Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.
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August 1536, 1-5
|Otho, C. x. 230. B. M. Elliis, 2 S. ii. 79.||203. [Margaret Lady Bryan] to Cromwell.|
|I beseech you to be good lord to me now in the greatest need that ever [was], for it hath pleased God to take from me him (fn. 1) ("hem") that was my most com[fort] in this world, to my great heaviness, Jesu have mercy on his (fn. 2) soul, a[nd] I am succourless and as a redeless creature but for my great trust in the King and your good lordship. When your lordship was last here you bade me not mistrust the King or you, which gave me great comfort, and encourages me now to show you my poor mind. When my lady Mary was born the King appointed me lady Mistress, and made me a baroness; "And so I have been a m[other] to the children his Grace have had since." Now, as my lady Elizabeth is put from that degree she was in, and what degree she is at now I know not but by hearsay, I know not how to order her or myself, or her women or grooms. I beg you to be good lord to her and hers, and that she may have raiment, for she has neither gown nor kirtle nor petticoat, nor linen for smocks, nor kerchiefs, sleeves, rails, bodystychets, handkerchiefs, mufflers, nor "begens." "All thys har Graces mostake I have dreven of as long as I can, that, be my trothe, I cannot drive it no lenger."|
|Mr. Shelton says he is master of this house. "What fashion that shal be I cannot tel, for I have not sen it afore." I trust to your lordship, who, as every man reports, loveth honor, to see this house honorably ordered, "howsom ever it hath been aforetime." If the head of [the same] know what honor meaneth it will be the better ordered; if not, it will be hard to bring it to pass. Mr. Shelton would have my lady Elizabeth to dine and sup every day at the board of estate. It is not meet for a child of her age to keep such rule. If she do, I dare not take it upon me to keep her Grace in health; for she will see divers meats, fruits, and wine, that it will be hard for me to refrain her from. "Ye know, my lord, there is no place of correction there; and she is too young to correct greatly." I beg she may have a good mess of meat to her own lodging, with a good dish or two meet for her to eat of; and the reversion of the mess shall satisfy her women, a gentleman usher, and a groom; "which been eleven persons on her side." This will also be more economical.|
|My lady has great pain with her teeth, which come very slowly. This makes me give her her own way more than I would. "I trust to God and her teeth were well graft to have her Grace after another fashion than she is yet; so, as I trust, the King's Grace shall have great comfort in her Grace. For she is as toward a child and as gentle of conditions as ever I knew any in my life, Jesu preserve her Grace. As for a day or two at a hey time or whansomever it shall please the King's Grace to have her set abroad, I trust so to endeavour me that she shall so do as shall be to the King's honor and hers; and then after to take her ease again. I think Mr. Shelton will not be content with this. He may not know it is my desire, but that it is the King's pleasure and yours it should be so." From Hunsdon with the evil hand of your daily bede woman.|
Apologises for her boldness in writing thus.
Hol., mutilated, pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
|R. O.||204. Tithes in London.|
Preamble to a Bill in Parliament for settling disputes concerning the
payment of tithes in London arising since the award lately given at Lambeth
by the mouth of the Lord Privy Seal, and afterwards signified in writing to
Lord M[ayor] Askew, (fn. 3) the sheriffs and aldermen. The Act of 27 Hen. VIII.
refers to the proclamation set forth at Easter 1535, but inserts the words,
"of their house rent," which were not in the proclamation. The citizens
in consequence refuse to pay upon their shops, &c., and also refuse the payment of 2d. by their wives upon the four offering days. The parsons
complain also of the payment of fines, by which rents are reduced.
Draft, pp. 3. Endd.
Add. MS. 19,865, f. 3. B. M.
|205. Lord Leonard Grey to [Edm. Sexten], Mayor of Limerick.|
According to his former letter of "Eister" (yester) night, charges
(Sexten) to repair to him with his companies furnished with pickaxes, &c.,
for breaking down O'Brien's Bridge. Has only three days' victuals, and
cannot set forth till he comes. Desires him, therefore, to make haste, and
let victuals be brought by water. "Fro the came (camp?) this morning."
Modern copy, p. 1.
206. Sir Thomas Audeley.
See Grants in August, No. 1.
|207. Cromwell to Lord Lisle.|
Begs he will hear what Edw. Thwaytes can urge, who has declared
to Cromwell that the office of the Lantern belongs to him by inheritance,
in which case the interest of Cornewales is determined. Otford, 1 Aug.
P. 1. Add. Endd.: My lord Privy Seal.
R. O. St. P. ii. 348.
|208. Lady Anne Skeffyngton to Cromwell.|
|Mr. Body has caused most of her stuff to be delivered from the Lord Deputy, and she hopes to get the rest. The Lord Deputy was not much pleased, for he caused her servant who kept the stuff to have it out of Mynowth Castle without giving him time to provide carriage, so he had to lay it in a church, where certain of the Lord Deputy's men arrested it for debts which her late husband owed to the King's "casses" here, which shall be paid as soon as she receives the wages due to her late husband. Begs him to write to Mr. Treasurer to pay the said wages, and not delay her longer here. Will bring him a token of Irish hobbys, which "for lack of money is not in fair plight to present you with." Begs him to write to Mr. Treasurer to make her a loan to be repaid in England. Cannot sell her household stuff in Ireland but at great loss. Desires that the King may give her her passage and carriage of her stuff as her husband should have had if he had lived. Dublin, 1 Aug.|
|Written entirely in Ant. Colly's hand. Add.: Chief Secretary.|
Fr., 3,014. f, 4. Ribl. Nat. Paris.
|209. Francis I. to Henry VIII.|
Thanks him for his willingness to assist him as expressed both by
the letters of his ambassador in England and by Henry's ambassadors here.
As to the points on which he wishes to know Francis' intention: 1. Whatever be said in the bull of intimation of the Council about Francis having
agreed to its being held at Mantua, assures him it was dispatched without
his consent. Will never agree to it unless it be by common consent with
Henry, nor will he make any treaty with the Emperor without Henry being
a third party, and if the King be attacked in his kingdom will give him such
aid as Henry will now give him to resist the Emperor, who is now
coming to attack him in his own. Begs him therefore no longer to defer
declaring himself, as he ought now to see that the rupture did not take
place on the side of Francis as the Imperial ambassador in England
Fr., p. 1. From a transcript (fn. 4) made for the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, and lent by him to the Editor. Docketed: "Double de la lettre escript par le Roy au roy d'Angleterre au premier jour d'Aoust, MVe xxxvi."
Cleop. 337. B.M. Strype's Eccl Mem., I. n., 306.
|210.Pole to [Tunstall.]|
|I received your letter dated London, 14th inst. on the 27th, showing that my letter has come to your hands, which set forth my object in writing and sending a book to the King. You certainly had the more cause to be sorry at my vehemence if I had no true ground to write of. But the whole question is whether the proofs you bring of your opinion are sufficient. Surely the first is very feeble, when you say the King's departure from the Church rests only on common fame and opinion in these parts. If I have no right cause in such matters I will freely grant that I have done amiss, and desire pardon of those I have offended. But I think you have not thoroughly read my book, because in alleging some things of my book you allege things that cannot be found there, and secondly, whereas you offer reasons against my opinion you bring such as I have answered already. Perhaps you have read it (the book) as I have seen twain say service in company when they have said divers psalms and neither of them remembers whether they have said them or no. You lay first to my charge that I show no proof of the King's departure from the Church except common fame in these parts. You shall not find this in all my book. I only refer to the King's acts which all Christendom repeats, and it were madness to prove facts to be other than what one sees and hears; as if a physician, seeing a man lying wounded, would go about to prove that he is wounded, instead of searching the wound to say if it were perilous. So I, finding the King already separate from the Church, in refusing obedience to him whom all his ancestors and he himself the best part of his reign obeyed, I showed the greatness of this wound and peril thereof.|
|Then, as to my vehemence, you say I make many plagues, but lay little or no salve to heal them. I make no plague but discover those made already, and as to my laying little or no salve thereto, I have spent a great part of my book in magnifying the sacrament of penance. What other salve would you have? In this I spent 20 leaves of paper, not putting one sharp word, but endeavouring, by reason and example, to show what comfort honor and wealth was hid under this sharp name. If God would give his Grace to taste but one tear of pure penance he would say all the pleasure and comfort that ever he had from childhood, or the whole world could give, were not to be compared to the sweetness thereof. You say I show myself in my writing to be stirred and "inclusid" in my spirit. In truth, it was no time for me to sleep when I saw the head of our realm, to whom I owe so much reverence and gratitude, in the greatest peril both before God and man, attempting and bringing to effect such things as never did prince since the Christian faith was received by princes. What should I do if I bare but one sparkle of love towards him, when, besides God, he has done all he could to make the two greatest powers on earth his enemies, viz., the Pope and the Emperor? Yet those who gave him the best council have been cut off by the sword for their right opinions. Was it not time to cry out, to set before his eyes the wounds he had made in his own soul and show him how to recover himself with honor? Here is all my sharpness. You would have men touch him softly and gently; but if that put him in more peril, what would you have his friends do? How many years have passed when every man tried that way, and what have they profited but set him more forward. You wish I had rather comprised my opinion in a short letter, which the King alone might have seen without showing it to his Council. But if they be trusty, what harm? In a short letter he would not have seen his acts, which I meant that he should see and abhor, like David.|
|Repudiates the charge of slander. As to the two quires lost, Tunstall may be comforted, for they are now recovered. "And those surely were one great cause, besides other that moved me more, which was the death of her (fn. 5) that was head of this disorder, why I sent my book at this time." Was afraid they had been conveyed [away] by some who would have uttered them to the King's displeasure, and therefore sent him the whole book; but the quires have since been found in another book. As to Tunstall's advice that he should burn the originals, if the King cannot stand the acerbity of his book (which, if he might, all were turned to sweetness), is willing to examine it and separate the matter from his person, leaving the verity thereof to stand. Repudiates the charge of ingratitude to the King, discusses at great length the question of the King's headship over the Church, and laments the misery of the time which makes Tunstall speak of the Pope's supremacy as implying the captivity of the realm. Thinks the time of building the tower of Babylon is come again when men use words in such a fashion. Declines Tunstall's offer of mediation in his favor on his acceptance of the new opinions. Would have been glad to do anything for the King's advancement, but the hope of this seems past. Had trusted that that woman who has been the cause of all these dishonors would have taken away all dishonor with her, "especially hearing what a good lady the King hath now taken." Can now only cry to God to turn away his anger, which is likely to take effect in this approaching General Council. The day before he received Tunstall's letter he received a brief from the Pope, of which he has sent Master Secretary a copy, stating that, to prepare for the council, a congregation is to be held this winter at Rome of the best learned men of every nation, and desiring Pole's presence, binding him to come by the authority which he derives from Christ.|
"Written in a place in the country beside Padua, where I lay this hot
season," 1 Aug. Signed.
Pp. 24. Endd.
|R. O.||2. Copy of the preceding, pp. 24. Headed: Mr. Pole's letters. Endd.: Mr. Pole's letters with my lord of Durham's answer, and the copy of a letter sent from the Syon (sic) to the Charterhouse of London.|
|211. John, Bishop of Exeter, to Cromwell.|
As Cromwell expects an answer to his former letters, writes that as he
had explained to Mr. Wadham he had sent for his surveyor then in Warwickshire. Has written to him again and trusts he will satisfy Cromwell.
Nevertheless the offices are great part of his living and the well using of
them would conduce much to that of the bishop. Doubts if Mr. Wadham
would be as serviceable. Wadham has great possessions, and his port will
be, I suppose, according. Also my said nephew has few acquaintance in my
diocese and Mr. Wadham many. Yet I am at your command. As to the
setting forth of the abuses of the bishop of Rome, I suppose no one has
preached more freely than I. As to the report of the dean of Exeter's
servant; trusts Cromwell will examine the matter, and he will see the bishop
has not offended. Tawton in Devonshire, 1 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
Wilkins iii. 811.
|212. University of Oxford to Henry VIII.|
|Begging to be exempted from the Act for the payment of tenths and first fruits. Oxford, postridie cal. Augusti.|
|213. Robert Earl of Sussex to Cromwell.|
In behalf of his kinsman Edward Cokkett the bearer, who complains
of his treatment by Sir William Paston. Wodhamwauter, 2 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|214. Robert, Prior of Lewes, to Cromwell.|
I have received your letters urging me to make, unto you and your
assignees, a lease of my manor of Swanburgh. It is the only thing I have
for the maintenance of the house, and without it I should be compelled to
minish my house. Reminds Cromwell that at his late being in London, he
commanded him, before my lord of Norfolk, to keep in his own "manurance"
lands necessary for their maintenance, notwithstanding any letter from him
hereafter. Lewes, 2 August. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|215. [Sir] John Spelman and Chr. Jenney to Lord Darcy.|
The King has directed his commission to your lordship, lord Latimer,
lord Talbot, and "to us the justices of assise in these parts" and others, to
enquire into all misdeeds in the city of York, towns of Kingston-upon-Hull
and Newcastle and county of York. As the commission came late, we could
not sooner advertise you. We think the most convenient day for the session,
Wednesday next here at York, and shall then wait upon you. York,
2 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
Add. MS. 28117, f. 33b. B. M.
|216. Monastery of Beauchief, Derbyshire.|
Beauchef. The inventory made there the 2nd day of August,
28 Hen. VIII., viz.: of crosses, vestments, and furniture, distinguishing
articles in the hall, the buttery, kitchen, &c., the plate and the cattle "with
necessaries to husbandry belonging." The original signed by Will'm Bolles,
rec. and Th. Combez, auditour.
Modern copy, pp. 4.
|217. Jaques de Coucy [Sieur de Vervins] to Lord Lisle.|
Some Burgundians under the command of Sieur de Licques had taken
within your pale the servant and horses of the post of this town who was
going to bring a gentleman to Calais, and treat him as lawful prize. This is
strange, seeing that those of their party who have been taken by our men in
like cases have been sent back upon your writing. Boulogne, 2 Aug.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
|218. Jaques de Coucy [Sieur de Vervins] to Lord Lisle.|
|Has received his letter stating that some of de Coucy's men have gone through the English Pale on their way to Flanders, which is contrary to the ordinances in former wars between the French and the Flemings, and he must therefore give up all the booty taken.|
Has never heard anything about this, and no application has been made.
If there had been, would have done justice. The subjects of Fyennes have
come for the booty taken by the Burgundians, which the English arrested at
the pont de Nyeullay (Newenham Bridge). Asks him to cause it to be returned
to them, or to declare to them the orders of the king of England. Is surprised
that it has not been already done. Understands that the greater part of the
booty has been sold by the Burgundians to the English. Cannot believe this.
Is not advised to sign the agreement about the booty which the Lord Deputy
sends, and most of the people of Fyennes disapprove of it. Hears that last
Monday the Burgundians were at Fyennes and sold a quantity of dead booty at
Guisnes. Asks him not to allow such proceedings. Would have answered
sooner if he had been here. Boulogne, 2 Aug. Signed.
Fr., pp. 2. Add.: Le Debitis de Calais. Endd.: Mouns. de Verveyn's letter, capt. de Boleen.
|219. Chapuys to Charles V.|
|The day before yesterday the King returned to Greenwich from his journey to Dover, during which time he has declined the company either of the French ambassador or myself, although I offered to go with him and the French ambassador was very urgent to be allowed before the King left. After his departure the said ambassador having received letters from his master, sent to solicit an audience, which has been deferred till this morning; and after he left the Court, Cromwell sent to request me on his master's behalf that I would be at 8 tomorrow morning at the Chancellor's lodging, where a part of the Council would assemble. On his own behalf also he very earnestly requested that for the good of affairs and for his honor, considering the long communications we had had, I would show that he had not fought in vain, making overtures and proposals more advantageous to the King his master than I had made hitherto. I shall not fail to go, or to inform your Majesty immediately of all that passes between us. I take, however, the opportunity of this courier to inform you that I fear whatever show the King makes otherwise he will come to no treaty with your Majesty, unless he finds you gain some success, although he is quite of opinion that you will succeed, and it is not long since, as I am told by the Princess and others, that he said in his chamber he was displeased with the king of France for having begun this unjust war and provoked your Majesty to this dance, and that he thought you so virtuous a prince that you would not, unless compelled, have war with any Christian prince. If this be his idea all the arguments of the French to draw him to their side are fruitless, but for all this he has never said anything in his chamber except that he desires to be neutral. He even said this to the Princess when he spoke to her, saying he was asked by your Majesty and by the king of France to declare himself, which he did not mean to do, seeing neither one nor the other would do anything for him. This the King said to her after telling her that perhaps her obstinacy in not yielding to him had been owing to her trust in your Majesty, but she must consider that you could not help her while he was alive, and he asked her particularly if you had ever written to her, or if I had.|
|The said princess is every day better treated, and was never at greater liberty or more honorably served than now, although her household (estat) has not yet been appointed, which I trust it will be in a few days; she has plenty of company, even of the followers of the little Bastard, who will henceforth pay her Court. Nothing is wanting in her except the name and title of Princess, for all else she will have more fully than before; nor need we make too much of the name seeing that it has not been usual in this kingdom to give such a title to a daughter while there is any hope of male issue, and the Cardinal for some particular reasons had broken that custom in her case. Nevertheless Cromwell says the title will be restored to her before many days, and there is no doubt if she comes to Court she will have both that and everything she can desire for her incomparable beauty, grace, and prudence. And I think that your Majesty's affairs will proceed all the better for it; at all events it will not be for want of goodwill that your affairs do not go on more prosperously than her own.|
I sent lately to warn the said Princess that there was some talk of marrying her in this kingdom to some very unsuitable person; and she sent to
assure me that she would never make any match without the express consent
of your Majesty, protesting that except for some great advantage to the
peace of Christendom she would not care to be married at all. London,
5 (fn. 6) Aug. 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.
|220. Chapuys to Granvelle.|
Excuses his brevity by the haste of the courier, hoping to write in
two days more fully. Has forgotten the two last times he wrote to inform
him that what he had written to the Emperor was quite true of the great
love and goodwill the King had shown the Princess when he last came to
her near this. Among other familiar conversation he conjured her to tell him
if she had consented to his will cordially or with dissimulation, for he hated
nothing more than dissemblers, and sometimes his councillors advised him to
dissemble with ambassadors, but he would never do so, and he begged
the Princess in this matter to show herself his daughter. To which she
replied to him as she ought, and she will take good care henceforward to
dissemble as it is requisite, especially being warned by me of the danger she
will incur doing otherwise. I think if she come to Court she will set many
things right by her good sense and the help of Cromwell, who shows himself
her most devoted servant. It is reported here that the king of Scots has
passed into France. Men speak variously of the cause; some think it was
for fear of a rebellion in his realm on account of his new marriage. London,
5 (fn. 6) Aug. 1536.
French, from a modern copy, p. 1.
|221. Chapuys to Secretary [Perrenot].|
|Cannot report further news than he has written to the Emperor and our Maecenas (Granvelle), except that the duke of Richmond, whom the King had certainly intended to succeed to the Crown, after being dead eight days, has been secretly carried in a wagon (charette), covered with straw, without any company except two persons clothed in green, who followed at a distance, into Norfolk, where the Duke his father-in-law will have him buried, "et Dieu scet comme je vous laisser (sic) penser quel honneur, &c." Few are sorry for his death because of the Princess. Even Secretary Cromwell has congratulated her in his letters, and thank God she now triumphs, and it is to be hoped that the dangers are laid with which she has been surrounded to make her a paragon of virtue, goodness, honor, and prudence: I say nothing of beauty and grace, for it is incredible. May God raise her soon to the Crown for the benefit of his Majesty and of all Christendom! London, 5 (fn. 7) Aug. 1536.|
The treasurer Feu Vuillem (Fitzwilliam) has had some spoil of the duke
of Richmond, the office of Admiral.
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
Otho, C. x. 254. B. M.
|222. Lady Anne Husee.|
|"The examination of the lady Anne Husee, received the 3rd of August."|
This document, of which the full text (so far as it remains after mutilation
by the Cottonian fire) will be found in Vol VII., No. 1036, where it is printed
out of place, is really of the year 1536. (See Letter 7 in this volume, page 8.)
The substance appears to be that the lady was examined, first, as to how
often she had repaired to the "lady Mary" since she lost the name of
Princess; and replied, only once since was discharged of her attendance on
her, and that was at Whitsuntide last; that she was not sent for then, but,
coming up [to London] with lord [Husee] when [he was called] to the
parliament, she took the opportunity to visit her; and on the Monday (as
she believed) once called for drink for "the Princess," and on Tuesday said
"the Princess (meaning the lady Mary) was gone in walking;" but she had
called her so merely by inadvertence. She had never heard any other
person call her princess since the law had deprived her of that title; nor
had heard any one say that the King's marriage with [her mother] was
good and lawful, or speak of bona fides parentum, or say that she was the
King's lawful daughter. She had never received any message or letters
from Mary since she had left her service ; but had received tokens from her
and sent her some. She had once received from her "a band for a p. . . ."
She had received no message or token from her since her own committal to
the Tower. She had thought the marriage between the King and the
[Princess Dowager] lawful until it was declared otherwise by law, and she
now thought it unlawful. Being asked who were with her during her abode
at Hunsdon, she said, "lord Morley . . . . . . . . his wife and daughter,
m . . . . . . Shakerley and his wife, with two . . . . . . . . . with them,
another merchant . . . . . . . . his wife, Sir Edward B[aynton] . . . ."
She is very penitent for having offended, and begs the King's forgiveness.
This paper is both written and signed by lady Husee, and is countersigned by Sir Edmund Walsingham, Wriothesley, and Will. Petre.
|3 Aug.||223. Sir Wm. Paulet.|
|See Grants in August, No. 3.|
|224. Anne [lady] Berkley, widow, to Cromwell.|
Complains that, notwithstanding the assurance given her by Cromwell
at London that the King would not interfere with her jointure, one Andrew
Nowell, by commandment of the master of the Wards, has retained serjeant
Mountague and one Molenes as counsel for the King and the executors of her
husband jointly. Molenes was always of her husband's counsel, and since
his death has scanned her evidences closely, whereby they hope to discharge
her of her whole living. Begs Cromwell will write in her favor to John
Beawmount, escheator of Leicestershire. (fn. 8) Paunteley, 3 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.
|225. [Sir] J. Russell to Cromwell.|
I have received your letters by Mr. John Varney's servant, and
perceive he has advertised you that I have put in new keepers in the park of
Langley, in Mr. Bryant's behalf. Mr. Brian heard there were half a dozen
bucks killed there of late, and the coneys were ill ordered; whereupon he
wrote to me to put in one to oversee them. I set in one Kettell of the same
town and meddled no further. I desire your favour to the bearer, my servant,
a student of the common law, that his wife may be appointed to wait on my
lady Mary as a chamberer. My lady is content to have her. Cheynes,
3 August. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|226. John Poletensis, Abbot of Pershore, to Cromwell.|
Has received the King's letters commanding him, on receipt, to pay
his antecessor, William Compton, 83l. 15s., or else appear before the Council
the 9th inst. Has often troubled Cromwell herein; begs for a final end
between them, for Compton has put him to much vexation, considering that
the statute doth abate the moiety of his pension. If there be no remedy he
will pay the 83l. 15s., and begs for "days of payment" as he has not the
fourth part of the sum. Sends, for a poor token, 10l. Parshore, 3 August.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|227. George Gyffard to [Cromwell].|
We have surveyed the nunnery of Pollysworthe, the priory of Maxestoke, and the priory of Erbury, in Warwickshire. The certificate of Erbury
is herein enclosed, (fn. 9) and contains the number and value of all the acres in
their demesnes. It is set at 16d. an acre, and the pasture is mostly heath or
very dry "spieri" grass, howbeit a fair house and well watered. As I shall
now, by reason of this office, be more chargeable to my father, and as I have
no house within the circuit, I beg you aid me to be farmer thereof for my
money. One Robt. Fyndorn has his name down on the King's book, in
Mr. Hennege's custody, for the farm there. He has not been the King's
servant more than three or four years, and is already well advanced. You
wrote that you would be a mean for me to the King for anything I might
find to suit me. We have surveyed all the houses within the limits of our
commission, and I have seen none other but that they were promised to such
as I thought my suit would not prevail against. Henwood nunnery,
3 August. Signed.
P. 1. Begins: Right hon. and my singular good lord.
Dupuy 265, f. 108. Paris.
|228. Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes to Card. du Bellay.|
Soon after receiving your letter of the 26th ult. a packet of the
King's was brought to me by a servant of the bishop of Winchester. Went
accordingly yesterday to Henry at Greenwich, presented Du Bellay's letters,
and declared his credence. Has not, however, been able to advance the
affair further. The King insisted on knowing how Francis would exculpate
himself from what was contained in the bull of the Council. He obstinately
maintains that an answer might have come in two or three days, and will not
take anyone's word for it except that of Francis himself. He said he
considered Du Bellay very friendly, but he would not take counsel on this
affair, even if Francis himself besought it; and in this he forgot nothing of
what concerned the royal dignity, concluding that if Francis had need of
his aid the request should be made by his commandment and not by any
inferior person; and notwithstanding his promise, of which I wrote on the
22nd, to send men in aid of Picardy, he has put me at a distance just as if he
had never spoken about it, and says he can make no decision except on a
promise by writing. Cromwell, to whom a pension was promised when the
bailly of Troyes was here, and of which he has heard nothing since, is more
enraged against us than ever, and renders the King as intractable as possible,
which it is very easy for him to do now in the absence of Norfolk, who some
days ago went home to bury the duke of Richmond. At his return I will
give him your letters, and will beseech him so before the King that he will
be compelled by importunity to return to the road into which I had put him
by the same means the last time I spoke to him. Meanwhile we must
temporize and see about the pension for Cromwell, else he will think he is
mocked and he has the means to revenge himself, especially as the lady
Mary is to return shortly to the Court, for which the Imperialists are eager.
London, 4 Aug. 1536.
French, pp. 2. From a copy lent by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson.
Poli Epp. i. 470.
|229. Pole to Card. Contarini.|
|Excuses delay in answering his most agreeable letters, though he asked Priolus to explain how he was occupied. Was glad to hear of his recovered health. Saw clearly himself though he was unwilling not to obey the King, that it would be insane to put himself in Henry's hands, and answered without hesitation that he would never go where the law punished with death an opinion dearer to him than life. Added all he could to soften this answer, but this was its substance. Sent the reply back by the messenger who brought it, one of his own household, (fn. 10) the man by whom he had sent the book, and who had promised Cromwell that if my coming were delayed he would immediately return. This Cromwell required of him before he would deliver to him the King's letters; but before his arrival, as I judge by the dates, when Tunstall bishop of Durham showed him some letters written to me in answer to mine, in which he controverts the opinion expressed in my book, he was so pleased that he despatched a special messenger to convey them, and wrote to tell me he had done so that I might not be long ignorant of the opinion of a man so friendly, to whose learning and judgment I had paid frequent tributes; adding that if I followed his opinion it would be very advantageous for me. He warns me, however, how very much disturbed he would be if, on my return, which he doubted not was near at hand, I found his opinion different, as in my letters I had shown myself so confident that it would be. To relieve me therefore of this embarrassment he had sent me beforehand letters of a most friendly man, but who differed much from my opinion, as I might see by his letters that not only he but all the Kingdom rejected the view that I had taken. He therefore urged me to conform to the opinion of one whose learning and judgment I had always approved. Thus I should see into what peril I had thrown myself by having written a book against that opinion ; but as he had no doubt I had done it with a good intention he would take care that whatever I wrote was taken in good part by the King, and I should return in higher favor than ever. Tunstall, however, wrote to me very fully in answer to a letter I had written him just after the death of that unhappy woman, (fn. 11) who was the cause of all these evils, hoping then for better times. I had written to him, hearing from some that he was restored to the King's favor, urging him to heal the King's mind and the sores of his country. But if I may trust his own letters I was never more deceived than in the zeal I thought he bore to religion; for he opposes my, or rather the Church's, opinion on the Pope's authority, which he wishes wholly to abrogate. I have written to him in answer, first showing that he has not read my book, then answering his arguments, and finally his taunts about ingratitude to my King and what my country would think of me, and the pain I would inflict on my kin. Gives an account of his reply, in the course of which he mentions that the Pope has summoned him to Rome. You could not easily believe how they dread the book being published.|
|The day before receiving the Pope's letter (diploma) our abbot was here with me, with whom, when I had spent two days most agreeably, our monk Mark arrived, who has been with me since and will remain while I am here. You know what a delightful place this is, especially with two such companions. We all wished you with us, but trust to rejoin you at Rome. The abbot left us on receiving the Pope's letters. I hear he will take his journey in the beginning of September. I cannot be ready so soon, expecting first letters from England and a servant, but will delay no longer than necessary. Please take great care of that part of my writings which you found among your books after Priolus departure, that they do not get into anybody's hands and be published.|
The day before I wrote the above I received a visit from Dandalus and
your brother Thomas. The former took us to his villa and entertained us
well. "Ex agro Patavino, Rovelone," 4 Aug.
Add. MS. 8,589,f. 15. B. M.
|230. Count of Cifuentes to Charles V.|
* * * The Imperial ambassador in England writes
on July 1 that the King had urged the Princess strongly to renounce her
rights as princess, and to swear to the statutes against the Pope, and to his own
supremacy over the Church. She excused herself from doing this. The King
then got other persons to induce her to ask his leave to write to him, which
she did. The King then gave her leave on condition that she should first
ask pardon, saying that she knew she had erred against him and his holy
statutes, scienter et cum obstinatione. She wrote that she had not erred
directly against him, and would rather lose a thousand lives than do so, and
with filial obedience, she asked for his blessing and pardon for all offences
since she was a child. Although this letter pleased the King, he said she
must confess having erred in persisting to consider the bishop of Rome as
Pope, and other things. As she would not yield in this, but was determined
rather to die, the matter became so serious that the King sent the duke of
Noffolck, Millort de Fuges (Sussex), the bishop of Xisestur, who is Dr. Sarson
(Sampson bishop of Chichester), the bishop of Yeli, and two others, who,
after pestering her in every possible way, only obtained for an answer that
she would not do an act so much against her conscience for all the kingdoms
in the world. They replied, with insulting language and threats, that she
would die for this, and ordered her to be confined in her room and watched
by day and night, so that she could speak with no one, and neither send
nor receive letters. Seeing her determination, the King ordered the judges
whom he had deputed to consider if she had been guilty of treason and
merited death. He was angry with them for their making it doubtful,
and it was determined that the Princess should die unless she consented to the
King's wish. Seeing the King's determination, and the evils that might follow,
the ambassador advised the Princess to sign a document that she submitted
to all that her father had done, and would do with her in the matter of the
succession. Fearing for her soul, as she had not consented with her heart,
but only in words, she asked Cifuentes to supplicate the Pope for absolution
as secretly as possible, for if the King heard of it, it would be placing the
knife at her throat. Considering the danger of the request being known,
and that he is informed that unless the Princess abjures before persons who
know that she has acknowledged the King as Supreme Head the absolution
will be of no use; has not asked for it until he knows the Emperor's pleasure.
Has written to the ambassador saying what an error he has committed in
advising the Princess to violate her conscience and prejudice her rights.
Asks the Emperor to write to the ambassador as the matter is of great
importance. Rome, 4 Aug. 1536.
Sp. Modern copy, pp. 13.
28,589, f. 13. B. M.
|2. Contemporary abstract of the preceding, headed "Lo que escrive el Conde de Cifuentes, a 4 de Agosto 1536," with the following marginal note:—|
After consultation, the ambassador was written to, that if there were no
other means of avoiding death, the Princess might submit in the matter of
the statutes and the succession to her father, because such a submission
would not prejudice her. If the Pope does not feel inclined to grant a
dispensation or absolution, or if the soliciting it would make the matter
known, there will be no inconvenience either as to conscience or as to the
succession, in leaving the matter thus in suspense until the course of events
in England is seen, because the ambassador has orders to make the necessary
protestations there, and he can also keep the letter of the ambassador [in
England] to show to the Pope in justification of the Princess, if his Holiness
talks of it, or seems displeased with her.
Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy.
|231. [John Hilsey] Bishop of Rochester to Cromwell.|
Has received his letters in favor of Elizabeth Wharton. Never
promised her continuance of her house. She was expelled in consequence
of the great disturbance and disquietness that she caused among the
neighbours by her uncomely and ungodly manner, outrageous tongue, and
"dissidydyus" language, which ruined her custom. Her evil rule was
testified before the Lord Mayor, and more than 12 months ago suit and
labour has been made by many of the tenants of the Friars that he should
expel her. Was obliged to rescue her husband whom she had nearly slain
one night, and herself also. Her house has been in danger of fire from her
bestial excess in drink. Remembers that Cromwell spoke to him for the
same woman in the King's closet at Whight Halle, when Sir Wm.
Kingston said something of her dishonesty. London, 4 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
|232. Sir Robert Wingfield to Henry VIII.|
Six or seven years past, when I was deputy of Calais, your Grace
signed a bill for me to deliver a room of 6d. a day to one Thomas Neett,
otherwise Pynner, who had served you long in the wages of your
exchequer under lord Sandys, then Treasurer, and was by him appointed one
of the porters at Newenham bridge with 8d. a day. When, however, the
keeping of that bridge was given to Sir Thomas Palmer with certain men
abated out of the castle of Hammes, Neett was discharged of his room and
wages there, especially as Sir Richard Weston had given up the office of
treasurer here, which has been ever since exercised by the vice-treasurer,
Robert Fowler. As it was then a common bruit that Cowchye of Dover
was dead in Estland, I gave his room to the said Thomas Neett, who
has served your Highness in it ever since, till now that by your command
my lord Deputy has discharged him and put Cowchye in his room again.
Desires to intercede for him as he has served the King long and well.
Calais, 4 Aug. 1536.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
|233. Norfolk to Cromwell.|
|This night at 8 o'clock came letters from my friends and servants about London, all agreeing in one tale, that the King was displeased with me because my lord of Richmond was not buried honorably. The King wished the body conveyed secretly in a closed cart to Thedford, "and at my suit thither," and so buried; accordingly I ordered both the Cottons to have the body wrapped in lead and a close cart provided, but it was not done, nor was the body conveyed very secretly. I trust the King will not blame me undeservedly. It is further written to me that "a bruit doth run that I should be in the Tower of London. When I shall deserve to be there Totynham shall turn French. I would he that began first that tale of mine, he being a gentleman, and I, were only together on Shoter's Hill, to see who should prove himself the more honest man." I pray you pardon my foolish writing. If I had not intended to come to Court, these news would have spurred me.|
|Your son is in good health here, "sparing no horseflesh to run after the deer and hounds. I trust you will not be discontent that I now cause him to forbear his book." Be sure you shall have in him "a wise quick piece." Kenynghale Lodge, Saturday at 10 at night, 5 August, "with the hand of him that is full, full, full of choler and agony."|
P.S.—I have at this hour finished my will and written it twice, and shall
leave one part with you as my principal executor whom I trust next my
master, whom I have made supervisor of the whole. I trust when I die you
both will consider I have been to the one a true servant and to the other
a faithful friend. Sic transit gloria mundi.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
Lamb 602, f. 138.
"The examination of Rob. Reyley, detained for suspicion of treasons
done in the parts of Ireland, received the 5th day of August, Anno
28 Hen. VIII.," touching the late earl of Kildare, in whose house he was
brought up; the rebellion of Thomas FitzGerald; the murder of the bishop
of Dublin, &c. (See fuller abstract in Carew Calendar.)
Sp. 7. Signed at the foot of every page by Robert Relye. Endd.
Strype's Mem. App. No. xi., MSS. D. G. H. eq.
|235. Pate (fn. 12) to Henry VIII.|
Entered the mountains called Le Colle de Tenda, July 21,—a molestious passage, where he durst not turn his horse travers for all worldly riches.
Reached Nice the 6th day after, where the Emperor was entertained by the
duke of Savoy. Remained there five days, and in three days more reached
Friuli, occupied by "Capt. Tamise band," who had plundered Mirandula.
The said Captain with Ferd. Gonzaga, sent to scour the way, defeated a
party of French, and took M. Busie and Monteiane prisoners. The King of
the Romans sent 700 horse. The army is able, Pate thinks, to discomfit the
Turk. The Spaniards bring in much booty, being "in that faculty wonderfully experimented." Visited at Friuli by a trumpeter of France, under
pretext of rendering thanks in behalf of M. Roch de Mann, "not long since
pledge for the surrender of Fussan," of whom Pate has written before. An
Almain captain named Jaspar has lately arrived. The Emperor's men left at
Turin have defeated the French at Savillan. "The king of the Romans'
horsemen touched in my other letters of Bocmes (?) remaineth in Italy for
the defence of the same against such persons as are had in a jealousy of
revolting; that be in my belief the Venetians." They are like the bat in
"the wise fable of Isope." Cannot use his hand. As he was visiting
de Grandvele in Friuli met with Card. Carachelus, who had not heard from
his colleague Trevouls since his departure towards France, and therefore
despaired of peace. "Antonio de Leva is throughout all this long journey
carried upon men's shoulders."
[The rest is defaced.]
From Luca in the Province, 5 Augusti.