to sell salt and herring, and saw the captains of the commons come in. Lord Darcy was lodged in the castle, and the grand captain, Robert Aske, in the Abbey. Lord Lumley lay at Mr. Henryson's, the late mayor, and there hung out his banner with the Five Wounds. Sir Robt. Nevell and other noblemen, whose names they durst not ask, also came in. The companies were well harnessed, every man with a malle on his back; and they had a bridge of timber, with a vice to shoot it over any arm of the sea in this realm. The hosts say they care not for Lancashire, for the lord of Lancashire (sic) rules all that shire; nor for Cheshire, for the rulers there, Sir Wm. Brereton and Sir Piers Dutton, cannot agree. Ryley was offered 1s. a day to join them, but stole away. The bridge is said to carry 100 harnessed men.|
Humphrey Wode, bailiff of Weryngton, says that on Tuesday (fn. 15) after St.
Andrew's Day, as he was riding through Newton, Robt. Hatton, bailiff there,
called him to drink and asked the news. Said his lord had paid the company
their wages, in anticipation of the King's money coming; also he had proclaimed in Weryngton, by letter from the earl of Derby, that all who had
companies in the King's service should present bills of the same to the Earl,
who would get them their money. Hatton said there was a doubt whether
they should get it, for it was said Derby's lands "above" were seized. He
heard that Sir Alexander Osbaldston's son and heir, who married my Lord's
aunt, and had brought my lord tidings, had said so.
Pp. 2. Endd.
|5 Dec.||1254. John Whalley to Ric. Davy, Paymaster Clerk at Dover.|
Has received his letter of Dec. 2. Does not care for the master of
the Maysondew's coming hither, nor for his words. He is now with the lord
Privy Seal. Gives Davy directions for putting his accounts in order,
mentioning that he has received 5,050l. of the King. Asks him to cause
Mr. Wyngfield to make proclamation at Canterbury, Sandwich, &c., that
whoever has any money owing to him by the King shall come to Dover
and fetch it. John Gold must not leave Dover till the books are at an end,
as Whalley must account at Christmas. Asks him to tell John Sarys to
write to his brother to pay Whalley. Sends a letter from John Gilbert
excusing himself, but Davy knows what he said to Edw. Dawes and Foster.
He shall not be deputy there. Will pay him no wages if he tarry after next
pay day. Asks him to send three pieces of evidence, described in an
enclosure in Mr. Bryan's hand. Must have them to show to the lord
Chancellor. Mr. Wrake must send up all the writings he has, but especially
Byngham's quittance for the land at Somersfeld. Thinks Wyngfeld caused
the master of the Maysondew to come up to London. Dated at the head:
"Die 5 de December (sic) in London, 1536."
Pp. 3. Hol. Add. Endd.
|1255. Bishop Roland Lee to Cromwell.|
|Thanks for your letters and for "redding" such business as I sent unto your Lordship for. I understand by Mr. Holte that my servant Robert Browne is minded to put John Scudamore in commission here. I desire you to leave him out of the same, as he is a gentleman dwelling nigh the Welshery, and "kynned and alyed" in the same: through bearing and bolstering of such gentlemen, Wales was brought to that point that I found it in. Mr. Bromley and Mr. Lane I am contented with, as they be learned in law and honest men. Remember my old suit for augmenting our diets, and please augment Mr. John Vernon's fee. "I have a great treasure of him at all my needs." Shrewsbury, 5 Dec. Signed.|
I would not Mr. Skydmore should know I spake against him; he is not
fit for this room.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|5 Dec.||1256. John Husee to Lady Lisle.|
|Has been with Chr. Campion and taken of him 10 yds. of tawny damask, for which he insists upon having 7s. 6d. the yard; so the whole sum is 3l. 15s. Has given a bond for the same to Ric. Harris. Has written to my Lord touching lord Beauchamp's money. Does not see how to obtain it unless Arundel were here. Hopes shortly to be at a point for my lord's patent of Frystock, but can do little good without money. Windsor has paid for my Lord to Mr. Treasurer 141l. 0s. 1½d., ½ q. Holt threatens daily to arrest him for the money owing to Mr. Basset. Locke likewise demands money, and the brawderer's wife. Mr. Basset is merry, but would not by his will go so far as Mr. Norton's. It is winter and foul way. If she likes, will provide some other place for him. Popley's fee is not paid, and my lord Chief Baron wished me to say that there is no remedy, but my Lord shall be in suit the next term for Sir Weston Browne. "There is a gentlewoman, which is a maiden and unmarried, that lately dwelled with my lady Waldon, and is of 30 years, a good needlewoman, and also she can embroider very well, and will be content to wash and brush and do anything else that your Ladyship will put her to. She demandeth 40s. and a livery." London, 5 Dec.|
Is sorry to hear that she is heavy lord to him, as he has not deserved it.
I think I was born in an unfortunate hour, yet always trusting your
Ladyship will be my good lady, or else I have served an ill Saint. Your
Ladyship's during life whether you will or no.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
|5 Dec.||1257. Jehan des Gardins, priest, to Lady Lisle.|
According to your commandment your servant, Jacques is returned
to you. Before he left he paid the tailor who made the gown for your son
George, to whom he has delivered, for the cordon and three ells of velvet,
and for Bourgray and his payment 40s. If you will send cloth for the
winter gown, the tailor says he must have three gardes of it. I will buy
the fur if you wish it. 5 Dec.
Fr. Hol., p. 1. Add.