Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 19 Part 1, January-July 1544. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1903.
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April 1544, 11-15
|11 April.||316. The Lord Justice and Council of Ireland to the Council.|
|R. O.||Commend the bearer, Nich. Bagnolde, who has served in martial affairs here for four or five years, and now, for his advancement, makes suit to them to depart to serve his Majesty in France. He is a forward gentleman and they beg favour for him, although they know of no private suit that he has, but only to serve in France. Dublin, 11 April. Signed by Brabazon, Alen, George abp. of Dublin and Basnet.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|12 April.||317. The Privy Council to Hertford.|
231, No. 99.
Pt. i., 141.]
St. Papers, 25.
|The King, perceiving, by his last letters, Robert Maxwell's offers touching the keeping (and delivery at need to the King) of Lougmaban and other places named, desires Hertford to send Patie Grayme or some other wise man, under colour of other business, to view the strength of these places. If they are tenable Hertford shall practise, by promises, money or other means, to get them into the King's hands; and likewise to get a foot within Tyntallon. On the 8th inst. the lord Admiral with the rest of the fleet was off Yarmouth, and wrote that he trusted to be before Tynemouth within two days. Westm., 12 April 1544. Signed by Norfolk, Suffolk, Russell, Essex, Wriothesley, Paget and Petre.|
|P.S. in Petre's hand.—The King has letters from Westmoreland and Cumberland that they have received his letters and are making ready to repair to the places Hertford has appointed; but it does not appear that they have instructions how to use themselves in case of invasion. Hertford is to leave them instructions and some meet counsellors, and also commission to levy aid of the country.|
|In Paget's hand, pp. 2. Flyleaf with address lost. Headed in a later hand: To therle of Hertforde.|
|12 April.||318. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.|
|On the 5th inst. received her letters of the 1st and the Emperor's of the 18th ult., with the minute, documents and extracts mentioned in hers. The King, who was not recovered from his illness nor disposed to hear business, would not trouble Chapuys to go to Court to his ministers, but sent two of his Council, to whom Chapuys showed the injury which the Emperor's subjects of Flanders would receive by the sudden declaration against Scotland, and that, nevertheless, the Emperor would observe the treaty of closer amity, honorably; and, since the King required to delay declaring against the Duke of Holstein, first for his honor's sake (because of friendship with the Duke and other petitz respectz), and secondly for the indemnity of his subjects, reason would that the Emperor should have the like licence, the late king of Scotland having been of his Order and Flanders and Scotland having always had a commercial league, reconfirmed three or four years ago; as to indemnity of subjects the Emperor ought to regard it more than the King, inasmuch as his subjects have these [late] years given such marvellous great aids and suffered so much by the war, and the English (whatever the King did) would not dare to complain, whereas in Flanders subjects speak more freely and a very small matter is sufficient to hinder a good aid for the Emperor, and, besides, the arrest of the Scots and their ships in Flanders left no fear of their coming thither in future, and was like an interdiction of them, while for the intimidating of the country of Scotland the Emperor's sending of a king of arms would be much more effective than the declaration made in the Low Countries, which would not come to the notice of many people of Scotland.|
|As the Councillors could not answer this they resolved to report it to the King, and likewise concerning the 11,000 horses which they demanded and the quality of the ships to be armed for sea in observance of the treaty.|
|Yesterday the King sent for Chapuys, both in order to advise upon the said points and, principally, to advertise him of what she will learn from the copy of his letters to the Emperor. After a long talk the King referred him to the Council for the answer of the said points; who, touching the first, made more instance than ever and were some time before they would agree to a time for the King to declare against Holstein, ultimately condescending to make that declaration a month after receiving the notice of the Emperor's declaration against Scotland and the certificate of hostility. And on this they again consulted the King, who sent word that he would make no other promise than that after the Emperor's declaration he would do as the treaty bound him, and that Chapuys should write to the Emperor to make the declaration as he had promised to do when authentically advertised of the hostility between the King and the Scots, as, they said, he had been, by the King's letters. Answered shortly and brusquely that there was no great reason in their demand, and, as he had before shown them, far more occasion for the King to make his declaration first, since the hostility between the Emperor and Holstein preceded that of the King and the Scots, as likewise did the requisition for the King to declare himself; and they ought to make no difficulty, especially when Holstein has often boasted a wish to conquer this realm, affirming that it belonged to him, and these years past had designed an enterprise against it as the King himself advertised Chapuys, (fn. n1) for which cause the King ought to have no regard for the Duke; and as to the King's subjects the Easterlings here would purchase their property there and undertake recovery of their debts. Told them also that he could do no service in this, being afraid to write of it to the Emperor, especially when, on the 3rd ult., the King had told him, by two of the Council, that there would be no difficulty about his declaring after the Emperor had declared; and now they said the contrary. Upon this the Council sent Milord Wryothesley and the Secretary to the King, who returned with word that the King avowed his saying the above, but that, since the declaration had not been made at once, and other means of delay were put forward, he might well withdraw that promise; nevertheless, to show that he was a prince of his word and wished to proceed sincerely, he would be content to make the required declaration within six weeks after the Emperor's declaration against the Scots and that he would be advertised by letters from the Emperor himself, and not from Flanders, of the hostility between his Majesty and Holstein, expressly mentioning, as the treaty required, the kind of hostility, (viz.: whether he had invaded or caused to be invaded the countries of the Emperor or had given assistance to some other to do so), the English not holding as sufficient cause for the declaration the simple defiance of the Duke against Flanders (les pays de pardeca qu. pardela?). Told them he had no express power, but thought that the Emperor would condescend thereto; and he would to-day show them the minute which the Emperor had sent (not mentioning that it came from the Emperor, but giving them to understand that he himself would prepare one). It will suffice to make the certificate in the same form as that sent by the King. In the course of conversation they put forward that they were advertised from several quarters that the Pope had paid 4,000 Italians to aid the King of France against him (Henry?), and that, in pursuance of the treaty, the Emperor would be bound to declare against His Holiness. Upon Chapuys's saying that it was ridiculous [to think] that the Pope would spend a single penny on such affairs, both for his avarice and other respects, and that that ought to be news from Venice, "dont leur escripvoit souvent de bien lhourdes," they asked if in this the Emperor would not believe letters of a secretary of the Pope himself, and of good personages about the King of France, or that King himself. Chapuys answered that he held that there were secretaries and others about his Holiness who could write such things, either by fiction or conjecture, and, as to the King of France and his people, there was in them neither drop nor spark of truth; that it was the French custom, especially in times of necessity, to give out that they had intelligence and amity in many places. On the other hand, besides vehement conjectures, the contrary was certified, both by the letters of the Emperor's ambassador in Rome and several others, and also, if necessary, by the assertion of his Holiness and his principal ministers; and even if the Pope had given some aid, it would be only for the defence of Scotland, and the Emperor would have more than requited it by making the declaration against Scotland.|
|The King and his ministers are offended at the small number of horses which she has offered for his artillery and wagons, saying that it is quite impossible for them to go about this enterprise unless furnished with the number they asked, or thereabouts, and that for so many men and their equipment the journey could not be made otherwise; that the Viceroy of Sicily here had induced them to condescend, as it were, to double the men agreed to at the first treaty, and, in the expectation that they would be assisted, for their money, with as many horses and wagons as they needed, the King had willingly condescended to that increase of men; but if he was not furnished with the horses and wagons necessary, he must revert to making the army only as comprised in the treaty, seeing that it would have to be diminished in accordance with the provision of horses and wagons. This they repeated several times, affirming that it seemed to them that the enterprise must be given up and the preparations which were greater than had ever been made in England, irrevocably lost through no fault of theirs; and they added that they had the description of the parishes of Flanders, Brabant, Haynault and Hartois, which were so numerous that if each parish furnished but one wagon there would be four times as many horses as were demanded; and the Emperor could provide himself on the side of Almain with part of the horses he needed. Chapuys showed them what the Queen wrote, and how, where the Emperor was, it was impossible to get many horses because these late years the French, being able to pass them by way of Lorraine, had drawn some thence, and the people of that neighbourhood, having the navigation of the Rhine, would not keep many wagon horses, and, what was worse, however many there were, horses could not be obtained except by consent, as it was not the practise of the Low Countries; adding that he could say no more than she had written, and thought that it would be well to send over commissioners to accompany hers to levy the horses, and at the same time advise as to the kind of ships needed for the passage, of which they say that they need 200. The said commissioners could choose the ships and hoys to be sent into divers quarters for men, as to Suffocq, Norfocq, Quen (Kent) and elsewhere. The Council require her to use such diligence that the horses and wagons which they ought to have may be sent at a day which the said commissioners shall name to Calais, in order that their army may not lose time and waste munition there.|
|As to the quality of the ships to be put on the sea in accordance with the treaty, the King and Council desire that a third of them should be of 300 tons and of the rest none less than 80 tons, and that they may be in the Narrow Sea by 18 May. The Council have promised to send him to-day the patents for the order of the safe-conducts; and have told him that the King has written to his commissioners and provided for Mons. de Buren's furniture. Forgot to say that those here make little of the arrest of the Scots there, saying that those same Scots have as great opportunities of bargaining and trading there as before, seeing that they are at their liberty; and they [the Council] will not accept the answer, now that the Scots trade at their pleasure, and nothing has been said except that they are not allowed to convey away the goods that they have there, that they were allowing the Frenchmen here to do the same. (fn. n2)|
|Already, before the receipt of her letters, Chapuys, seeing that, after the departure of those who have gone into Scotland, there was not here such warmth for the enterprise of France as he might have desired, asked one of the Council whence came that coldness, and why those who went into Flanders spread rumors that here were made no preparations for the said enterprise, at which people there were astonished. Added that it seemed to him that, since the Scots were divided and without a king, and there was no danger of their invading this realm, the King might well have forborne the sending of the men he had ordered thither; especially as, if he intended to use them in the enterprise against France, he might miscalculate by not knowing how long their exploit would take or whether the wind can so soon favour their passage. He answered that it was incredible what preparations were made, and how everyone was hastening to put the men in order who were to cross, who were all ready in their several quarters, awaiting only the command to leave and the vessels for their passage; as for those who had gone towards Scotland, the King did not count upon using them against France, although, if they did their exploit in time, they might serve as supernumerary, at least in commanding the sea. The two personages whom the King sent to him last spoke in the same way, as also did all of the Council, but Chapuys sees no great appearance that they can so soon do their exploit, for their army, through contrary weather, has not yet made great progress on the sea, and he doubts that the English have not all the intelligences in that quarter that they could wish, because the Council, after having read a letter which the earl of Arfort, who is chief in the North, wrote to the King, all showed themselves dissatisfied and pensive; and as to the army by land which the King has upon the Scottish frontier, whatever the English ambassador with her may have said, there are no footmen, or very few; horsemen indeed there are, but not, he thinks, very many. The count of Linus who, as he wrote last, was to come to the frontiers to treat with the King's Commissioners was constrained to go to the defence of his own good place called Donberton, which the Governor and his party wished to besiege, and sent deputies to treat in his stead.|
|As to the money for the herrings of which she wrote, the Council have informed him that it will be paid without demand of the surety which they wished to have. London, 12 April 1544.|
|P.S.—This despatch was written on Friday, and, thinking that the King would have advertised me of his will (as he had said), I have waited two days, but will not wait longer, supposing that he has written to his ambassador there all that he wished to communicate.|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original at Vienna, pp. 10.|
|12 April.||319. Hertford to Henry VIII.|
32,654, f. 88.
ii., No. 209
St. P., v. 371.
|Has this day received the Council's letters of the 10th, showing that, having weighed the sequel of this enterprise against Scotland, the King has, for considerations expressed in the said letters, resolved that Hertford shall forbear fortifying Legh, but put it and Edinburgh and other towns thereabouts to sack, fire and sword, rase Edinburgh castle if that may be done without long tarrying, and afterwards make like spoil in Fyfe, especially at St. Andrews. Is ready to spend his life in doing this, but, if he may say it, his opinion is that, if Legh may be fortified and made tenable within convenient time, it shall be more honor to the King and annoyance to his enemies to fortify and keep it, for which all provision is made and the charges thereof past, than only to destroy and burn; for, it being their chief port, the King shall have a good entry into Scotland and, by stopping fishing and traffic, force the town of Edinburgh and country round to fall to his devotion, and also keep out all their aid from France and elsewhere. This would also encourage Lenoux to come in; who must needs condescend to the King's terms, for he knows that the French king cannot trust him, and the "title of Scotland" prevents his ever agreeing with the Governor, so that the King may have Donbretayn of him, and, holding it and Legh, the King shall in time force all on this side the Fryth to become subjects. Can leave Legh victualled for three months, and it may, with little charge, be revictualled once a month from Berwick; and two or three little barks appointed to remain here would both serve for that purpose and defend this coast from pirates and other enemies. Besides, the country about Legh might be forced by the garrison to bring in victuals, as the Scots, notwithstanding the wars, daily bring victuals to Berwick. It is supposed that a great number in Scotland would aid the King's army if they saw he intended to have a foot within the realm, whereas fire and sword would put all to utter despair. It may be that the inhabitants of Edinburgh will yield the town and castle. Begs to know how to proceed. Would grieve to see the King's treasure employed only in devastating two or three towns and a little country which would soon recover. Perceives that, after burning Legh and Edinburgh, he is to pass into Fife Land. and destroy St. Andrews. St. Andrews is 20 miles from the other side of the water against Legh, so that the army must march thither on foot, carrying the ordnance, or else they must sail back to the mouth of the Fryth and so about the coast to St. Andrews, where it is doubtful whether there is landing for the army and ordnance. Newcastle, 12 April.|
|P.S.—Encloses a letter he has received from Sir Ralph Evre, showing that the garrisons annoy the enemies. At closing this, received the letters herewith from Wharton and Penvan, answering his concerning the practise for Temptallon; for which he has also written to the Master of Morton, Sir Geo. Douglas's son, and practised with the captain of Temptallon, and expects by Monday night to have some good answer therein. The Swepestake is now ready to go to sea to-morrow, and is as good as ever she was. Signature mutilated and faded.|
|Pp. 4. Flyleaf with address lost.|
|R. O.||2. Original and much corrected draft of the above (without the P.S.) from which it is printed in the State Papers.|
|In Sadler's hand, pp. 8. Endd.: "Depeched xij Aprilis, at x. at night. To the King's mate with also advertisementes fro the 1. Wharton and Sir. R. Eur and towching the Swepestak."|
|12 April.||320. James Douglas, Master of Morton, to Hertford.|
ii., p. 719.
|Received his writing, 12 April, and will keep Daketh and Temptallon at the King's command. The Governor and Cardinal are come to Edinburgh, 12 April, and intend to "put at" him and his friends, but the King may be sure of them. Desires assurance for certain friends, of whom he will give a bill, and will come to Coldyngham and convey the King's army in the stead of Angus and his father. The ships of which he advertised Hertford departed on the 7th inst.; and that night 100 horse lay between Lythe and Edinburgh to rescue Angus if he had been stolen to the ship, "but they feared and durst not bring him." The Governor and Cardinal intend, ere the army comes, to leave the King no friends here. Desires answer that he and his friends may be ready to meet Hertford; and the houses shall be "ready to receive both the army by land and the ships by sea." No army is expected. The Governor has promised lord Hume to come to the Border after Easter. Will advertise what is done at Edinburgh after receiving Hertford's answer. Temptallon, 12 April. Begs credence for bearer.|
|12 April.||321. Charles V. to Chapuys.|
vii., 64 & 66.]
|This is in answer to Chapuys' letters of the 16th ult., and letters to Granvelle of that day and the penultimate of last month and 4th of this, Thanks for his advertisement of all occurrents, and requires him to continue it as more than ever important for the enterprises on hand. This courier is despatched expressly to advertise him that the English ambassador some days ago made instance to Granvelle for the Emperor to provide his master with some good captain to levy and bring him 1,000 horse, besides those which Lendunberg is making, and to communicate to the said ambassador the articles of retainer which the Emperor gives to his horsemen in order to treat accordingly. After much thought, found no person more suitable than Captain Sequingen (who, for the Emperor's sake, reluctantly accepted the charge) notwithstanding that the Emperor had himself intended to use his service, as a personage experienced in war and of good credit; but, when it came to treating and he required security of merchants in Germany, as the Foubrers (qu. Foukers?), Welsers and others for the men's pay, the ambassador answered that he had no charge therein and would not do it, although it was shown him that the other captains demanded that assurance of the Emperor himself, who has to deliver letters signed and sealed, and even so they are hardly content, although they have often been in his wages and the Emperor is easier to covenant with as his subjects may be arrested. As the ambassador insisted upon consulting his King, and the Emperor saw that if there was any more delay it would be impossible to get the 1,000 horsemen (and even now it has been impossible to induce Sechingen to promise the muster of them before the last of May) the Emperor has undertaken that the King will deliver the said assurance before the end of this month or within two or three days of the next at latest, and if not the 2,000fl. (fn. n3) that the ambassador has delivered him shall remain his without his being bound to serve further. Chapuys shall use all possible diligence that the said assurance may be delivered in time, and shall also let the King know that the Emperor has assisted his ambassador in the business with Captain Landemberg and advised the places for making the musters as advantageously for the King as possible, without regard to the damage which his own subjects will sustain thereby. Intending to despatch a personage to visit the King and advertise him more amply of all occurrents, remits the rest until then.|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original minute at Vienna, pp. 2. Original headed: A l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre, du xiie d'April 1543.|
|12 April.||322. Wotton to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||Seeing that he could not agree with Colonel Hanze van Sickenghen, as he wrote on the 9th (altered from yesterday), he informed Granvelle that he would despatch to Henry about it; and, next day, sent word that his post should leave the following day at 9 a.m. That day, at 11 a.m., both a servant of Granvelle and Adrian of the Chamber came to say that the Emperor would speak with him, and he should delay sending his post till then. Replied that he would wait upon the Emperor, but his post was gone two hours ago.|
|The Emperor said that, perceiving Henry's wish for a captain to levy 1,000 horsemen more, he appointed a very good captain, but Wotton had refused to pay 10,000 gyldens muntz for conduct money without first obtaining answer from Henry, which might take 20 days or more, for there was a great ditch between Calais and Dover; and even in a fortnight it should be too late, for Landenberg, Duke Moryce, the Marquis of Brandenborough and other captains would have taken up all the good horsemen. Thereby Wotton should do Henry "right ill service," for the lack of 1,000 horses at the beginning of these wars would be a great hindrance both to Henry and the Emperor, and, since Henry had entrusted him (the Emperor) to provide a captain, he willed Wotton not to stick at paying the conduct money. Replied that he was commanded to agree with a colonel, at the rate used by the Emperor, and to pay conduct money; but with this Colonel he could not agree, for he had not authority to promise a certain assurance which this Colonel required. The Emperor answered that the assurance was reasonable, for all were mortal, and if his good brother died the Colonel would be undone, "for his men would recover it of him every farthing, he being a gentleman of fair lands, the which maketh him to work the more surely." Adding that, if he was behind, the men could lie in his lands until paid, which they could not do in England, and that Henry could easily cause any of the "said companies" (fn. n4) to be bound. Wotton said he thought the request "less reasonable" because the Emperor "found it so reasonable"; but said "when he served the French King he required none such." The Emperor answered that it was the man's father who had served the French King; and France joined so nigh to Germany that they could recover damages easily: Wotton should do that for which he had authority, viz., agree and pay the conduct money, and the Emperor would take upon himself to promise that the assurance should be given or else Henry bear the loss of the 10,000 gyldens; and he not only exhorted and required but also commanded (smiling at the words) Wotton to go through with this man, for it was "not only expedient but necessary" and he would undertake that Henry would approve. Wotton said he had ever been ready to agree and pay the conduct money, but must remit the rest to Henry. After long reasoning therein the Emperor called the Viceroy, who asked if Henry was assured of any horsemen out of Germany besides Landenberg's 1,000 and those of Mons. de Bure. Wotton replied that he knew of no more. To which the Viceroy said he was sure then that Henry reckoned upon this 1,000 (and so he had been told in England), and if this time were let pass he (Henry) should be destituted. (fn. n5)The Viceroy was even earnester than the Emperor, who, finally commanded that Wotton should, with the help of Mons. de Liere, agree with the said captain in every point as the Emperor does; and this he has done, and encloses the agreement in Dutch, having no leisure to get it translated, and the captain refusing to bargain save "in his own tongue." The mustering place is not Muster Eyfel but Munster Maisfelde, somewhat nearer the Mase than Andernaken. The Emperor says that these captains are not content that he commands them to serve Henry, a foreign potentate, at the same rate as himself, their own lord; and is sure Henry cannot be served better cheap than he is.|
|Has received another letter from the Council, dated 1 April, and has spoken to Granvelle concerning remembrance of Henry in the league with Denmark. Granvelle said he was glad to have been reminded of it, and would not fail to do Henry any service he could. Spoke also with the Viceroy, about De Bure's men; who answered that the Emperor was by the treaty bound to find High Almains and had therefore appointed such to De Bure, who thereat made some difficulty because he had always been a leader of Nederlenders and reckoned that Overlenders would bear him the less favour, but the Emperor had willed him to be content because of the treaty. The Viceroy said that, had he known that Henry would be content with Nederlenders, he could have provided them and, even now, would move the Emperor to let de Bure have his choice.|
|Wrote thus far while the articles to be agreed upon were being written, reckoning forthwith to subscribe and send them; but, when it came to subscribing, the captain said he would have it expressed in the articles that he should receive the assurance within three weeks. To which Wotton answered as before; and yesterday (altered from "this day"), being Good Friday, the Viceroy and Granvelle sent for him; and the Viceroy said that the Emperor marvelled to hear that the matter was again stayed, and pointed out how ready the Emperor's men were, and the inconvenience of delay. Reported to them how the matter stood; and, after long reasoning, they willed the captain to go through, although Wotton made no promise, but he would not agree to it until they both promised that the Emperor should procure a sufficient assurance to be delivered to him or his assigns by 5 May next, or else he to keep the conduct money. The assurance he requires is the bond of one of these towns—Ulme, Auspurg, Strazeburgh, Norimberg, Frankeford, Coleyn, or Andwerpe; or else one of these companies—the Foukers, Paumgartners, Herberts, Pimmel or one of the two companies of the Welzers, and the Emperor's licence to exact payment from them if necessary; this assurance to be delivered to the said captain, the bp. of Spyre, the dean or the chaunter of Spyre cathedral, or a gentleman whom the Captain will leave at the bp. of Spyre's house to receive it. Describes how the Viceroy, Granvelle, De Liere and himself could not get the Captain to make the day of the musters shorter or the place nearer Maastricht. The Viceroy and Granvelle thought it was better that the men should come late than not at all, and that the money saved by their late coming would "recompense the charges of the further conveying of the money that shall be paid them," and seemed to think more of this captain than of Landenberg; indeed men doubt whether Landenbergh can perform all he promised. There is a report in Court that Henry wrote to Baron Haidek, his servant, to serve with these 1,000 horsemen at Landenbergh's rate but was refused; which report Wotton first thought to refer to Landshut or Gymmenyke, but afterwards "perceived it was spoken by the said Baron."|
|The Emperor intends, within two days, to send a gentleman to Henry to declare his purpose in this journey. Expects it will be Chanteney, who, 3 or 4 days past, said "[I] have a fantasy in my head that troubleth me. I would th'Emperor, would send me now in some journey to drive it away." The Emperor's men muster on 25 May. Granvelle has a letter out of France that the French king goes to Rome to see the 200 ships of corn which Gascoigne and Guyenne have been fain to give to revictual the towns of Normandy, that the French king "is better content to hear men speak now than he was before," and that he has bruited in Normandy that Henry will commune with him for a peace. "And this, low (quod Monsr. de Granvele) is the verye chief thinge of all other that the Frenche kinge goith abowte, to bringe th'Emperor and the Kinge yn suspicion of eche other."|
|Sends an abridgment of Sickingen's agreement, turned into French by De Liere, who has taken great pains in this matter. Munster Meisfeld is 3 miles from Covelens, 3 from Andernaken, 8 from Munster Eyfel, 13 from Duren, 13 from Coleyn, 13 from Aken and 17 from Maestricht. Spyre, 12 April 1544.|
|Mostly holograph, pp. 9. Add. Endd.|
|13 April.||323. The Privy Council to Wotton.|
St. P., ix. 650.
|On Sunday last (fn. n6) the Emperor's Ambassador sent word by his Secretary that he had important advertisements from the Emperor and Lady Regent, but was sick and could not come with them. The King forthwith sent lord Wriothesley and Sir Wm. Paget to him, to whom he divided his "purpose" into three principal points, viz.:—1. That the commissaries lately sent to Flanders to provide limoniers and other horses, and wains and hoys, demanded 11,000 horses, but the Regent could give but 4,000. 2. That he having written to the Regent, upon motion to him here, for "th' equippage unto the see," she desired to know what size of vessels the King wished, for last year hers were misliked here for their smallness. 3. That, since the King had agreed to declare the King of Denmark enemy if the Emperor would give him reasonable time to retire his subjects and their goods from Denmark, the Emperor desired like respite for retiring his subjects out of Scotland before declaring the Scots enemies; and devised that meanwhile they should prepare heralds to be sent to Denmark and Scotland for the declarations. Herein, after some debate, the Ambassador said he durst promise that the Emperor would declare the Scots enemies forthwith if the King would appoint a time for declaring the King of Denmark.|
|Having heard the above, the King commands Wotton to show the Emperor how the proportion (schedule enclosed) demanded in Flanders is there "canted" almost to nothing, and that, albeit here every preparation is made to set this enterprise forward against France galiardly, the King doubts lest some in the Nether Parts would be content that it went not forward and glad to drive the default to him. He thinks the Regent a good lady who would do nothing to the Emperor's prejudice, although the French Queen, her sister, being not far off, would be glad by tokens and presents to bring her to mediate some stay; but that it may be for want of good advice that things proceed not as were expedient for the Emperor and him. Whenever the King has had armies on that side he has always obtained what provision he demanded out of Flanders; and without limoniers for his artillery and munition carriages, he cannot set forth such an army as is determined, for, upon so sudden warning, no more can be got at home than will suffice for the "pavilions, tents, pailes, bridges" and other necessaries; the King having looked to be provided with cattle in Flanders (as well by the last capitulation as by the last article but one of the treaty), where he knows there is sufficient, for his commissaries report that in Brabant, Flanders and Artoys are above 4,000 or 5,000 parishes able each to furnish from 10 to 50 wagons. Wotton shall instantly desire the Emperor to write earnestly to the Regent and Council to furnish the said necessaries or some larger proportion of them; and, since he commonly remits the answer of affairs moved by Wotton to the resolution of the Regent and Council (which often the King would wish otherwise) that he would give her such advisers as deeply, and by long experience of both Princes, would consider their affairs; and for this the Ambassador here, who is impotent of his limbs and not able to follow the King as often as necessary, seems meet to be placed in authority about the Regent in Flanders, and replaced here by [the duke of Alberkerk, who is now here, or] (fn. n7) some other "wise temperate man."|
|As to the second point, the King has advised them here in the Nether Parts to send neither all great ships nor all little; but some of each, having regard that the full number of men is furnished.|
|As to the Scots, the King is loth to think that the Nether Parts, by these devices and replications, only seek delay (and are unwilling for his sake to displease the Scots, who are as welcome in Flanders as ever), but would rather interpret things to the best; and, as the Emperor desires him to determine a time for declaring the king of Denmark enemy, he will (if the Emperor now forthwith declares the Scots enemies and writes that the King of Denmark is his enemy, as the King wrote that the Scots were his) do it within six weeks after receipt of the Emperor's said letters and the public declaration made against the Scots, unless Denmark and the Emperor agree in the meantime. Wotton shall therefore instantly require the declaration against the Scots to be made forthwith [and pray the Emperor, because the Bishop of Rome has given aid to the French king "making invasion upon his Majesty's dominions expressed within the treaty for that purpose, he would therefore also declare him to be his enemy, according to the comport of the treaty in that behalf] (fn. n7), which request the King will make authentically in writing if so desired.|
|At the duke of Alberkerk's being now here, in passage towards Spain, the King has perceived his "gravity, wisdom, knowledge and experience" and greatly desires his company in this journey in France. Wotton shall declare this to the Emperor, and pray him to appoint the Duke to attend the King in this journey until their meeting.|
|Mons. du Bies has lately sought means, through the King's servants at Calais and Guisnes, to practise for a peace; and specially has sent a gentleman (fn. n8) to one of the men of arms at Calais, named Mr. Haulle. to sue for an assurance for certain ambassadors from the French king to treat with the King for peace, sending writing under his sign and seal for this. Albeit the King doubts not but that the Emperor, (having heard and reported such offers as the duke of Lorraine and Cardinal Farnese, sent indirectly, made on the French king's behalf) would be content if the King "did the semblable," yet, to avoid all occasion of suspicion, he at once sent for the Ambassador and showed him the offer and certificate in Du Bies's handwriting and the answer appointed to be given by Haulle. (Copies, enclosed, to be shown to the Emperor.) The answer was made here and sent to Haulle to subscribe and forward.|
|[Finally, where we "appointed certain day for the mustering of such men as Landenbergh and the other captain whom you do hire shall bring to serve his Majesty like as we doubt hath appeared unto you by—"] (fn. n7)|
|Draft corrected by Wriothesley and Paget, pp. 17. Endd.: "Mynute from the Counsail to Mr. Doctor Wootton, xiijo Aprilis 1544."|
|13 April.||324. Chapuys to Charles V.|
|Received on the 5th inst. the Emperor's letters of the 17th ult. commanding him, in the declaration against Scotland, to proceed as ordered by the Queen of Hungary, from whom he jointly received letters and ample information. Could therein obtain only what will be seen by the copy of his letters to the Queen, to which he condescended for the following reasons:—|
|Yesterday, was sent for by the King who, after compliments about wishing to proceed sincerely and do nothing without communicating it to the Emperor, said that a Frenchman called Sainct Martin, a neighbour of the frontiers of Calais, some time ago moved practises for peace between him and the King of France to one Mr. Hars, (fn. n9) inhabitant of Calais. Some days ago, Hars doubting that these were private inventions, St. Martin brought a certificate from the Sieur de Biez, governor of Boulogne, signed and sealed, to the effect that all that St. Martin had said was by command of the King of France, who could not think that the King took the amity between them as broken, and who would, if the King pleased, send hither ambassadors empowered to treat and conclude entire amity; as the Emperor will see by the copy which the King sends to his ambassador to communicate. Begged to be informed what he intended to do. The King answered that he had not yet considered it with his Council, but would do so to-day, and afterwards declare to Chapuys part of his intention. Advised him to make such answer as the Emperor gave to the Legate Fernez, which was almost all to the advantage of the said King and Mons. de Savoye, letting the French know that, before any practises, the Emperor's resolution as told to the Legate must be accomplished, viz., that they must first pay what they owed and restore what they occupied from Savoy and others; and Chapuys said that he was astonished that the King should build upon the said letters and language of St. Martin (especially when the thing was so cold, and no overture made), and he knew the craft of the French, whose only hope was in putting distrust between the Emperor and him, as Chapuys had already, on the Emperor's behalf, advertised him. The King then said that the French, as he understood, would give him the Duchy of Guyennes, and the giving audience to ambassadors was not against the treaty, especially as he would do it in presence of the Emperor's ministers, and treat nothing without the Emperor's knowledge and satisfaction; the Emperor had not refused audience to Cardinal Fernez and the duke of Lorraine, nor to a gentleman whom the queen of France sent into Flanders since the Cardinal's departure. Replied that if one feared that the king of France, in despair of peace, might acquire other amity and intrigue more harmfully than hitherto, it would not be ill done to amuse him with hearing and sending ambassadors, but, since he was at his wits' end and his extreme malice had been experienced, the hearing of the said ambassadors could only encourage the French to suspect the intelligence between the Emperor and Henry, and minister occasion to work mischief between them. Ears should be shut to such syrens. Woman who listens and fortress which parleys is half surrendered. It was well to avoid not only the evil but the suspicion of it. As for the Cardinal's audience the Emperor could not refuse it, for reasons which Chapuys before declared, especially that he did not come on behalf of the king of France; and neither did the duke of Lorraine, as he frequently protested, but the Emperor hastened to leave Valenciennes in order to get rid of him, and would not permit him to return by way of France (as the Emperor at the time declared to Henry's ambassador resident, and Chapuys afterwards to Henry himself). Henry should remember that Chapuys told him how the Emperor signified to the duchess of Bart, before she set out for Speir, that if she came to put forward practices of peace she might as well remain at home. The gentleman whom the queen of France sent to the Queen her sister had no charge but to carry hawks into Flanders and learn what despatch the Cardinal had obtained; and his sojourn was because the queen of Hungary would not answer him before referring to the Emperor, and he obtained an answer in general terms, as the Queen Regent declared to Henry's ambassador (who perhaps forgot to write it, or at least the King pretended to be ignorant of it, although his Council do not deny that Chapuys advertised them of it). As to the offer touching Guyennes, Chapuys believed that, even though the French were willing to deliver it (which he did not think) Henry was too wise a prince to accept it without clipping the king of France's wings otherwise, for it would consume a great deal and be impossible to keep in the end; if he desired to come to a good peace he must do it sword in hand and in the enemy's country, and then he would hear much more courtesy and reason. The King ended by saying, as above-written, that he had not yet consulted his Council, and to-day or to-morrow at latest he would let Chapuys know his resolution.|
|The King afterwards said that touching the other affairs which Chapuys last declared to the two Councillors when he (the King) was not very well, he would refer them to his Council; he would like to say, however, that in many respects there was on the other side (de pardela) little regard to the treaty, especially concerning the declaration against Scotland and the provision of the horses demanded for his army, and, to say the truth, there was much ingratitude in it, in view of the great cost he had suffered last year.|
|The King showed great joy that the Prince of Spain had written to Chapuys to announce his news, especially of his marriage, and make his recommendations. And the King put his hand to his bonnet and prayed Chapuys to write his thanks. For a bonne bouche, the King spoke of the duke of Alburquerke, whom he praised very highly, saying that he had never known a personage more agreeable to himself and to all his people who had resorted to the said Duke. From the report of several who were at the camp of Landressy he had already desired to know the Duke, and now that he knew him he much desired the Duke's company in this expedition of France; he had already written of it to the Emperor, and now he earnestly prayed Chapuys to get the Emperor to order the Duke to accompany him (with assurance that that service would be held as done to the Emperor himself), and to persuade the Duke (who desired to continue his journey to Spain) not to leave until news came of the Emperor's pleasure. Thereupon made the necessary representations to the Duke, whose answer was that for all the offers the King could make he gave not a "maravedis," and that for many reasons; but that if the Emperor thought his abiding would be of service, and expressly intimated this to him, he would employ both body and goods therein. Thinks that Alburquerque's going might greatly advance the enteprise, and, being in grace and credit with the King and all the company, he could obviate delays and practices and other "inconveniens," besides assisting in war; for the English, as they confess, have few men who are deeply versed in war, and if the King through indisposition could not be personally in the enterprise (as is to be feared, especially as several of his people are said to dissuade him from it) it would be well for the King's army and the others who have the charge of it if the Duke was in the company. The causes for those about the King not wishing him to be personally in the enterprise are fear for his person and that his presence would retard all affairs, for it will be necessary to march much more slowly, on account of his weight and ill health, and also much more circumspectly, so as not to put him in hazard. Believes that it would not be the worse, as the Emperor will understand, provided that the King continues the bruit of his going and passes as far as Calais. It will therefore please the Emperor to intimate his pleasure to the Duke. London, 13 April 1544.|
|Fr. Modern transcript from the original at Vienna, pp. 8. Original endd.: reçues le xxi dud. mois 1544.|
|13 April.||325. Katharine Browne.|
2,067, f. 53b.
|Will of Katharine Browne, widow, 13 April 1544.|
|Copy, p. 1.|
|13 April.||326. Hertford, Tunstall, Llandaff and Sadler to Henry VIII.|
32,654, f. 90
ii., No. 210.
|Here is arrived Alex. Lawder, whom Hertford sent on Good Friday to the master of Morton, Sir Geo. Douglas's son, with letters and credence, touching delivery of Temptallon to the King. Enclose the letters he brought from the Master and his credence, which Hertford has caused him to put in writing. Hertford has eftsoons written to the Master to encourage him and (as he offers to come when sent for and says he will come to Coldingham to seek assurance for his friends on the Borders), advising him to leave Dalket and Temptallon in sure custody, to require his repair hither in post, to commune touching the assurance and other matters. If he come, they will ensearch his intent in these large offers. Because Alex. Jarden, captain of Temptallon, seems so well minded, as appears by Lawder's credence and lord Evre's letters, Hertford has ordered Evre to thank him and promise such reward and pension (if he deliver the castle to the King's army) as shall make him and his for ever.|
|Enclose several letters to Hertford from the Wardens of the Marches declaring exploits done in Scotland. Newcastle, 13 April, Easter Day. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Sealed. Endd.: 1544.|
|Longleat MS.||2. Original draft of the above in Sadler's hand, noted in Hamilton Papers, II., p. 720.|
|Endd. as despatched at 5 p.m.|
ii., p. 720.
|3. Alex. Lawder's credence.|
|Being sent from Newcastle by my lord Lieutenant, on Good Friday, rode to Dalket castle, and, not finding the Master of Morton there, thence to Temptallen, where he arrived at noon on Easter Eve and delivered my lord Lieutenant's letter and message to Morton. Morton answered cheerfully that he was glad of the tidings and would deliver Temptallon castle to the King's use when the army came, for which he would wait at Coldingham to conduct my lord Lieutenant, under whose standard he and all his friends would fight against Scotland. Morton willed him to desire my lord Lieutenant to write to Lenoux and Casselles not to agree with the Governor and Cardinal, and ere long they should have aid out of England, and he (Morton) would forward the letter; also to say that he would pledge his head that, coming shortly, my lord Lieutenant would have all Scotland to the Scots sea as peaceable to him as Northumberland, and Morton would be his guide through it.|
|Sandy Jarden, Angus's servant, who is captain of Temptallen, swore that he would deliver the castle to my lord Lieutenant with as good heart as he would drink, and desired the army to hasten, saying "I pray God that a knife stick me but I could be contented to boil 7 years in Hell upon condition I might have a piece of 'mends of the proud Cardinal."|
|Morton also desired assurance for his friends until he should come to Newcastle, when he would put into the assurance such friends as he was sure would live and die with him. He would come as soon as he received my lord's answer; and advised that the great ordnance should go by sea as the ground in Scotland was yet too wet. Light ordnance should be carried with the army by land.|
|13 April.||327. Hertford to Henry VIII.|
32,654, f. 92.
|Could not sleep this night for thinking of the King's determination for Ligh. Remembered that the last year when the King's ships were in the Fryth the Scots feared that they carried timber ready framed to make a bulwark upon Inchkith and would cover the walls thereof with turf; which done, as he learns from a Scottish mariner and otherwise, Edinburgh were undone, for no ships could come into Ligh. Lygth being fortified and the bulwark made in the further end of Inchkith, if the French king had 500 sail and Denmark as many, to let the victualling thereof, none of them could lie on this side Inchgarvi if the wind were between East South-East and East North-East; and when they were there, six or seven miles above Ligh, victual might come from Berwick or Holy Island if the wind were between South West and East South-East, or being off from the shore, East. Wishes the King to remit the doing or not doing thereof to him and the Lord Admiral and the rest of the Council here, with the advice of Mr. Le and the Surveyor of Calais. Newcastle, 13 April.|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add. Sealed. Endd.: 1544.|
|13 April.||328. Vaughan to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||On the 31 March, arrived at Spire, where (after communicating to the ambassador, Mr. Wotton, Henry's instructions and the proceedings of Mr. Chamberleyn and him with Mons. de Bure) he sent for Chr. Landenbergh, delivered him the King's letter and said that, whereas he had covenanted to serve with 1,000 good horsemen and 4,000 good footmen, he (Vaughan) was sent to pay their conduct money; praying him to bring chosen men and muster them, by 26 May, before the King's commissioners. Landenbergh answered, thanking the King and saying that he trusted to bring good men. After he was departed, devised with Wotton that (to know if he would stand to his bargain) Vaughan should tell him that, being about to depart to Frankfort to receive money by exchange, it would be best first to account with him what money he should have. Did so next day, and read every article; Landenbergh's interpreter declaring the meaning. To the article of the value of the florin he said that in reducing the value from 15 bats to 20 stivers and to 2s. 6d. st., he was deceived, and it was impossible so to serve, but he would serve at like soulde as the Emperor gave. To the article appointing to every 12 horsemen a four-horse wagon at 24 cruytcers a day he said he was again deceived, and it was impossible to have such a wagon for so little, but he would serve at the Emperor's allowance. To the article mentioning the mustering place he said he could not perform it, for the Emperor "had appointed him to make his musters beside Cullen," and would not grant that any musters should be made about Mastreght. We said we marvelled "that he no better considered" before he concluded his bargain; to which he answered that, as he understood not French, he told your Highness that, if any fault were, he would always serve at such solde as the Emperor gave; of which he would bring a writing signed by the Emperor, or by Mons. de Lyre, who has charge of the armies here levied. We then willed him to consider his bargain and let us know his mind next day. Next day he caused De Lyre to send us a paper of the Emperor's charge for levying men against Landersey, and two letters (enclosed) to me from De Lyre. Left the paper, which was signed and sealed by De Lyre, for Wotton to forward. The second day after, Landenbergh came and said he was not yet sure of the mustering place, but would know it from the Emperor and sent word to Frankfort, and as to the soulde he could not take less than the Emperor gave.|
|Nicholas the post arrived at Spire 3 hours after Vaughan, with a letter from the Council to Wotton showing that, if Landenbergh would not serve at the valuation of the florin given in his bargain, he should have the same as the Emperor paid, which florin is worth a Philippus guldern or 25 stivers; wherewith he was very well pleased and said that in all things he would be bound to do as the Emperor's soldiers did, and it was against reason to be willed to do otherwise, and that in England, for lack of language and knowledge of moneys, he could not be sure what he did.|
|As the payments at Frankfort draw fast on, left Landenbergh and Mr. Wotton to solicit the Emperor to have the mustering place at Mastreght and send word after him to Frankfort, where he arrived on Palm Sunday. (fn. n10) Thither, on the Wednesday (fn. n11) next, came Landenbergh, who had the day before sent three friends to say that the Emperor had appointed the mustering place 2 miles from Duren, and now said that Wotton and he had obtained from Granvelle that his musters should be no nearer Mastreght than Andernache on the Rhine, one mile from Brisache, which is 3 miles from Reynbach, which is 5 miles from Duren, which is 4 miles from Acon, which is 4 miles from Mastreght. Landenbergh arrived in an "exceeding heat," thinking that Vaughan would not pay him unless he obtained his own mustering place and began to say that unless he might serve and receive his conduct money his credit and reputation were utterly stained, for his bargain was bruited everywhere and he had hired captains and laid out little short of 10,000 florins. Prayed him to quiet himself; and told him he (Vaughan) would be sorry if he could not obtain his first mustering place, for otherwise there was no commission to pay him, and that it was impossible to exchange money to Culleyn to pay a month's wages at Andernach, for the time was too short to have there both a great sum of money current in Almain, where the musters should be taken, and also a great sum of money current in the Low Countries. This brought him to hear reason, and to grant that in England it would be hard to find merchants who could so soon furnish both sorts of coins. In m[any] fumes he was because he could not get Vaughan to pay him (saying he was dishonored after his going to the King, his fervent mind to serve with 20,000 if commanded, his oare and cost since his return in entertaining captains and men), and even said he thought Vaughan "used deceit with him." "I answered, but not him (in such fume) as was not master of himself." At last, appeased, he said that if Vaughan would write to the Ambassador at Spire to show the Emperor how incommodious it would be to Henry to find so much money current in Almayn and the Base Countries, he yet trusted that the Emperor would grant him his own appointed mustering place. Gave him the required letter to Wotton; and with it the young "countie" who was with him in England, this day, departed for Spire. Promised to pay the conduct money straightway, if they obtained their mustering place about Mastreght; and as the Council wrote to Wotton to tell Chamberleyn and Vaughan to agree with Landenbergh at the Emperor's terms, if he stuck at his bargain, takes it that he is to be paid when his own mustering place is granted. Begs the King to accept his proceedings. Frankfort, Maundy Thursday (fn. n12)|
|P.S.—Nicholas the post has brought him a letter from Wotton, enclosing one from the Council directing him, for the conclusion with Mons. de Bures, to certify Mr. Chamberleyn in haste whether Landenbergh can keep his bargain; so that Chamberleyn might proceed as directed in a letter to him, of which a copy was enclosed. As his end with Landenbergh now, this Maundy Thursday, depends upon the mustering place, keeps the post here awaiting the return of the young "countie"; and will write to Chamberleyn when he has done with Landenbergh, who was doubtless deceived in rating the florin of 15 bats at 20 stivers.|
|On Easter morning the young countie returned with a letter from Wotton signifying that the Emperor was content that Landenbergh should muster beside Acon, or upon the river Mase; and Vaughan forthwith paid Landenbergh 16,000 florins of 15 batz, viz. 10,000 fl. for conduct money of the horsemen and their 83 wagons and 6,000 fl. for conduct money of the footmen and their ensigns. Acon is 4 Flemish miles beyond Mastreght towards Cullen. The Emperor makes no one man a captain over both horse and foot. As Landenbergh failed in his bargain for the wagons at 24 cruytsers, told him he could make no other bargain but would advertise the King. The Emperor wishes his men and Henry's to be at one solde. The Emperor keeps close the way he will take into France and when he leaves Spire; and moves his ordnance about "to deceive men's conjectures." Landenbergh agrees (as himself writes to the King) to take money current in France at the present value when he joins the King's army. "He is a hasty fellow, brought perchance thereunto when he was with me by the alteration of the mustering place, which he feared would altogethers have disappointed him; which I perceived stood upon his undoing." Frankfort, Easter Day, 12 noon.|
|Landenbergh says he will keep his day within four days.|
|Hol., pp. 9. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|R. O.||2. Acknowledgment of receipt, by "Christophorus de Landenberg a lata Landenberg ad Schramberg," the king of England's first captain over 1,000 horse and 4,000 foot, from Stephen Vaughan, in the King's name, of 10,000 fl. of 15 batz (ad quindecim batios) for the conduct money of the 1,000 horse and their 83 wagons to the place of muster (lustrationis) and of 5,000 fl. of gold or 6,000 fl. of 15 batz for like conduct money of the 4,000, or 10 standards, of foot. 13 April, Easter 1544. Signed and sealed.|
|Lat., pp. 2. Endd.: Chr. van Landenberghz quittance to Mr. Vaughan.|
|13 April.||329. Charles V. to Henry VIII.|
|The letter noticed in the Spanish Calendar, VII., No. 67, as of this date is of the 15th April. See No. 339(2).|
|14 April.||330. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.|
|The King, after having this morning despatched a courier to the Emperor, has sent two of the Council to inform him of the answer which Mr. Hars of Calais (whom the French addressed for the practises of which he wrote yesterday) is to make to the Sieur de Biez,. viz., that as the king of France is accustomed to make many practises (and more promises without keeping anything, he should, first, show his desire for peace by desisting from aiding the Scots, and make reasonable overtures to the Emperor and the King, and if they delayed the French would shortly find the King in Calais, "pour fere tous expedients." The King also sent him the copy of the minute he gave to the Council, to which he (the King) has added a final clause, omitting what was agreed between them, viz., that safeconducts delivered by the King to the Scots should first be presented to her for ratification. Told them his opinion thereupon; but they said only that they would report to the King. As the haste of the courier leaves him no leisure to write to the Emperor, begs her (if the case so requires) to advertise the Emperor of it.|
|Hears that the army which was going into Scotland, dispersed abroad in order to meet with some Scottish ships, has had some ill luck (? a couru quelque peu de fortune); and moreover that earl Dhoughlast and his brother have again revolted and joined the Cardinal. It is not Chapuys' fault that he did not interrupt this enterprise against Scotland in order the more vigorously to remedy the cause of the evil by chastising the king of France. London, 14 April 1544.|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original at Vienna, pp. 2.|
|R. O.||2. [Draft for the Emperor's declaration against Scotland.]|
|As the subjects of Scotland (whom, in pursuance of ancient treaties, we have hitherto permitted to trade with our subjects as friends) have lately made a league with king Francis of France (which king we and the King of England have, by special letters, declared common enemy, as he deserved, not only for his injuries to us but for his alliance with the Turk, the common enemy of all Christendom) and, besides, have in hostile manner invaded the countries of the King of England, by which we are also bound by the treaties to take them as common enemies; for these causes, and other good and urgent reasons, we command you forthwith, without delay, to publish throughout our countries that we take the subjects of Scotland for enemies and forbid them access to our dominions or traffic with our subjects.|
|Nevertheless, you and all other our officers and ministers and subjects are to take notice that if any Scots shall come into our dominions with the King of England's licence and safeconduct they shall, by virtue of the same, be exempt from molestation and enjoy the same freedom as before this declaration.|
|Fr. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 2.|
|14 April.||331. The Privy Council to Hertford.|
|Add. MS.v32,654, f. 98.
ii., No. 212.
|Where it appears by Wharton's letters to him of the 8th inst. that the number of 200 horsemen of the West Borders and 150 Scotish Borderers cannot be spared thence, the King's final resolution is to have from the Borders 400 horsemen in all, whereof 200 out of the West Marches, under Sir Win. Musgrave and Thos. Dacres, and 200 to be taken, of the East and Middle, of the 700 Borderers who (Hertford writes) are in garrison there, whose place shall be supplied by inland men. The 200 horsemen out of the East and Middle Marches to be levied by the advice of the lords wardens with regard as well to the quiet of the country as its defence. These 400 to be picked men and to be at Dover by the last day of May, with their horses in such plight as to be able to serve immediately after their transportation. Where Wharton thinks that the taking of 200 horsemen from the West Marches would weaken their power to annoy or defend; the King thinks that, after the exploits now determined, the Scottish Borders will be too devastated to be annoyed before harvest, by which time provision shall be made, and, for defence (as Hertford knows) 300 kerne are to be laid there in garrison and 200 on the other Borders. For the considerations mentioned in the said letters, the King will forbear having so many of the Scottish Borderers, but thinks that Wharton should induce ten or twelve of the best of them to serve in this voyage, which would be an assurance for the honest service of the rest. The King is informed that many good horsemen of the Borderers are become too poor to have horses. Hertford shall, by the Wardens' advice, pick out 100 of these and send them hither, with their jacks, where they shall be furnished with horses and other things. The King takes in good part Wharton's suit to serve with the Borderers in France, and desires Hertford to thank him for his good will; but, considering how necessary it is to have such a minister on the Borders in his absence, the King will use Wharton's service there.|
|Draft corrected by Paget, pp. 5. Endd.: A mynute of the lettre to my lord of Hertford, xiiijo Aprilis 1514.|
|Ib. f. 96.||2. Earlier draft of the above in Paget's hand.|
|Ib. f. 94.||3. A still earlier draft, also in Paget's hand.|
|14 April.||332. Hertford, Tunstall, Llandaff and Sadler to Henry VIII.|
32.654, f. 102.
ii., No. 213.(Abstract.)St. P., v. 373.
|Enclose letters to Hertford from Wharton, with others to Wharton from Robert Maxwell and Drumlanerike, showing that Glencarne comes not himself to Carlisle but that his second son and Bisshop, Lenox's secretary, repair thither. Think them mean persons to treat with Wharton and Bowes; but have despatched Bowes thither with instructions that Wharton and he shall see the writings they bring and fish out of them as much as possible, but make no promise until the King's pleasure is known. Think that Wharton and Bowes should have instructions to practise for the delivery of Donbreteyn, by which Lenox may deserve the King's liberality; for there seems no other service he can do, now that he wants the power of Angus and his friends. Where Robert Maxwell desires assurance for himself and his friends upon four days' warning, and also some entertainment to help him in his defence against the Governor and Cardinal, and Donlaneryke desires larger entertainment than he has; considering what they have already received, for which they have done no, service, they seem to seek only their own profit, and "should have no piece of their desires granted" unless, by honest service, they openly declare themselves for the King. If Robert Maxwell would now deliver Lowmaban he would deserve reward; and Wharton and Bowes are, upon the occasion of his demands, to practise a meeting with him and, reminding him of the benefits which his father and he have received, for which they have done little or no service, feel his inclination touching the delivery of Lowmaban castle; by which he shall redubbe the past and win favour and profit. Newcastle,] 4 April. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Sealed. Endd.: 1544.|
|R. O.||2. Original draft of the above, from which it is printed in the State Papers.|
|In Sadler's hand, pp. 4. Endd.: depeched xiiij Apl. at ij afternoon.|
|14 April.||333. Hertford to Lord Eure.|
231, No. 59.
Pt. i., 142.]
St. Papers, 26.
|Received his letter of 12 April with those brought from the Master of Morton by Alex. Lader, whom Eure is to see safely conveyed to the said Master. If the Master, upon the letters which Hertford now writes, repair to Berwick, post horses must be ready to convey him hither. To the message of Alex. Jorden touching Temptallon, Eure should reply thanking him for his honest offer and promising that, if he deliver Temptallon when Hertford arrives with the army, he shall have such reward and pension that "he and his shall be made for ever." 14 April.|
|Draft in Sadler's hand, p. 1. Endd.: My 1. l're to the lord Eure per Alexr. Lawder, depeched xiiijto April.|
|14 April.||334. Hertford to the Master of Morton.|
ii., p. 722.
|Received his letters and credence by Alex. Lader, this bearer, and assures him that his good mind to the King shall be to his advancement. Would be glad to commune with him touching the assurance he desires for his friends and the setting forth of the King's affairs; and therefore prays him to repair hither by post, foreseeing that he leaves Dalkeith and Temptallon in sure custody, and keeps out of his enemies' hands by the way between Temptallon and Coldingham. Post horses shall be ready at Berwick to convey him hither.|
|Draft in Sadler's hand, Endd.: My lordes lettre to the Master of Morton, depeched xiiijto April.|
|14 April.||335. Sir Ralph Eure to Hertford.|
231, No. 39.
Pt. i, 143.]
St. Papers, 26.
|Whereas his father and he are appointed to lead the East and Middle Marches, to burn Hadyngton when Hertford is landing at Lythe with the army; if they only burn Hadington and recoil homewards they will draw few of the enemies from Hertford's landing, who, suspecting that the great army comes by ship, will rather try to keep them from landing. If they might have 1,000 more archers on horseback, which may be sent hither out of Yorkshire and the Bishopric within six days, they will, after burning Hadington, which is 12 miles from the landing place, march towards that place, to be in sight at Hertford's landing, and, with half a dozen pieces of ordnance in their "staylle," keep the Scots occupied for one day in skirmishing with 2,000 of their best horsemen, to whom the writer's father and the rest would be a "staille." Horsemeat and victuals would have to be brought for them by ship. Thinks thus both to do good service and also, as Hertford's poor kinsman, to share his danger at the landing. Alnewyke, 14 April. Signed.|
|P.S.—The 1,000 from the Bishopric and Yorkshire would need but a fortnight's wages.|
|Pp. 2. Flyleaf with address lost. Headed in a later hand: To therle of Hertforde.|
|14 April.||336. King Ferdinand to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||In favour of the bearer, Anthonio de Moria, who desires to enter Henry's service. Has been well satisfied with his services both in the household and in war; and would retain him but that he wishes to take his wife, whom he married in Austria, into his native country of Spain. Spire, 14 April 1544. Signed.|
|French, p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd.: The King of Romains.|
|15 April.||337. The King's Party in Scotland.|
32,654, f. 104.
ii., No. 214.
|Instructions for Wharton and Bowes.|
|Upon the late sending hither of Mr. John Penven and Thos. Bishoppe from the earls of Lynoux, Anguishe, Casselles and Glyncarne, with letters and credence, we commissioned "you two" to treat, at Carlisle, with the said earls' commissioners, certain articles contained in your instructions for that purpose. (fn. n13) As Angus has, apparently, forgetting his own honour and the King's benefits, falsified his promises and given himself to the party of Arren and the Cardinal, and, by refusing the King's advice sent to him specially and also given by Penven and by Pete Grayme, even at his very going to Arren, has brought himself into captivity, so that he cannot be covenanted with or do service, all points of the said instructions which concern him are to be cancelled and the manner of proceeding is to be altered; as follows:—|
|After welcoming Glyncarne and the other commissioners, Wharton and Bowes shall induce them to declare first their commission and the cause of their coming. If then it appear that, notwithstanding Angus's revolt, Glyncarne, Lynoux, Casselles and their friends will conclude upon the overtures which passed here between the King and Lynoux's secretary and Penven, Wharton and Bowes shall (repeating how the King, having, at their request, appointed an army for their relief, counting upon their co-operation, is informed that Angus, who was reckoned "a great piece of their force," is detained in ward by Arren, and Glyncarne and Lynoux driven to keep their holds, and Glyncarne himself compelled to fly) say that the King would be glad to know what service they can do. If they answer that, by the falsehood of Maxwell and detention of Angus and other Douglasses, their power is too feeble to take the field against the Governor, but that Glencarn, Lynoux and Casselles are ready either to come hither and serve the King here or elsewhere with their persons, Wharton and Bowes shall discreetly induce them to come hither, where they may better declare their hearts and advise how matters may be redubbed in Scotland. If they say that Angus's apprehension was not voluntary, and therefore his friends will stick to them for his revenge, or else that, on the King's army coming, they shall themselves be able to keep the field, and therefore desire to go through with the overtures set forth when Bishop and Penven were here, Wharton and Bowes shall covenant for the performance by Glyncarne, Cassells and Lynoux of the articles prescribed in the former instructions; foreseeing that if Lynoux cannot lay in his brother, the Bishop, as pledge he shall lay such other pledges as shall be thought equivalent. [Nevertheless, as to pledges, if Lynoux cannot be induced to lay in hostages, the articles shall be concluded upon their promise in writing signed and sealed. As to Angus, if the commissioners say anything either for this excuse or reproof, it is to be passed over with few words, not showing that his apprehension is thought to have been by his own agreement or otherwise, but making little of the matter.] (fn. n14)|
|Draft with corrections by Paget, pp. 23. Endd.: Mynute of the ijd instructions for the lord Wharton and Sir Robert Bowes, xvo Aprilis 1544.|
St. P., v. 385.
|2. Third instructions for Wharton and Bowes.|
|Whereas, upon the sending hither of Penven and Bisshop from Lynoux, Glencarn, Anguysshe and Cassells, the King appointed Wharton and Bowes to treat at Carlisle with the said earls' commissioners, according to written instructions; after the despatch of the same, upon manifest appearance of untruth in Anguysshe, all points relating to him were cancelled and other instructions given to proceed with Lynoux, Glencarn and Casselles alone. After which second instructions the King learnt the unexpected revolt of Casselles to the party of Arrayn and the Cardinal. Albeit the power of Lynoux and Glencarn to serve the King is thus much diminished, and the King has cause to be dissuaded herein, and his army is by this time entered into Scotland (at which entry their service should have been most requisite) and he is credibly informed that Lynoux has promised to join the army of Scotland in resisting it, yet, upon hope that Lynoux and Glencarn will use more constancy, the King will hearken to their suit; and therefore, cancelling all former instructions he appoints Wharton and Bowes to treat at Carlisle with Glencarn and such commissioners as are sent (altered from "with the said earls of Lynoux and Glencarn or such as the said earls or either of them shall send"). Wharton and Bowes, after sight of the others' commission, shall declare that if they give presently as hostages, Lynoux his brother the bp. of Catneys, and Glencarn his bond that his pledge now here for his ransom shall be pledge in this also, the King will do for them as hereafter expressed and requires these things to be observed on their behalf, viz.:—|
|The five articles (recited) required in the first instructions (No. 243(2)).|
|In return the King will do as follows:—1. Where the King has already sent into Scotland a main army by sea and has already sent another or two by land (altered from "and intend to send in by land after like sort") to annoy the common enemies, these armies shall have special charge to hurt none of the possessions of the said earls. 2. Whereas Lynoux makes suit to be Governor under the King, he shall have that office, with a Council of the King's appointment, provided that he accept the King as protector and advertise him of all matters of any importance, and call no Parliament, and give away nothing that is confiscated, or otherwise grown to the Crown, without express consent. 3. Lynoux, as Governor under the King, shall have a reasonable portion of the revenues to maintain that estate, assigned by advice of him and the rest of the Council there, reserving sufficient for the entertainment of the King's pronepte and of the charges of the Governor and Council to lie continually in such places for the administration of justice as the King shall appoint, and the King shall have custody of such holds as shall be thought necessary for him as Director and Protector. 4. Where Lynoux has desired our favour for the maintenance of his title against Arrayn, if he do as above expressed and continue in the same, in case God dispose of our niece leaving no issue we will aid him against Arrayn. 5. That Lynoux and Glencarn may extend all their power, the King will give Glencarn 1,000 cr., "and so to continue in pension," on condition that he and Lynoux first agree to the foresaid demands and lay the hostages.|
|And where Lynoux, by his secretary and otherwise, has made suit to have in marriage the lady Margaret, the King's niece, if that suit is renewed and he perform the covenants and use himself according to the King's expectation, and if, upon seeing each other, they agree for that purpose, the King shall agree to such order therein as shall content Lynoux, and will also further consider his good service.|
|And if the said earls or their commissioners desire a larger capitulation of the aforesaid articles, &c. (as in No. 243(2)).|
|And if they will not agree to the articles or lay in the hostages, Wharton and Bowes shall, with good words, refer them to a further communication with the King's lieutenant; and Bowes shall return to the King.|
|Draft corrected by Paget, pp. 19. Endd.: Mynute of m[y lord] Wharton's third instruction.|
|15 April.||338. Hertford to Wharton and Bowes.|
231, No. 64.
Pt. i., 144.]
St. Papers, 27.
|The King, desiring to know the strength and situation of the castles of Lowmaban, Treef, Carlaveroke and Langholme, in custody of Robert Maxwell, requires Wharton to send Patie Grayme or some other, under colour of some other message, to view them. It is to be known how the castles are situate, and whether in plain country or subject to hills or high grounds, and which way ordnance may be brought to them. Those found tenable are to be practised for with money or other large offers; and, as Wharton and Bowes were instructed at their last departure hence, Robert Maxwell's mind therein is to be felt.|
|Draft, in Sadler's hand pp. 2. Endd.: "To the 1. Wharton and Sir R. Bowes, depeched xvo April."|
|15 April.||339. Charles V. to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||Desires credence for the Sieur de Chantonnay, gentleman of his mouth, whom he has despatched to learn of Henry's health, and, jointly with his ambassador, to inform him of the Emperor's affairs, especially as concerning the capitulation lately made in England by Don Fernando de Gonzaga, viceroy of Sicily and lieutenant general of the Emperor's army, that he may know his advice. Spir, 15 April 1544. Signed.|
|French, p. 1. Add. Endd.|
|Vienna MS.||2. Original draft of the above, described in Spanish Calendar VII., No. 67, as dated "13" April which is apparently an error for 15 April, as an independent abstract in R.O. dates it.|
|3. Charles V.'s instructions to the Sieur de Chantonay, sent to the King of England.|
|To go with speed to the Queen Dowager of Hungary and communicate to her his charge, as hereafter specified; and, adding to it as she shall order, pass to England and there proceed with the advice of the ambassador resident. He shall give the ground of his journey as to visit the King, putting it according as he shall find the King's health. Also, principally, to report the Emperor's preparations for the war as he has been instructed in writing and by mouth. Likewise his resolution touching the invasion, the time of his departure hence, the way which he will take, and where he will muster his army; and the men whom he sends forward under Count William of Furstemberg and has at "Hambourg" (qu. Luxembourg?). Insisting, with advice of the ambassador, upon reciprocal information whether the King will command his army to march in time, the place where it will be formed and the way it will take. He shall say, upon opportunity, how important it is to hasten the departure and set forward the armies, especially as there is news that the chief hope in France is that the armies will be late in marching and will be hindered by the carrying off of victuals, the fortifications that are made and the posting of men at the frontiers, although as yet they are without foreign soldiers and are about procuring them. If the ambassador thinks good, he shall show the King and Council the advertisement from France concerning the entry into France from England. He shall satisfy the King (in pursuance of what has been written to the Ambassador, of which he saw the copy) touching the assistance to the English Ambassador about the horse and foot which the King is levying here, and the Emperor's promise to Sequingen of the assurance of payment of the 1,000 horse of which he has taken charge. He shall tell also of the Emperor's great army on the side of Italy and the good number of Almains sent thither. Also of the state of things on this side, the good union between the Emperor and the Estates, and the indignation of the latter against France. Also of the news from Rome and Venice, and that the Emperor has used in this such diligence that he trusts, with God's help, that the fantasies of France will prove vain like the others.|
|Finally he shall, with the ambassador, very carefully ascertain all that concerns the English army, the number and kind of men, whether the King will come in person, who will have charge after him either in his absence or presence, and the other captains and officers, when the army shall be assembled and march, the way it shall take, &c.; likewise touching the artillery, &c., the state of affairs between England and Scotland, and for how long the King will keep his army in France. Item, how the King has provided concerning the charge of the Sieur de Buren, and his satisfaction with the said Sieur, "sans les difficultez qu'il a mises, comme il semble a bonne raison, touchant la restriction de la soulde desd. gens de guerre."|
|"Item, comme sont lesd. Angloys avec les Françoys et silz se sont point traaillez dy tenir quelque practique."|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original minute at Vienna, pp. 3.|
|15 April.||340. King Ferdinand to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||Credence for bearer, the Sieur de Chantonnay, whom his brother the Emperor is sending to Henry. Spire, 15 April 1544. Signed.|
|French, p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd.: The King of Romains.|
|15 April.||341. Fernando Gonzaga, [Viceroy of Sicily] to Henry VIII.|
|R. O.||Takes the occasion of the going of the Sieur de Chantonay to protest his service to Henry. Chantonay can report occurrences and the Emperor's preparations, in which all possible diligence is used. Spire, 15 April 1544. Signed (much faded): "De V. Mte [le] tres humble [?] et tres obeixant s'viteur, Fernando Go[nzaga]."|
|French, p. 1. Address, pasted on: Au Roy Dengleterre.|