Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 19 Part 2, August-December 1544. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.
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November 1544, 1-5
|1 Nov.||528. Petre to the Bishop of Llandaff.|
32,655, f. 247.
ii., No. 343.
|Encloses a letter ad colligendum for the late abp. of York's goods, sealed with the King's seal ad causas testamentarias, with a blank therein for the name of one of the Council there to be joined with the late Abp.'s brother, viz. Mr. Magnus, Mr. Fayrefex, Mr. Babthorpe or some other. Llandaff is to give them their oath and limit a day for bringing their inventory. Westm. 30 Oct. Signed. (fn. n1)|
|Draft in Petre's hand, p. 1. Hol. Add.: President of the King's Majesty's Council in the North parts. Endd.: M. to the byshop of Landaff, primo Novembris 1544.|
|1 Nov.||529. Shrewsbury and Others to the Council.|
32,656. f. 2.
ii., No. 348.
|Enclose letters from the wardens of the East and West Marches, Robert Maxwell and the alderman and brethren of Hertilpole. The last shows that a French or Scottish man of war has taken a Grymsby ship and lies before Hertilpole. Learn from the Lord President that the three Scottish ships remain still before Scarborough. Do not think that these Scots will make any enterprise on land; but would wish provision made that they should not so quietly keep the seas. John à Barton is or shortly will be on the seas with a good fleet, as heretofore advertised. Darneton, 1 Nov. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.|
|In Sadler's hand pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|1 Nov.||530. Sir Richard Cholmeley to Shrewsbury.|
32,656, f. 7.
ii., No 350(1).
|Describes how two Scottish ships took one English crayer, off Whitby, and chased another aground at Robynhod Bay; the men of which manned three boats with archers and skirmished with the Scots, but were beaten off and the ship taken by the Scots before the writer arrived. She carried 11 last of salmon belonging to fishmongers of London. The same night at 10 o'clock the same Scottish ship set upon four English ships (one of York and three of Grymsby) bound for Newcastle, one of which was well ordnanced and resisted, while two of the Grymsby ships got away, and that of York ran on the rocks, 3 miles from Whitby, as the other with the ordnance was afterwards forced to do. Repaired thither on Friday morning to save the ordnance, whereupon the Scots sent their boat; but we beat them off with the ordnance and then drew it up the cliff, 100 fathoms, so that I have 8 pieces above and one beneath. The shipmen are content to leave it in his custody for defence, and if he had a barrel of gunpowder he could do good service. Whitbe, Allhollowe Day. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|1 Nov.||531. Sir William Wyse to St. Leger.|
|R.O.||Lest your lordship should judge remissness in me that you are not repaid the galloglas money; I cannot perceive that my lady Power intends your repayment and am abashed to write the disobedience I hear therein, by her procurement, of all the country save the freeholders of Waterford, "which would rather the King should have xijd. than any other one denyer." She promised, upon delivery of your late letters, to speak with the sheriff and me, but conveyed herself to the Carrig. If you distrain therefor, your lordship must make your friends elsewhere to answer her complaint. "I pray God give her grace to know herself, or your lordship opportunity to reform her." Here is no small sum demanded pour ayder son fitz (fn. n2) which, for fear of her malice, will be sooner granted than the King's duty. Trouble not with more writing, "for I would be sorry to see mine own so much laughed to scorn." The sheriff shall distrain next Monday and know them that refuse. " She will have her marshall and all other duties levied if she grant any. There is some great comfort come out of the army unto her that beareth herself thus bold, or mischief to come that she is not 'ware of." This Halonday.|
|Copy, p. 1. Headed: The copy of Sir William Wyse l're.|
|St. P., iii. 511.||ii. The lord of Upper Ossory to St. Leger.|
|The earl of Ormond and captains Omorra and Ocarwell, who are sworn to the said earl because of their wives, have met and Ocarwell has put in writing many hurts committed upon him by your galloglas and kerne. I am not yet sure of the cause of this meeting, but the matter should be watched, as the said captains, like their fathers, are easily stirred against the English, especially at the suggestion of so great a man as the earl. The earls of Ormond, Desmond and Thomond, after your departure, began an assembly but did not carry it out, and there are many sinister reports since I was last with you. Writes this as a warning and not with intent to injure anyone, and wishes his authorship of it kept secret.|
|Copy. Lat., p. 1. Headed: The copye of the lorde of Upper Ossereys l're. Endd.: Two severall copies of l'res sent to the lord Deputie of Ireland.|
|1 Nov.||532. Paget to Petre.|
|R.O.||Having received, "even now, cast over the walls," these letters from Hertford and Winchester, and showed them to Suffolk—Mr. Comptroller and Mr. Riche being abed—thinks well (however little haste the writers of them make) to despatch them, not doubting but the King desires much to hear from them. As to his own proceedings with the Emperor, it was not answered rightly; for he proposed an overture that the King and the Emperor should tarry on their frontiers with numbers competent "to do enterprises" and send the rest forward into France, the Emperor's army coming down and entering near those parts where the King's army entered; but the Emperor would not embrace this, and made another overture, viz., for himself and his army to go which way they would, and the King to tarry in England or at Calais and send 30,000 men to Paris; and this the King "did neither embrace nor refuse, but, making a gentle and general answer, reserved to himself the resolution thereof." Would write this to Winchester and Hertford, but supposes, "both by their writing and determination at their going from hence", that they will be returned ere his letters could come thither.|
|I fear that Mr. Wootton was not present at these conferences, because his hand is not to the letter, and the rather because my lord of Winchester, before departing hence, said he should not be present because he was not named in the instructions; howbeit I excused it as your fault that he was not remembered, and said I thought it more than necessary that, as ambassador, he should be privy to all. Surely if my lords have left him out (unless they know more of the King's pleasure than I) they have not done well, for he will lose credit and never more be able to serve there. "My lord of Wynchestre hath certain affections in his head many times towards such men as he greatly favoureth not (amongst whom I account Mr. Wootton, because the man writeth sometimes his mind plainly of things as he findeth them there) and when he seeth time can lay on load to nip a man; which fashion I like not and think it devilish. God amend all our faults!"|
|Pray commend me to my lord Chancellor and desire his remembrance of my suit "for the advancement of. . . . . matter with Mr. Moyle"; and commend me most heartily to Mr. Deny and Mr. Carden, with thanks for their gentle remembrance of me. "I will never forget it if my word or deed may ever stand them in any stead." Pray return to me Litton, my servant; and cause Nicholas, whom I last sent to you, to tarry there till my coming. Calais, 1 Nov., at midnight, 1544.|
|P.S.—Send my commendations to [my] wife and "excuse my silence"; and likewise commend me heartily to my Lady Peter.|
|By tomorrow night there will not be a soldier left on this side, save in the garrisons and at Bullen; and almost no gentlemen of reputation, for they were gone before the arrival of your letter willing my lord of Suffolk to return such gentlemen as he thought convenient; "so as no man hath here but his bare servants nor my lord of Suff. any gentle to accompany him mo than the commissioners."|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Sir Wm. Petre, knight, etc. Endd.: 1544.|
|2 Nov.||533. The Privy Council to Shrewsbury.|
32,656, f. 4.
ii., No. 349.
|The King has seen his letters and prays him to write to Sir Ralph Evre to take order with the Scots who have begun with this good demonstration of their service to continue their exploits. He shall see the pledges bestowed where he thinks meet. The King has already sent towards him by Hungate, 5,000l. for the garrisons, out of which the poor men of Berwick shall be paid for the half-year that is so long unpaid.|
|Draft by Petre, p. 1. Endd.: M. to therle of Shrewesbury, secundo Novembris 1544.|
|2 Nov.||534. Sir Thomas Arundell to Ant. Bourchier.|
|R.O.||I have received your letter desiring that you might keep such audits of the Queen's as are yet unkept within your "said office"; but it is thought meet that Kenett, late deputy to Mr. Twesell and now occupied in your said circuit, should finish the same, as the Queen must undelayably have all money that may be gotten. Kenett shall be accountable to you for all fees now due to you in this your said office. From the Court, 2 Nov.|
|P.S. in his own hand.—"Ye may, notwithstanding this, if your leisure serve you, and not breaking the honest order that was of force to be taken, resort and see what is done within your office, but I require not to be the let of th'expedition of th'affair." Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: auditor to the Queen's Highness.|
|3 Nov.||535. The Privy Council to the Privy Council at Calais.|
St. P., x. 167.
|The King, perceiving by the letters of Hertford and Winchester that Grandvele has said that the Emperor would gladly have his Majesty put some trust in him for the conclusion of this peace with France, has devised the following overtures upon which he would have your advice with diligence.|
|First, to show his trust in the Emperor, albeit the French ambassadors offered after the winning of Bulloyn, the payment of pension, arrearages and indemnities, and since then the King has sustained great charges for the defence of his countries and pieces, he will stand to the arbitrament of the Emperor for all the damages for which, before these latter expenses, he demanded to have either Arde, the county of Guysnes or two millions of gold, "so that his Majesty may obtain the rest of the conditions not hereafter qualified, and quietly enjoy Bulloyn and Bullonoys." Secondly, as to the article to have the Scots abandoned, the Emperor may temper that by leaving out the term abandoning, and bind the Frenchmen only not to "aid them, being his Highness' enemies, after such sort as the [o]ld leagues and treaties with France do import." Thirdly, if the Emperor shall not be able to conclude a peace, it would serve the King's purpose if the Emperor have the honour of making a truce between him and France till June next, and promise that, if peace is not concluded in the meantime, he will then declare himself according to the treaty. By this truce the King would be able to fortify Bulloyn and establish his affairs there.|
|Your advice upon these points the King will "continually look for till the same shall arrive with him." Westm., 3 Nov. 1544. Signed by Wriothesley, Essex, Browne and Petre.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.|
|R.O.||2. Draft of the above in Petre's hand.|
|Pp. 5. Endd.: M. to the Counsell at Callys, iij° Novembris 1544.|
|3 Nov.||536. [The Privy Council] to Lord Lisle.|
|R.O.||The King minding to make certain fortifications upon the hill beside the Old Man has appointed bearer, the surveyor of Callys, to set them out and Thos. Palmer, treasurer of Guisnes, to have "chief charge and oversight of the same." You shall see them furnished with necessaries. Where lord Gray was appointed to have the leading of such men as were sent you from Callys and to remain at Bullen and join with Mr. Poyninges for the order of the crew at Base Bulloyn and th'Old Man; the King has now resolved that Poynings shall have the rule of all and Gray return to Callys for certain causes of importance. "And to th'intent this work, which the King's Majesty hath much to heart, as th'importance of it requirith, may take the better and the more speedy effect," you and the rest of the Council are to cause all such as be meet to put their hands to it, and also to consult with Palmer and, by his advice, see that victuals may be conveniently furnished to the labourers. (fn. n3) Westm., 3 Nov. 1544.|
|Draft corrected by Wriothesley and Mason, p. 1. Endd.: M. to the lord Admyrall, iij° Novembris 1544.|
|ii. On the back in Mason's hand:—"Santa Ma de Rays. cap. Alberto Rustichi."|
|3 Nov.||537. Sir T. Seymour to the Council.|
|R.O.||Yesterday Edward Watteres brought word that the fleet from London was waiting at the North Foreland for Seymour's ships. Hitherto the wind has been south and by east so that the masters dared not put to sea, for fear it should "blow up," when there would be no harbour for them nearer than the Humber. Tomorrow they will make an attempt to leave. From the Peter in Orwell Wanes, 3 November 1544.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.|
|3 Nov.||538. Robert, Bishop of Llandaff, to Shrewsbury.|
32,656, f. 18.
ii., No. 354(1).
|Encloses a letter from Mr. Lentall and Mr. Lacy, now at Flamburgh, showing that there be enemies on that coast. Upon its receipt sent the copy to Mr. Governor of Hull desiring him to provide shot, powder and munitions for defence of that coast. The King's palace at York, 3 Nov., 8 p.m. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|3 Nov.||539. Philip Lentall and Robert Lacy to the Lord President.|
32,656, f. 20.
ii., No 354(2).
|Since Thursday night last six ships, whereof one is burnt, have been taken between Flamburghe Head and Whitbye. Daily off Flamburgh and Bridlington lie 5 or 6 Scottish ships. On Tuesday, "being Symons day and Jude," four of them lay at anchor within gunshot at Flamburgh Head, having taken a prize there at mass time. Caused the King's two gunners to shoot at the greatest of them, who shot four shot and always overshot them. The gunners have no more powder. After the fourth shot the Scots shot out of their ship clear over our heads. Beg him to inform Mr. Lieutenant of Hull that shot and powder may be conveyed to the said places. Byrdlingtone, 3 Nov., in the morning. Signed.|
|In Lentall's hand, p. 1. Add.: president of the Council in the North. Endd.|
|3 Nov.||540. Shrewsbury and Others to Henry VIII.|
32,656, f. 5b.
ii., No. 350.
|Enclose letters from the Warden of the Middle Marches, with the bonds of the Scottishmen who have covenanted to serve, and the names of their pledges and of their lands and towns thus assured. As it appears, by the said Warden's letters, that he had heretofore an allowance for keeping the pledges of the Crosyers, Halles, Olyvers and Trombles, the writers beg to know whether it shall be continued, and how to order these other pledges. Have written to the warden to assay the said Scots by causing them to do some exploits upon such as refused this bond, and other enemies.|
|Enclose a letter from Sir George Dowglas to the said warden, and another from Sir Ric. Cholmeley, showing how the Scots triumph on these coasts. They have lately taken the Anthony of Newcastle, a good ship of 80 or better, and sundry small vessels. They pass not 6 or 7 sail, but John a Barton is or shortly will be on the seas with 10 or 12 more. They are desperate merchants of Leith and Edinburgh, who, having lost almost their whole substance at the army's late being in Scotland, seek adventures either to recover something or lose the rest. As six of your Majesty's ships are able to encounter sixteen of them, "sorry we be that they rowte after this sort upon the seas." Darneton, 3 Nov. 1544. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Sealed. Endd.|
|3 Nov.||541. Shrewsbury and Others to the Council.|
32,656, f. 8.
ii., No. 350*
|Here is arrived John Drummond, trumpeter, naming himself Lenoux's servant and saying that he had a letter to Shrewsbury to grant him safe-conduct into Scotland, and also letters from Lenoux to friends in Scotland, which letters were taken from him betwixt Toxforde and Doncaster. He said that his chief errand was to be a spy for his master, and much pressed for safe-conduct, but, as his tale is suspicious, Shrewsbury detains him. Marvel to hear nothing of the sending of money, for tomorrow is pay day and here is not enough to furnish the garrisons for 14 days. Their lordships can consider what "rumor or grudge" may ensue among the rude soldiers if they be long unpaid. Darneton, 3 Nov. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.|
|P.S.—Sir Ric. Cholmeley, who has diligently served the King, is sent for to appear before the General Surveyors this term. As he cannot well be spared, with the Scottish ships hovering upon these coasts, the writers desire that he may be respited till next term.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|3 Nov.||542. The Privy Council at Calais to Henry VIII.|
St. P., x. 168.
|Yesternight the Cardinal and President sent unto [us] (fn. n4) from Gravelinges to assemble this day, before dinner, with them and the Emperor's ambassadors. We prepared their lodging; and this morning they came, about 9 o'clock, and, without entering their lodging, came straight from horseback to the Council Chamber of this town, where they found us ready. After salutations the Cardinal said there was a General Council appointed at Candlemas next; the Emperor procured it, and the Pope had appointed Trent for the place and invited the Emperor and French king to attend in person, but he thought his master would not be there although the Emperor urged him. We said that if there were a Council called and appointed as it should be, the Pope would be the first to repent it, whose faults should be first espied and corrected. Passing to discourse of the articles, the Cardinal thought that the Germans would not agree to the Council because they would be constrained to a restitution. We answered that the Germans would not lose by that; for, if it came to restitution, by the time our Holy Father had restored to the Emperor and other princes what he holds from them, and the "cardinals and bishops restored to every prince his own, you know who shall have least left then." He laughed, saying he would bid us to his burning when the Council should be, and yet he heard that all the cardinals of France were summoned.|
|Herewith the Emperor's ambassadors came in and we sat down together ["saving first that I, the Secretary, stepped apart to Chapuys and told him that the Cardinal had said"] (fn. n5) "and first began the Cardinal, very soberly and in few words, to say, etc., ut in literis ad Hertf. et Winton." (fn. n6)|
|When the Cardinal was taking leave, Suffolk and the Secretary (having found that Jehan de Albeges still maintained his former report of the Cardinal), opened the matter to him; and he allowed that "it might be that, merrily, he spake such words to him," but not upon any falsehood to his master, saying that he meant not otherwise than with the safety of his honor and duty, and that he was a servant and could not direct his master, but would further all that made for unity between your two Majesties.|
|This afternoon it was thought good that "I, the Secretary," should go to the Emperor's ambassadors, to remind them of the wilfulness of the French and tell generally what means had been used to bring you to an evil opinion of the Emperor's proceedings; and also to require Chapuys, apart, to solicit the Emperor to the observation of his treaty, as Chapuys had often spoken of his travail to bring it to pass. I have done so and had good words from both. I reminded them to declare sincerely the proceedings, and how the Cardinal, at the first communication, forecluded all communication by saying that his master would come to no other point than the payment of the pension and arrears, and how, when reminded of their former offers, he answered "then was then, and now is now, and how he braved in all his communication and threatened, and how now at the last they brake off first and would needs be gone, making so much haste that they were departed already." Then, having coyed Darras with good opinions of Granvelle (with the result that he swore that both he and his father would do your Majesty as good service as ever they did prince) I turned again to Chapuys, saying that it touched him to set forward that which he had so much desired, and which he saw that the French went about to dissolve. The water stood in his eyes, and he said that the French should be brought low, and he trusted to do you better service being with the Emperor than if he were ambassador in England, and, whereas he intended to go straight to Lovayn to rest, he would now go to the Court till he saw these things at a better point for your Majesty.|
|The French commissioners departed after dinner. Darras departs tomorrow; De Curryers, being gone not long ago to solace himself at Graveling, comes not again, and Chapuys says that (although they would have had him accompany them tomorrow) he will not depart till his successor come. Have even now learnt from the Council his pleasure touching the captains of the crews at Basse Bolloyn and Guysnes. Have advised Hertford, Winchester, and Wootton of their proceedings this day. From Calais.|
|Draft in Paget's hand, pp. 5. Endd.: Minute. To the Kinges Majest. iij° Novembris 1544.|
|3 Nov.||543. The Privy Council at Calais to Hertford and Gardiner.|
St. P., x. 169.
|The French Commissioners, sending yesterday for an appointment, arrived here by 9 o'clock this morning; and, without entering their lodging went straight to the Council Chamber, where we were ready. Soon afterwards came the Emperor's ambassadors, Darras and Chapuys. The Cardinal said that they had opened their master's mind for peace and had heard what we said, and, having referred to their master, they were instructed that, if we had no other answer out of England they should return. Upon our answer that we had received no answer as yet, the Cardinal said that, seeing they had tarried here three weeks, they would return home; and therewith he protested his master's good will for peace, and contentation to remit the matter to the Emperor's arbitration. We answered that we had declared our commission and reported our proceedings to the King and had no answer; and, if they would depart, we could not "let" them, but all the world would see that the fault was not the King's, "who ever had been ready to reason where they wrought on will (and here somewhat repeated what they had once offered, what they now offered, and how wilfully they stood upon Bullen (fn. n7) )." Here the Emperor's ambassadors said they were sorry that, when the Emperor had travailed to bring things to unity, there was no better effect; and desired to have a writing of what had been done, not doubting but that the practice would be continued and that, as the French king put the matter in the Emperor's hands, the King's Majesty would trust him no less. We answered that there was no need to put their proceedings in writing, as your Lordships had doubtless already exposed all to the Emperor; and, as for the continuance of the practice, the King was always inclined to the peace, and knew the Emperor's friendship and honour to be such that he mistrusted him not, but was sure that, whatsoever he devised to bring things to pass according to their amity and treaties, he would not fail to do it and the King would not fail to accept it. They then rose, and first the French commissioners took leave, and then the Emperor's ambassadors. From Caleis.|
|Draft in Paget's hand, pp. 3. Endd.: Minute. The Pryvey Counsaill at Callais to my 1. of Hertf. and the bishop of Winchestre, iij° Novembris 1544.|
|3 Nov.||544. Paget to Petre.|
|R.O.||I have received "your packets and letters from the King's Majesty" and despatched them; being not miscontented to perceive that Mr. Long is "in good point," and glad to see the King's goodness towards me upon the opinion of his death. Pray send for Mr. Elderton, to whom the practice of that matter was committed by letters from my lord Cobham, and see what he will do for me; and also speak with my lord of Norfolk, who told me in the Council Chamber here that he would warrant me "to have the said offices, because, he said, Mr. Long had told him he would leave the Court." I am sorry the King sticks at lord Cobham's coming over for 14 days. His suit was to the whole Council, who thought it sufficient for me to write to you therein. I pray you eftsoons to beseech his Majesty therein, only for ten days; otherwise he will this term lose 2501., besides loss by not dissolving his house and putting things on that side in order, which he had no time to do because of "his short coming over after his return out of the North."|
|Yesterday the Cardinal sent hither from Graveling for lodging, and required that this day, afore dinner, he might speak with us upon letters received from the King his master. Meanwhile I bid you and my lady your wife well to fare. Calais, 3 Nov., in the morning, 1544.|
|P.S.—"The Cardinal, etc., be gone, except Chapuys; which in my poor opinion the French durst not have done but that it is a compact matter; for th'Emperor travaileth to bring the matter wholly to his hand." The French king, if he must needs take the King's conditions, would rather take them at the Emperor's hand, that the world may think it done at the Emperor's desire; and I believe the Emperor will send a man into England to persuade the King to an accord, "for it will never sink into my head that he will enter the war again." This peace has marred all, for, though he be content to declare himself enemy to the French, what aid will he give to the defence of Bullen, whereto "he is not bound"? He will make "a guerre garyable, for the fashion's sake," but never enter the war by land; and how will he "keep his force upon the seas (whereunto he is indeed bound) hereafter that hath kept them there hitherto so ill"? I mourn to "see the untrue practices of the world against a Prince that meaneth always truly, and too truly for such as they be. I would to God's passion his Majesty could cretizare cum Cretense. If the King's Majesty had known before that the Cardinal would so cuttedly have departed and left us here, if there had been none wiser than I he should have been beguiled; for I would have thought it most for the King's honour to have called his Commissioners away first and to have left talking with them rather than they should have broken from us."|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add. Sealed. Endd.|
|3 Nov.||545. A. Perrenot, Bishop of Arras, to Henry VIII.|
St. P., x. 166.
|Was, as Henry knows, sent by the Emperor to persuade the King of France to go through with the treaty between Henry and him; and was afterwards charged to press for that or else the sending of Cardinal du Belay and other ambassadors to treat with Henry. This was granted, but difficulty arose about their passage to England and the writer, with the Emperor s ambassadors, obtained that they should come to Calais. There communications have been held without result; and, the King of France having recalled his ministers, the writer and his colleagues can do no further service and are going to make their report to the Emperor. Is sure that the Emperor will do what he can to make the said accord. Would have desired the opportunity of himself presenting the enclosed letters (fn. n8) in the Emperor's hand which were sent to him in France. The credence was to declare the Emperor's singular affection to the accord, for reasons which the writer has declared to Henry's Council. Calaix, 3 Nov. 1544.|
|French. Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.|
|546. France and England.|
|Ribier, i. 574.||"Sommaire de la negociation faite a Bologne et Calais."|
|On Tuesday, 9 Sept. 1544, the Cardinal du Bellay, M. de l'Aubespine and we (fn. n9) arrived at Hardelot near Bologne, and found there the Count of Urfolk (Hertford) and bp. of Winchester, with whom was the communication that day. Next day, the 10th, came the duke of Suffolk, grand esquire, secretary Paget and the Treasurer. Winchester began negotiations by putting forward certain articles which, they said, had been brought to their master by "S. Martin de Framezelles," but their master hoped that we brought better conditions. After some discussion we declared our charge, viz., how we could show that of the obligation of the two millions of gold made by the late Madame (fn. n10), in 1525, we were quit, having paid the one million and the other million being not due (reasons given); but, for the sake of peace, we were content to pay the remainder of the said two millions at reasonable terms. Made this promise generally without binding ourselves to the payment of the pensions viagère and perpetual. As to the Scots, we would induce them to enter the treaty; and as to the King of England's damages by the war, which they put at four millions of gold, we finally declared that although it was the King who should ask damages he would condescend to a good sum, say 100,000 cr. or other reasonable amount.|
|The English answered that these conditions were much less than those brought by St. Martin [and] Framezelle and there was no hope of peace by them; but they would refer to their King. They said that their intention was that we should renounce the alliance of the Scots, pay in ready money the said million of gold, which they wrongly call their arrears, continue the pension viager of 100,000 cr., confirm the perpetual pension and pay their damages. We said this was altogether unreasonable, but we would report to the King.|
|On Sunday following, the 11th., (fn. n11) the King of England made us go to his camp and next day spoke with us, making even greater demands, which, some days later, were delivered to us in writing and carried to the King by L'Aubespine, viz. that the King "se departiroit de l'alliance [du Turc] (fn. n12) si aucune en avoit avec lui," that he should quit the alliance of Scotland, pay [half of] the million of gold down and the other half at the Christmas following, pay the pension viagère of 100,000 cr. henceforth yearly, and confirm the perpetual pension; that for arrears and damages he should deliver 2,000,000 of gold, or else the town of Ardres and county of Guisnes; that all which the King of England held or might take before the treaty of peace, especially Boulogne, should remain his in perpetuity; that for these payments rich hostages, each worth at least 12,000 livres yearly, and including one prince of the blood, should be given, and removeable only by death; and that, if the King should grant the above and furnish the hostages, the King of England would levy the siege of Monstreuil if the Cardinal and President of Rouen remained as hostages. Before l'Aubespine could arrive at Court the King informed us of his appointment with the Emperor, and we received his letters on Saturday the 20th, to take leave of the King of England as graciously as we could, informing him of the peace, and that the King made the Emperor arbiter of their differences, or else that we should take leave and not proceed in our negociation until the King had conferred with us. We chose the second course, and informed the English Council of it; but the King of England would not give us leave or audience until Tuesday the 23rd, when we informed him of the said appointment and arbitrage; at which he was very ill pleased, but dismissed us graciously. Next day he still detained us, but on Thursday let us go.|
|We found the King at Amiens, where was also M. de Arras, sent by the Emperor to be mediator; who went thence to Calais, whither we, the said Cardinal and President, went, being sent back with instructions, viz. that the King would not quit the alliance with Scotland, "mais y envoyeroit ledit Seigneur Roy, et feroit en sorte qu'il entreroit en alliance et amitié avec lesdits Seigneurs;" that the King would insist upon the recovery of Boulogne and not give up Ardre or a single foot of his kingdom, but he would pay the arrears at 25,000 livres yearly, pay the pension viagère and confirm the perpetual, deliver 200,000 cr. or 300,000 cr. for damages, and send as hostages gentlemen worth 6,000 or 7,000 livres of income, to be renewed yearly. We arrived at Calais the 8th or 10th of October following, where, in the first communication, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, earl of Hertford, bp. of Winchester, Secretary Paget and others, in presence of Arras and De Courrieres, declared their master's intention not to surrender Boulogne and to insist upon our leaving the alliance of Scotland; and therefore we did not proceed to declare particulars of our offers. After dinner, at the second communication, we intimated that, since, by means of the said Arras, we could not settle our differences, they should within six weeks send ambassadors to the Emperor to hear his arbitration, as well upon the arrears and pensions as the damages claimed, protesting that after that time we should remain discharged of our submission made to the Emperor by the treaty of peace, and at liberty to declare ourselves quit of both arrears and pension without infringing that treaty. The English said that this was a new thing and asked for delay in order to inform their master of it, promising answer within eight days; instead of which they sent Hertford and Winchester to the Emperor for two months. Meanwhile, awaiting the answer, we withdrew to Gravelines, where we were for three whole weeks until the King sent us order to take leave and depart. We then returned to Calais, and again summoned the King of England's Council, in presence of M. de Arras, to make us answer. They told us that they were still expecting it from their master; whereupon we declared that we persisted in the aforesaid demands and protestations, and so took leave of the said Council and of Arras, as graciously as possible. This ended our negociation.|
|The documents for the above were the originals of the treaties of 1525 and subsequent years, which the Cardinal kept in his own hands; for at that time the King, being at Compiegne, sent to me, the First President, being at Paris for the process of Maître Guillaume Poyet, chancelier de France, to go with speed to Abbeville and thence to the King of England with the said Cardinal and L'Aubespine. I have since heard that the said documents have been taken into the Thresor des Chartres and Chambre des Comptes. The Cardinal also had the said two instructions, and I have not heard that he had any other documents. True it is that M. de l'Aubespine had copied the said treaties, with others preceding, which we used in our deliberations, "esquelles toutes fois ne leur declarâmes aucuns points que je dis lors audit sieur d'Arras, et depuis a Messieurs les Cardinal de Tournon et Chancelier." The copies were long in my hands, but I have handed them to the Sieur de Marillac.|
|4 Nov.||547. The Privy Council to Wharton.|
32,656, f. 10.
ii., No. 351.
|Bearer, the laird of Tulybern, repairs, by the King s licence, to Carlisle for a time to procure certain friends and servants to come to him for the stay of his family in Scotland and his own succour here, and promises to get intelligence of the affairs of that realm. He is to be gently entertained and such friends as he shall name assured to come and go; and, albeit (the King having so good opinion of him) he will doubtless proceed frankly, Wharton is to have a special eye to his proceedings.|
|Draft corrected by Petre, pp. 3. Endd.: M. to the lord Wharton, the iiijth of November 1544.|
|4 Nov.||548. The Privy Council to Shrewsbury.|
|Ib.||Bearer, the laird of Tulibarne, being licensed to repair to Carlisle for a season, as he will declare, is commended to him and shall be suffered to pass quietly and furnished with post horses.|
|ii. Names subscribed, viz., Henry Montney, Henry Sherwood, Ric. Close, William Smyth.|
|Draft corrected by Petre, p. 1. Endd.: M. to therle of Shrewesbury, iiijo Novembris 1544.|
|4 Nov.||549. The Privy Council to Sir Thomas Seymour.|
|R.O.||Where the King appointed such of his navy to remain continually upon the Narrow Seas as was signified to you before your departing, his Majesty has since resolved to have the ships hereunder written (with their numbers and captains) to keep the Narrow Seas continually between Rye, Bulleyn, Dovour, Calyce and the Downes. Having accomplished the things in the first part of the memorial delivered to you, for wafting the victuals and annoying the enemies; when you pass to Portysmowth you shall take order for the ships hereunder written to remain together upon the Narrow Seas under the rule of Mr. Carye, whom his Majesty has appointed vice- admiral of that navy. "Which order, as his Majesty hath fully resolved upon for sundry causes of great importance, his Highness' pleasure is that you shall see the same in all things observed accordingly, endeavouring yourselves, everyche of you, to lose no time, but by all ways and means employ yourselves to th'annoyance of th'enemies to th'uttermost, with such resp[ect] to your own safeguard as appertaineth."|
|Draft by Petre, p. 1. Endd.: M. to Sir Thomas Seymour, iiijo Novembris 1544.|
|4 Nov.||550. Cables, Oars and Masts.|
5,752, f. 31.
|Indenture of receipt, 4 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII., by Ric. Howlet, of Depford Strond, Kent, from Wm. Watson, of London, the King's merchant for Dansik, at the King's storehouse at Depford Strand, by desire of Wm. Gonson, late keeper of the same storehouse, and of Benjamin Gonson, his son, of 162 "cabulles and cabulletes" of divers sorts and 431 hawsers and warpes (weight given), 479 boats' oars, and 100 masts. Signed by Howlet.|
|P. 1. Sealed.|
Pt. i., 181.]
|2. Ships' rigging and stores received from Dantzig, delivered to Master Gonson.|
|A Roll, 6 feet long.|
Pt. i , 224.]
|3. Inventory of the goods of Will. Gonson, deceased.|
|4 Nov.||551. Wymounde Carew to Ant. Bourchier.|
|R.O.||Receiving your letters concerning the office of the Queen's auditorship, I desired Mr. Chancellor (fn. n13) to address you his letters for the exercising of the same, who thought it not convenient that you should interrupt Kenyot, now being entered in the audit. I answered that by your being there the Queen should be no loser and the audit perchance sooner done; and so I advise you to be. To whom the fees should be due I doubt much because I never saw Twesuell's patent. Westm., 4 Nov.|
|P.S.— Mr. Baynton is not now here, "wherefore it were but folly to give him anything at this time."|
|P. 1. Add.: To, etc., Mr. Bowshere, auditor unto the Queen's Highness.|
|5 Nov.||552. The War.|
|Duplicament of the declaration of account of Sir Robert Dormer, vice-treasurer of the rearguard of the army against France (by warrant, recited, dated Westm., 4 May 36 Hen. VIII.) from 4 May 36 Hen. VIII. to 5 Nov. following, viz.:—|
|Charge: Received of Sir Richard Riche, high treasurer of the wars, by warrants of Lord Russell, lieutenant of the Rearward, 11 June, 22 July, 19 Aug., 2 and 29 Oct., 50,188l.; from Robert Pakenham and Richard Esquyers, masters of the victuals, by like warrant, 18 July, 10 Aug., 26 Sept., 7 and 10 Oct., 4,820l.; from John Dymocke and Thomas Locke, the King's factors at Anvarppe, 22 July, in dallers, crusadowes and crownes of the sun (amounts of each reduced from Flemish to sterling money) 5,250l.|
|Allowance: Disbursed for coats and conduct money to Dover, together with 20yds. of chamblet at 2s. 4d. for the coats of two trumpeters, 4,804l. 19s. 3d. Diets of Lord Russell at 100s. a day from 11 June to 3 Nov., and diets and wages of earls, lords, knights, gentlemen, soldiers etc., 38,488l. 3s. 10½d. Half diets of Maximilian countie of Burien, chief captain of the Almaines, at 100s. a day, from 23 May to 16 Sept. and the half wages of those under him (payments 1 and 15 Aug. and 12 and 16 Sept.), besides the like sums paid by the treasurer of the Vanguard under the Duke of Norfolk, and besides 400l. delivered in prest by Sir Thomas Palmer on 18 July, 3,540l. 0s. 6d. Wages of two captains at 3s. 4d., two petty captains at 20d. and 505 kernes at 6d., from 19 June to 16 July, under the conduct of Lord Power, 160l. 16s. Hire of wagons 3,118l. 16s. 8d. Despatch of divers posts 53s. Wages of French spies, at 9d. the day "either of them," between 11 June and 3 Nov., 30 days, 45s. Reward of one messenger sent to the Lady Regent of Flanders by Norfolk and the Lord Privy Seal 100s.|
|To Peter Johnson, mariner, for transport of certain men and stuff to Calleis, 56l. 11s. 4d. Conduct of gentlemen and soldiers homewards, 2,038l. 15s. l0d. Payments (specified) to John Cheney, treasurer of the ordnance, George Gower, appointed to retain lymoners and wagons, Sir Thomas Palmer, towards the entertainment of Maximilian countie de Buren (18 July, 400l.), and Sir Clement Harlestone, towards the entertainment of millers, bakers and other artificers in his office, 7,462l. Purchase of cart horses and charges of transport 141l. 11s. 8d. For accountant's own diets and necessary expenses of his office 196l., 108l. 14s., and 35l. 6s. Total 60,210l. 10s. 4½d.|
|And so remains 47l. 9s. 8½d.; whereunto is added for the price of 10 cart horses remaining alive of the 32 provided for conveying the treasure, 33s. 4d. each because "very bare and lean," the price of three hales (the fourth was burnt at Muttrell) very torn and "broken with weather" 16l. 18s. 4d. And so remains 80l. 16s. 4½d., of which accountant delivered 30 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII. to Sir Ric. Riche 40l. and owes 40l. 16s. 4½d.; whereof he begs 10l. towards expenses of himself and clerks at London in Jan., Feb. and March, 36 Hen. VIII. about the declaring of this account and has paid the residue to Sir Brian Tuke, treasurer of the chamber, 26 March 36 Hen. VIII., and so "ys quyte."|
|Paper roll of 11 pages written on the one side only.|
|5 Nov.||553. The Privy Council to Shrewsbury.|
32,656, f. 15.
ii., No. 353.
|[The King will have him with speed cause 30,000 or 40,000 boards to be sawn and transported to Bulleyn, and also 10 or 12 shiploads of timber of all sorts.] (fn. n14)|
|Understanding by his letter of the ——— (blank) that a great part of the walls of Barwyk is fallen down; as the time of the year serves not for building, the King requires him to take order for making ramparts and keeping watch with a greater number there. The enterprise to Coldingham which Sir George Bowes desires is to be committed to him if Shrewsbury and the Warden think it convenient. Robert Maxwell's suit that a servant of Angus's and another of his may come hither with letters from their masters is to be granted. As it appears by Lord Eure's letters that there is no commodity to be had by taking assurance with the inhabitants of the barony of Bonkell, the King remits the matter to Shrewsbury, thinking that, it it be so, they may remain as they are.|
|Draft in Petre's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: M. to therle of Shrewesbury, v° Novembris 1544.|
|5 Nov.||554. Shrewsbury and Others to the Council.|
32,656, f. 16
ii., No. 354.
|Enclose letters received from the Lord President with others to him from Mr. Lentall and Mr. Lacie, justices of the peace, showing how the Scots continue their malice to the annoyance of these coasts. Darneton, 5 Nov. 1544. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.|
|5 Nov.||555. Paget to Henry VIII.|
|R.O.||This day Mons. de Chapuys sent me the enclosed letter from De Curryers, in excuse of his departing without taking leave, with a message that he wished to communicate to [me] the Cardinal's parting speech to him (Chapuys). My lord of Suffolk and the rest of the Council thought it not amiss to hear him; and, at my coming, he began to tell me that he liked the honest answer "made this last day at our departing," and was glad the French commissioners and we brake off without contention. I said that the answer, like all our proceedings, was truly meant, for, as our adversaries had tried to make us believe that we had no cause to trust the Emperor, it was likely that they went about, by a colour of rhetoric, to have us say that we trusted him not (by saying "that they trusted th'Emperor, they durst stand to th'arbitrage of th'Emperor," and the like), and therefore it was answered that you had as much trust in the Emperor as one friend could have in another, and we doubted not but he would deal according to the amity and the treaties between you. Chapuys replied that the Emperor would never deceive you, and that necessity caused him to do as he did, as he (Chapuys) had told the Cardinal; for, when they came to take leave, the Cardinal, appointing the President to Mons. Darras, sat himself down by Chapuys and began to frame friendship, for old acquaintance in England, and say that Chapuys' credit with his master might be of service to his King, and spoke of Henry's great trust in Chapuys and the benefit of the peace to Christendom, "and still was in hand with Boloyn." At that point I said it was evident how they desired peace when they proceeded so wilfully and departed so suddenly without waiting till we had answer from our master. Chapuys said they were indeed wrong to be so hasty, knowing that till Hertford and Winchester returned from the Emperor no answer would come from England; and so he had told the Cardinal, adding that to brag of a General Council (whereof, indeed, he himself had never heard till then) "was things to make babes afraid behind the cloth," and knowing the magnanimity of the King and the hearts of his people, it was unwise, for it was far better to have gone into England, even without safe-conduct, and treated gently, and, if Boloyn could not be had, to have spoken of other things, for it was folly to seek Boloyn by force, reminding them how they formerly made peace leaving Tournay in the King's possession, which, although it could not be gotten by force, came afterwards, by means, well enough. Here Paget said that rather than lose Boloyn the whole realm would come and light for it; and "braved" a little. " 'By my troth', quoth he, 'I never thought but folly to speak now of Bullen, and so I told Mons. Darras.' 'And yet,' quoth I 'Mons. Darras methought leaned much that ways in all our talk at the first, when you were not present; yea, and I heard an inkling by a Frenchman' (I may tell it you, quoth I) 'that they count him in France their own, and not without cause.' 'Heard you so indeed?' (quoth he). 'Yea (quoth I) 'and that he had quelque chose promised him in passing through France.' " Whereat Chapuys laughed, and said he had indeed been promised 10,000 fr. a year but refused it (and Chapuys thought it was not meet that anyone meddling in the Emperor's affairs should take a pension of France) and that, finally, he told the Cardinal that, to obtain a good end, "they must rebate of their haultesse;" for, although the Emperor made peace with them, when far within their country, and with a reservation of his former amity with the King, he was now at home and "would do what he could to save both, and, if it could not be, he would save his honor in the first." Chapuys then went on to say that he had written his foolish opinion to the Emperor that it would be well to have a truce between Henry and France in the meantime; and he asked what Paget thought. Paget answered that the matter passed his capacity, but he would say his mind, like "the fool that shooteth his bolt," which was that either the Emperor and Henry should both be in peace or both in war, and, "as by our amity you have gotten Geldres and the restitution of divers your places, with hostages for the rest, so we might enjoy that we have won, with hostages for the rest." Chapuys said that the Emperor would keep the treaty. Paget said he believed it, and so it behoved the Emperor, both for the opinion of the world and the ancient amity of the English to his house ; and, as for truce, the time of year made half a truce. Chapuys said that was so, for their force consisted in horsemen who could not act without forage, and, besides, they had no money and would not, he thought, greatly stick at a truce. Paget said that, rather, as by force they were brought to agree with the Emperor they must by force be brought to agree with the King, and, as he supposed the Emperor would, before entering war, use all other means to make unity, so, failing that, he would do as the treaty binds and be enemy to enemy; for, even though the peace had been made for both, with the plain consent of both princes, if the French invaded one of them they would be thereby enemy to both. Chapuys said that was true, and that a special article of the peace provided that the treaty should have prerogative before all other treaties; things would improve, and, whereas Paget had wished him ambassador in England still, if only for half a year, he would for that half-year be Henry's ambassador with the Emperor and trusted that all things would come to good pass.|
|We then brake off this communication "and entered other familiar talk of his intent to pass the rest of his days at study in Lovain." As the Cardinal and they be thus gone, I thought it not well to relent one jot, but rather to hold the helm lest they should think we shrank for fear; whereas I think the Cardinal left for despair and because, seeing no comfort here, they would rather take their end at the Emperor's hands. I stuck to it the more because I knew not what answer my lords of Hertford and Winchester had obtained; and I could wish that if you do relent it should be as it were to gratify the Emperor, although he is bound enough already. Calais, 5 Nov., 5 p.m., 1544.|
|Draft in Paget's hand, pp. 7. Endd.: Minute. Mr. Secr. Mr. Paget to the Kinges Majestie, vo Novembr.|
|5 Nov.||556. Paget to Petre.|
|R.O.||After closing my letter to the King, written by consent of my lord and the rest here, your letter of the 3rd inst., dated at midnight, came to hand, with a letter, excusing its slack conveyance, from my lord Chamberlain. I will straight repair to my lords with it, and tomorrow we will write you an answer; howbeit you know we be few of Council for so important a matter. We talked together within this half-hour upon the matter of the truce, by occasion of my conference with the Ambassador, "and then mine shifting off th'answer touching the truce was liked." How it will be agreed upon further debate I cannot tell. I have taken order for the transporting of the King's mares, which should have gone ere this if hoys could have been gotten again. Calais, 5 Nov. 1544.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.|
|5 Nov.||567. J. de Montmorency [Sieur de Courrieres] to Paget.|
St. P., x. 221.
|Begs excuses to the duke of Siffort and the King's Council that he departs without taking leave of them. Had he seen any appearance of being able to do the King any service, he would not have grudged the pain of going to them, but he hopes to be of more use with the Emperor. Paget himself may always command him, and he hopes that they may meet again with more satisfaction, as he lives in hope that affairs will improve. Commendations to Mons. le Debitis.|
|"Sest de Gravelignes en Novembre ce ve, 'xliiij."|
|French. Hol., p. 1. Add.: a Callaix. Endd.: Demonmorency to Mr. Secretary Mr. Paget, Novembris 1544.|