Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 19 Part 2, August-December 1544. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.
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September 1544, 1-5
|1 Sept.||167. The Council with the Queen to the Council with the King.|
|R. O.||Send letters and advertisements, received within these two days, showing good exploits lately done upon the Scots. The Queen has written letters of thanks to the wardens for their diligence. Whereas "you, my lord Admiral," wrote to Waters to rig the Salamander to join the King's navy upon the Narrow Seas, that ship is in such decay that she cannot be ready for three weeks, and then could not serve above two months; and, as the Mynion and Prymerose, which were before appointed to waft the lead, are more ready the writers have ordered one of them to be sent forth. Maltbie, who had 1,000l. for provision of cheese and butter, has this day declared that all is expended and the provision sent to the camp. Because "you, my lord of Wynchester and my lord Chamberlain," advertised us that you could not have too much store of these, we have ordered another 1,000l. to be delivered to Maltbye. Oking, 1 Sept. Signed by Canterbury, Wriothesley, Westminster and Petre.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|1 Sept.||168. Henry VIII. to Charles V.|
St. P., x. 49.
|Thanks for letters received by bearer, the Sieur de Tourcoin. Hopes soon to advertise some effects of their enterprise against the enemy, as Tourcoin can relate. Camp before Boulloign, 1 Sept. 1544.|
|French, broadsheet, p. 1. Draft subscribed Jo. Masson, add. and endd.|
|*** A modern abstract in Spanish Calendar, VII., No. 191, from the original letter, at Vienna, which, when despatched, was dated 2 Sept. 1544.|
|1 Sept||169. Vaughan and Others to Paget.|
|R. O.||After writing the other letter sent by this bearer we accounted with the company of Bonvyce here, "and, as we have always found them worse than devils in their consciences, so would they rebate us for the 100,000 crowns that they credited us for a ½ in the 100 for factorage." This makes 500 cr., which "they swear and stare that they will have for factorage." What with bills making, days of payment, interest, factorage, and other troubles, this is the most painful business in which Vaughan ever served the King. Will write to my lord Chancellor to speak with the Bonvyce in England of this matter. They will not begin to pay until they have our bill of receipt, and then they rebate at their pleasure; and the rest will do as they do. A great part of what they lent came out of their own coffers, and, not content with 14 per cent, interest, they would have ½ per cent, for factorage of their own money! Andwerp, 1 Sept. 1544. Signed: S. Vaughan: John Dymmok: Thomas Lok.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.|
|1 Sept||170. Vaughan to Paget.|
|R. O.||Is instantly desired by certain worshipful merchants of this town to sue for one Octavian who, after long imprisonment and threatenings of torture, has purged himself of a matter laid to his charge, "for going lately into France," and is confessed guiltless by his adversary (who is executed); and the Queen has given him a letter for his release and the restoration of his goods. He desires to repair to the King's camp, to show himself cleared of his troubles and for matters of merchandise; and also to repair into the King's realm, as he was wont. Begs Paget to have him so recommended that the merchants here may know that by the writer's means their friend receives favour. Andwerp, 1 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.|
|1 Sept.||171. Vaughan to Paget.|
|R. O.||Whereas you lately wrote to Mr. Damsell for the speedy sending of gunpowder to the camp, no more is to be had here than Damsell had already bought. When you send for gunpowder it were good to send wagons to carry it, for here are none. I will put all ready to depart with the residue of the King's money, but it will be 14 days ere I shall have received Bartilmeu Campeigne's money and ordered all other things. God send you health and good luck with Bulleyn. Andwerp, 1 Sept.|
|Hol., p.1. Add. Endd.:1544.|
|2 Sept.||172. The Queen to Lords Evers and Wharton.|
32,655. f. 168.
ii., No. 315.
|Being appointed Regent of this realm in the King's absence, and understanding from Shrewsbury your diligent service done in the office committed to you, both for defence of the Borders and chastising of the King's enemies, we give you hearty thanks and require you to give the like in our name to the captains and gentlemen who have served you. Requiring you to continue your diligence, especially "now in the time of their harvest, so as their corn may be wasted as much as may be."|
|Draft by Petre, pp. 2. Endd.: M. to the lordes [wardens] of th'Est and West Marches, from the Quene, ij° Septembris 1544.|
|*** On the back is the commencement of a letter (from Petre to Shrewsbury?) as follows:—"My duty remembered, it may like your good Lordship to be advertised that this bearer, my lord of Fyve, this afternoon, with often suits was att"|
|2 Sept.||173. Shrewsbury and Others to the Queen.|
32,655, f. 166.
ii., No. 314.
|Enclose letters of such intelligences as the Wardens have out of Scotland. If it be true that Glencarn has so much forgotten his promise and duty to the King (which the writers cannot yet fully believe) it is a testimony of the Scots' falsehood, of which the King has lately had too much experience. Remind her that no money is left and no shift can be made here for any, as Mr. Uvedale has taken and paid away the sums which Brandeling and Anderson made of the King's victuals, and which Lewen of Newcastle received for the King's bows and arrows sold to the last army; so that little or nothing remains towards next pay, which begins on the 23rd inst. Darneton, 2 Sept. 1544. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.|
|Pp. 2. Add. Endd.|
|2 Sept.||174. Hertford to the Council with the Queen.|
|R. O.||"[My Lords, wh]ereas I wraght unto yor lordshippes in mi layte letares that I trustid the Kynges Mate shuld. have Bulleyn bi Munday last att the fard[est] . . . . . you shall undarstand that bi [reson of moche f]owlle wethers that felle here and allso [our] lak off powdar hath causid the tyme to be defarid, the which I assur you in mi jugment and . . . in others, it canot be long after the cuming of the powdar the which I trust shalbe here wt in towe dayes. We have all redi wonne the bray of the castell, which [is of] gret imp[or]tan[ce] and of such strenght that yf they had binne mene, a hundret in it were abull to akept it a go[od] while. The Kynges Mate hath stayde me here to bring the Quenis Highnes good newis of this towne, the which I pray you to schow her Grace; and allso that, thankes be to God, his Highnes is mery and in a good helth as I have have (sic) senne his Gras att eny tyme this vij ye[re]. This wt mi right harte comendacions I bede yor lordeshipis most hartely [fare]well. Fro the Kynges Mates campe before Bullen the second [day of September]. Yor lordshipis assurid frend, E. Hertford."|
|Hol., p. 1. Very faded and gall-stained. Add.: attendant upon the Quenes Grace, Regente generall of England in the Kynges Mates absence. Endd: 1544.|
|175. Francis I. and Henry VIII.|
|Ribier, i. 572||"Instructions a Mrs. les Cardinal du Bellay, Mareschal de Biez, Mres. Pierre Remond, premier president au Parlement de Rouen, et Claude de l'Aubespine, secretaire des finances du Roy, de ce qu'ils auront a faire avec le roy d'Angleterre ou ses deputez pour le fait de la paix d'entre le Roy et luy."|
|After cordial and fraternal recommendations, they shall tell of the King's desire for a good and sure peace, and say that they are empowered to treat and conclude therein. After hearing what the King of England will demand they shall say that the amity between the princes was well begun, especially at the time when the King was prisoner, and that, to shorten this negociation, the best way would be to remit things to the state in which they were before this last war, without going into new disputes; adding that the King is content to pay the arrears at reasonable terms. They shall do all they can to get an agreement that the "said pension" may be paid and continued according to the preceding treaties and the arrears at 30,000 cr., 40,000 cr., or at most 50,000 cr. a year, without consenting to pay any ready money, considering the King's present expenses. They may agree to a payment of as much as 100,000 cr. of the said arrears by next Easter. If the English press for damages because of the war, it shall be pointed out that the King never thought to give occasion of rupture, having always offered to maintain the treaties, and that the King of England has done great hurt in his country, for which he ought rather to be recompensed. But, rather than break off, the King will agree to 200,000 cr. or 300,000 cr. damages payable in yearly instalments of 30,000 cr. or 40,000 cr. commencing after the last payment of the said arrears, "et sera ce point la quittance dont a parlé le Sr de S. Martin." In proof of good faith, he is content to send, and the Deputies shall promise, four good personages, to be renewed yearly, provided that the King of England forthwith withdraw his army and levy his sieges of Boulongne and Monstreuil. After the conclusion hereupon the Deputies shall name and present the marquis de Rhótelin, who is prince of the blood, the comte de Vertus, the sieur de Roye, the vidame de Amiens, the sieur de l'Estrange, the sieur de Guemenay, the Comte de Villars, the Sieur de La Palice, the vicomte de Turennes and the Sieur de Taillebourg, brother of the Sieur de la Tremouille, four of whom may be chosen. If the matter of the Scots is mentioned, the Deputies shall promise that the King will stop the war between England and the Scots and that they shall enter the said treaty. But as for the fortress of Ardres, it is not to be touched, the King having so often said that he will not part with a single inch of the lands of his patrimony.|
|If the negotiation (pourparlé) with the Emperor is mentioned, they may tell how it stands, and that the commencement was due to language used by the Emperor to certain French gentlemen, prisoners in his camp; and if the Sieur de S. Martin had arrived with the King before the departure of the Admiral and his colleagues, the King would no less willingly have sent them to the King of England, for, having no necessity to treat with either, affection for the King of England would have induced him to seek that King rather than the Emperor. The King of England is to know that the King would not consent that his said deputies should go to the Emperor's camp, but treat at some intermediate place, whereas with England he used no ceremony in order to show the world his esteem for the King of England and appreciation of his friendship. As to the King's differences with the Emperor, he will be content, if necessary, "de traiter avec ledit Roy d'Angleterre, a la charge qu'apres les traitez faits et respectivement. d'une part et d'autre, quant aux choses qui gisent en prompte execution; et quant aux autres, apres les seuretez baillées respectivement du reste dudit accomplissement"; and even now he consents that the King of England shall be arbiter of all his demands and of all that the Emperor may demand of him since this last war. If an interview (entrehas) is spoken of, it shall be said that the King much desires it, but, being here in camp so near his enemy the Emperor, he cannot honorably abandon his said camp.|
|The Deputies may make promises of money to such as seem to have influence in this business, especially to secretary Paget.|
|2 Sept.||176. Norfolk to the Council with the King.|
|"Monsr de Bewers with his band and my son of Surrey, my lord of Sussex, my lord Mount Joye, my brother William, my lord Latymer, Mr. Treasurer and all the rest of the noblemen whom I sent forth upon Saturday (fn. n1) at 10 at night" returned this night at 7 p.m., having burnt the walled towns of Saynt Riker and Riew and the faubourgs of Abbevyle on this side, where the English horsemen had a hot skirmish. They of Crotey, expecting a siege of their castle, burnt their own town. Our men brought away a great booty of cattle, and the noblemen and gentlemen kept their footmen in such order that they borrowed nothing of the Burgonyons. Such an "excourse" has not been made since these wars began.|
|The Cardinal of Bellay might well see what was done. Asks whether at his coming to "give him the over hand" or take it upon himself, as the King's Lieutenant. The man is glorious; but Norfolk can suffer that if it be the King's pleasure.|
|In his own hand.—God send his Majesty his pleasure of Boleyne, the fear of which makes the Frenchmen speak more gently than they mean. "From this camp at ten at night." Signed.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.: 3 (fn. n2) Sept. 1544.|
|2 Sept.||177. The Queen of Hungary to De Courrieres and Chapuys.|
|The English ambassador here resident, being with her the day before yesterday, said that his master desired provision made here of 100 lasts of powder, and that she should despatch commission to the person charged therewith to obtain that powder at the Emperor's price, and grant him a good quantity of wagons to convey it to the King's camp; moreover, that she should deliver from prison one Jehan de Salerno, Italian, whom the King intended to use in certain affairs. Finding the powder excessive, viz. 1,200 barrels, each of about 300lbs., she caused him to be shown yesterday that the King's last demand was only for 40 lasts, which still was a great deal (questoit encoires beaucoup), and she doubts that it will be ill to get here; however, because he persisted for the 100 lasts, she has been content to grant it; but, as for decreeing commission for the King's clerk, it was not the custom, even for the Emperor's provision, the bargain must be made with the merchants, but she would charge the receiver of the Emperor's artillery to go with the King's servants and assist them; and as for the wagons it was impossible to get them, considering the excessive quantity levied as well for the Emperor's camp as the King's, and that, daily, others had to be levied to furnish the Emperor's camp, for the sending of money, beer (brasserie) and other necessaries; and that there was much better commodity of sending the powder by sea; if wagons could be had she would not hinder it but give every assistance, and that she could not be pressed beyond what was possible.|
|At first the Ambassador did not seem very well satisfied, and let out that if the King could not have what he needed he must raise his camp, since from his own realm he could not obtain it. Finds this language troublesome, indicating that upon any want at the King's camp he would raise it and make her his excuse; and she requires them, very instantly, to speak of it to the King, moderately, and make him understand that she has given every assistance possible to his affairs, and is still ready to do so; in proof of which she has charged the said receiver of artillery to assist his men in obtaining powder and transport for it, either by ships or wagons. Prays them to make every good endeavour in this, and advertise her fully of the issue.|
|Has been content for the King's sake to release Jehan de Salerno, to go to the King, as they shall likewise advertise him. Bruxelles, 2 Sept. 1544.|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original minute at Vienna, pp. 2. Original subscribed: A messrs les ambassadeurs de l'Empereur devers le roy de Engleterre. Headed with note that a copy was sent to the Emperor, 4 Sept. 1544.|
|2 Sept.||178. Vaughan to Paget.|
|R. O.||There is no gunpowder to be had in all these quarters unless the King will tarry the making thereof; and, if Mr. Damsell is to have charge to buy any hereafter, we must leave him money, being commanded to bring what we have to the camp. We appointed Damsell lately to receive 5,000l. to pay for what he has already bought, and cannot leave him money for more until we know whether the King will tarry the making of it; but I could come and leave the rest of the money in the hands of Dymock and Locke to bring after. Desires instruction by bearer whom Damsell sends. Longs to hear of the winning of Bulleyn. "Men say here, ye are afraid to give assault to Bulleyn, and that the town was easier to win at your first coming to it than now." Andwerp, 2 Sept. 1544.|
|P.S.—"It is a great cost to carry gunpowder by land; it were far better to send it by water, and would be sooner there."|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.|
|2 Sept.||179. Henry VIII. to Charles V.|
|See No. 168.|
|Sept.||180. Henry VIII. to Wotton.|
St. P., x. 50.
|Received his letters by Nicholas the courier, showing his proceedings with the Emperor, the Viceroy and Granvele to obtain the Emperor's demands signed and set forth "by degrees," the better thereby to proceed with the French king for the Emperor's advantage. Has also received his letters of the 25th ult. Whereas they promised that the Emperor's ambassadors resident here should sign and deliver the articles of the Emperor's demands, the said ambassadors have presented articles (but not signed nor in degrees) so far beyond the limits of the treaty as to indicate that the Emperor will not fall to any reasonable composition, or at least that Henry should not have the handling of it. The treaty goes no further than that the Emperor may have the duchy of Burgundy and certain towns in Picardy; whereas the articles delivered by the ambassadors require that the Emperor, the Empire, the King of Romans, the states of Italy, the commonalty of Senes, may have restitution of damages by the war, that the duke of Savoy may be restored to all that the French king holds of his, both of this side and beyond the Mountains, that the treaties of Cambray and Madril be performed, that the duchy of Burgundy and viscounty of Aussone be restored to the Emperor, with all profits since the French king first possessed them, that Estenay be delivered and all places taken since the beginning of the war restored with interests. Which demands, if the Emperor stick to them when the Admiral comes, the French king could not perform. The above is not to be declared unless Henry's demands are first found fault with as too extreme, and in that case Wotton shall show that his demands are according to the treaty, whereas a great part of theirs are not therein contained. Encloses his own demands, to be presented first without signature, and then, if required, signed, as if done without commission and upon condition of receiving a copy of the articles which they sent hither; for this course the ambassadors here used, as may be noted to Granvelle and the Viceroy who promised otherwise.|
|The French king, following his suit for peace, has required safe conduct for ambassadors who are already at Abeville, viz. "the cardinal of Bellay, the premier president of Roan, the High Treasurer of all the finances of France, the Premier Secretary, and the captain of the Daulphyn's guard, who is also gentleman of his privy chamber." Has not yet sent their safeconduct, not knowing the number they would bring nor the place whereto they should resort. For the place, has appointed Hardelow castle, which he has lately won, five miles hence towards Mutterell, and will send certain of his Council thither to hear them.|
|Draft corrected by Paget, pp. 10. Endd: Mynute from the K's Mate to Mr Wootton-––––(blank) Septemb. 1544.|
|R. O.||2. [Enclosure in the above].|
|St. P., x.52||Whereas the Emperor, for the sake of Christendom and at the instance made on the French king's behalf by Admiral D'Annebault and the bailiff of Digeon, has given them safe conduct to treat of peace, with protestation that the King do the semblable and that the French king offer means agreeable to both, and has desired his ambassadors to learn the King's intention, the King declares it as follows:—|
|He is content, like the Emperor, to treat of peace, and therefore:—1. Whereas the realm of France, Normandy, Aquytany and Guienne belong to his inheritance, but, for the sake of peace, he has, for the forbearing of that right, accepted from the French king a pension of about 100,000 cr., which has been withheld nearly eleven years, he requires that all the arrears be paid to him out of hand, together with such sums as he has been forced to defray for the recovery of his right and also for the wars in Scotland procured by the French king. 2. He requires to have restored to him the realm of France and the duchies of Normandy, Aquitaine and Guienne.|
|He makes no mention of the Emperor's claims against the French king because they have been already presented to him (Henry) by the ambassadors Chappuis and De Courrieres.|
|Has no doubt but that the Emperor will think these demands reasonable, as they are no more than is expressed in the treaty between them.|
|Draft, pp. 7. Endd.: Mynute of the Kinges demaundes sent to th'Emperor.|
|3. Another copy of § 2 from the Vienna Archives.|
|Modern transcript, pp. 3.|
|R. O.||4. Modern copy of § 2.|
|3 Sept.||181. Chapuys and De Courrieres to Charles V.|
|On the 18th ult. the Sieur de Tourquan arrived here; and next day they went with him to the King, who received him politely, and showed pleasure and satisfaction at the letters, the news, and the good health of the Emperor, and took well the capitulation of St. Disier, especially for the considerations expressed in the Emperor's letters to the Queen of Hungary. The King was also pleased to hear that the Emperor had been very glad of the good hope (of which they had written) of shortly taking this town and Montreul, and said that some good exploit would soon be seen therein, since his men had already got close to the wall, and much closer to those within, who were seeking to advance beyond the wall (et qui dailleurs ilz approuchoient de beaulcoup plus pres deulx de dedens vueillans estre avancees oultre de la muraille). On their saying, in pursuance of the theme, that it was important to accelerate it for fear of some sickness of his men, or revictualment or succour, he answered that there was little fear of revictualment or succour, because all the enemy's men in this quarter had marched against the Emperor; and thus gave an opening to represent to him that all the burden of the war was falling on the Emperor, who, in trust that his men would march into France, had put himself in his present hazardous position; and that it would be good to march some part of his men towards Abbeville and thereabouts. He answered (conformably to what they have already written) that he had still need of many men, especially to surround Monstreul, and that there was little appearance that the King of France would give the Emperor battle, knowing him to be so well provided with men; that Landemberg's 4,000 footmen had come to him very opportunely, and the garrisons which, the writers had said, occupied many of his men, as Longny and Commercy, were all called in; and that the places occupied from the French (even though they had a mind to give battle) were not so very strong as was said, and the Swiss were refusing to march. (fn. n3) Seeing their remonstrances so unprofitable, the writers made no other instance therein.|
|After that and other conversation (propos), as the King made no mention of Frameselle, who was arrived at the camp of Monstreul, the writers asked if there was any news of him, since the term of 20 days granted for his return was approaching. The King said that Frameselle was arrived at the said camp, where he had caused him to sojourn until he had news from the Emperor; and that Frameselle had forged a copy of a letter purporting to be written by the Sieur de Sainct Martin, by which it was expresssed that the King had used language to Sainct Martin upon the affair of the amity; and that he had sent Sainct Martin (who denied writing anything) thither to be confronted with Frameselle. The King has since told them that Frameselle would not maintain that it had been written by Sainct Martin, laying all the blame on the copyist; and the King seemed very dissatisfied and annoyed with Frameselle, as well for that as for having affirmed that the said King (i.e. of France (fn. n4)) has never caused the Emperor to be solicited for peace and amity and never would, whereas he knew the opposite, both from his ambassador resident with the Emperor and from Chapuys. The King added another occasion for his dissatisfaction, which has since proved unfounded, viz., that he thought that Frameselle's wife had gone out of this town before the siege and that the suit made for her should be some intelligence with those within.|
|On the 27th ult. received the the Emperor's letters of the 18th, together with the articles concerning his intention upon the affair of the peace, and next day were with the King. In delivering the articles, added to the justification written in the Emperor's letters what seemed suitable to to accelerate affairs, especially requesting him to reciprocally [certify] the Emperor of his final intention, because at the coming of the Admiral of France affairs might be smoothed (degrosser), besides that their union and amity would be much better known by the Emperor's speaking particularly of the King's intention than only holding general language. This he took well, saying that it was right and he would at once see to it, and from that and other language it seemed that he took it well that the Emperor should learn what the French would say, with the respect and confidence accustomed, avowing expressly what he formerly said to the writers, viz., that each party would do well to scent out what the enemy wished to say. Are very sure, whatever countenance he kept, that he resented the French sending such a personage to the Emperor, of another quality than those sent to him, although he consoled himself (s'en desenuoit) somewhat by saying that the Admiral was not a man of wit for treating such matters, and the Cardinal of Lorraine held no credit with the King of France. He said nothing of the coming of the Sier de Ryou to the camp at Monstreul, nor of a servant of a gentleman named Monsr. de la Vigne who, two days before, had brought him a letter from his said master. On representing to him that as good, or better, regard must be had to the assurance and observance of the things treated as to the principal points, the French being so subtle and malicious that they would promise all that could be asked in order to escape from their present necessity, so long as the observance was at their will (as they had done several times upon less occasion, and as the Emperor had proved) he answered that he knew it too well, and, were it not for the sake of Christendom, he had no desire to treat with the French, for the little trust he has in them; and he was certain, as they said, that the French were trying for nothing more than to put suspicion between the Emperor and him for that end, thinking that the third would pay the debts (les det) first and the other afterwards would pay his share of them, and they (the writers) might believe that he was not so witless as not to have good regard to that. On his speaking of hostages as security, they put forward the inconveniences which might ensure therefrom, especially in the event of their death. He said that there was no way of obtaining, from the French, towns or places for assurance; and he thought if that point were insisted on, nothing would be done. On their reminding him, finally, how important was the brief resolution upon the said affairs of peace, he answered that it was the French rather than the Emperor or himself, who ought to move, for the longer they waited the less profit would they make of it, inasmuch as the Emperor's continued success and his taking of this town and Monstreul would make their bargain much dearer.|
|Did not think it well to mention what the Emperor had written, viz., that this affair of peace might be negociated before him, or that each should busy himself to find out the enemy's intention with regard to his own claims. But, on the morrow, they invited Secretary Paiget to come to them and, as of themselves, made to him the representations which seemed fitting upon these points; to which he only answered that he would report to the Council and afterwards to the King, and procure an early answer. The said Secretary, the evening before, sent them the articles which they had presented, with a request from the King that they would sign them, as his ambassador wrote that Don Fernando de Gonsague and Grantvelle gave him to understand that they would do so. Excused themselves, as having no advice from the Emperor or the said lords to do it; but as the Secretary prayed for it again more earnestly, showing their ambassador's letter, they agreed, and he promised that their ambassador would do thus with the articles to be presented to the Emperor on the King's behalf, and that the writers should have a copy of them. The Secretary said that the King liked the Emperor's articles, although it seemed that they had not been made as the King asked, namely in degrees, to the end that one might descend from one to the other according to the exigence of the case; to which they answered that the articles seemed to them to be the least to which the Emperor could condescend.|
|Have never since ceased daily to solicit resolution; but the Council saying that the thing is important, and that, because of occurrents here, they could not so often assemble, it has been impossible to obtain answer until yesterday; and the writers think that it has been retarded at least two days by the receipt, on Sunday last (fn. n5), of letters written by the King of France's own hand, praying safe-conduct for the Cardinal of Paris, the premier president of Rouen, the premier general of France, his premier secretaire and a gentleman of his chamber, captain of the Daulphin's guard, who would soon be at Abbeville, to proceed to Calais, Guisnes or elsewhere as this King should think good, as the King [said], the same day, to De Courrieres, meeting him by chance on the road; and, by the King's manner, it seemed that he was not only joyous but vain of the said news, for his reputation (on which he stands much) and for counterpoise to the French embassy which was prepared to be sent to the Emperor.|
|Yesterday morning, sending to Secretary Paget to learn the said resolution and ask audience for Tourquoins taking leave, the Secretary sent word that he thought there was no need for them to wait on the King with Tourquoin, whose charge required no communication; but, on their afterwards sending to say that the King had assured them they should have the resolution before Tourquoin's departure, he sent back notice that they might choose whether to speak to the King or the Council. It seemed best to go to the King, in order to abridge affairs and to understand him exactly, as well by the answer as by other signs and language; and thus, after dinner, they were with the King, and, for an opening, presented the Queen of Hungary's letters containing the excuse of the 40 lasts of powder which he had demanded, with which excuse he was greatly satisfied, especially as the Queen offered all possible assistance for the getting of all that could be got in private hands. That subject finished, the King thought to have finished with them, either not remembering for what matter they chiefly went to him, or feigning to do so in order to get rid of it; seeing which, they began to say that he knew well how important it was to the Emperor to know resolutely his intention both as to the peace and the war, in view, especially, of the great charge which the Emperor sustained, who was far into the country and needed to be warned early (whereas he was here, as it were, in his own house and in a place where he might depart and sojourn at his pleasure), and that, as they had several times told him already, in war or in peace diligence and opportunity were all-important, and that he saw well that if affairs proceeded as slowly as they had begun they would never end; and therefore they prayed him to say what means there was to abridge this. And upon his answering that he for his part knew not, they proposed, as of themselves, that (since the Emperor was so near to the King, and so much sought by the said King for the peace), if he liked, the Emperor would not refuse to take the affair in hand, having as much, and more, respect to his claim as to his own, and that, even though the commodity of the King's nearness were on this side, they knew not well how the Emperor could condescend to the thing proceeding here (que la chose fut demenee icy), chiefly because the Emperor was bound to preserve the rights of the King of the Romans, the Holy Empire, Mons. de Savoye, and the republic of Sennes, all of whom had ambassadors with his Majesty, who, if affairs proceeded there, could well satisfy them with much less than he would do in remitting the affairs to another.|
|The King answered to the preamble that as to the cost, his was greater than the Emperor's; but on their replying, especially about that of Italy which was made against the same enemy, he spoke no further of it. As to the rest, he said that there was no need to think so carefully of the retreat, nor to speak of it, nor to trouble oneself for the abridgment of this treaty in question, of which the French would have the worse bargain the more they deferred it (as is noticed above): and that he was astonished that he should be spoken to about what pertained to other people than the Emperor, whom he would not consider well advised if he refrained on that account from treating with the French in case they were willing to come to reason in what concerned the Emperor and him; and that, as to the advantage (commodité) of the Emperor's treating matters, there was very little appearance of it, for, although they said that the Emperor was sought and importuned to listen to peace, his Majesty hitherto had no letters of the said King to show, nor offer of importance to speak of, indicating desire to treat, and that it is doubtful whether the Admiral of France goes thither (? et que il ne scayt question que ledit Admiral de France y alle), who having received the Emperors safe-conduct had sent a secretary to excuse him, with the overture of one of the marriages (parties) in question, the secretary saying, however, that on the Admiral's coming it might be that he would make overture of the others. And, as to the Emperor's articles, the King said that they were much too excessive, and there was little appearance of effecting anything upon them, but that, in conformity, he had made others to send to the Emperor which were no less exorbitant, though they were really more consonant with the tenor of the treaty than the Emperor's. Hereupon they made some representations in justification of the Emperor's articles, praying him to declare wherein they did not conform with the said treaty. This he would not answer, saying that by comparing them with the treaty the Emperor would find them very dissonant; and thus precluded occasion of longer dispute. And as to letters, [they continued,] if the Emperor had been willing to receive them from the said King he would have had an infinite number; but to have such as he (Henry) had received, it was very much better to do without them, and, as to offers, it was again the Emperor who would not listen to any; and that if, perchance, the sending of the Admiral was interrupted, the reproach which the King had made to Frameselle (for giving him to understand that the King of France was not seeking the Emperor) might be partly the cause, and the certainty of it would soon be known.|
|That done, the writers began to speak, as of themselves, of the other overture, viz. that each should seek out how far the enemy might be brought in his direction, with the correspondence, communication and confidence required by the said treaty [of] closer amity and the apparent perpetual fraternity between the Emperor and him. The King answered that that was well understood, that each should do his best to spy out as above, and that, notwithstanding, the sooner to come to some good effect, it would be expedient that the Emperor should have some person here absolutely instructed and fully empowered to conclude affairs when opportunity offered, and for himself he would instruct and empower his ambassador resident with the Emperor. And, though they said that ambassadors would neither be so fervent nor so tractable, as they would take occasion of any obscurity (considering that what was not done in one place would be done in the other) to rid themselves of it, he maintained the contrary, and said that it would not become good men to act thus.|
|On the King's magnifying (mainfiant qu. magnifiant?) the number and quality of the aforesaid persons who should come to him on the French king's part, as if taking it to his great reputation and glory, the writers said that his honour was so great already that even if the King himself came it could not be increased, and that it might be said of them, "si ce que disoit lautre," that ' if they come for enemies they were too few, if for ambassadors too many'; and that, to proceed secretly and truly, there needed not so many men, for truth persuades of itself, but to practise and lull people to sleep everything was useful (? tost estoit dobsoing qu. tout estoit de besoing?). The King took in good part what was said about his honour and glory; and as to the rest answered that he would guard himself well from their tricks and wiles (ruses et finesses). Pray God that it may be so, but are doubtful; for he seems already to give them credit in many little things. He did not tell the writers whether he had already despatched the safe-conduct or where the meeting was to be; but one of his people has let them know that the place of assembly was first named at Ardelot castle, halfway between this and Montreul, but that the King had since given charge to seek some place nearer here; and that the safe-conduct had not yet been despatched because the Council wished first to advise the conforming respectively to the time and number of horses which the Emperor was according to the Admiral of France. Would not, after the commencement, speak to the King touching the marching forward of his men, considering what he had already answered, as will have been seen by their last; but took the expedient of representing it to Secretary Paget, very expressly, the aforesaid morning that he came to them, showing him the contents of the first treaty and the second (of Don Fernande with him and others of the Council) and that he had proposed to the Emperor at Speire to march forward 30,000 men and meanwhile prepare the rest to be employed in the great hurt of the enemy. These representations were so well taken that the King at once ordered Mons. de Buren, with his band of foot and horse and some artillery to march towards Aubeville to harass and damage the enemies (pour fascher et a donna, car les ennemys qu. pour fascher et endommager les ennemys?). And, for that cause, they did not think fit yesterday to make other instance to the King for it.|
|The Duke of Alberquerque was greatly pleased to receive the Emperor's letters and will certainly do his utmost for the Emperor's service, being grieved that affairs here do not advance better; and he is so annoyed with the slowness and coldness of the procedure here that each day seems to him a year, for his desire to return to Spain, as he will do as soon as this expedition finishes one way or another. Sent the letters to Mons. de Bueren; and, as he is absent, the letters will serve for the future, especially if the practices continue.|
|Will not weary the Emperor with particulars of this siege, which will be much better learnt from the Sieur de Tourquoin, who has been very careful and curious to see and hear all affairs. The chiefs who are before Monstreul, especially Norfolk and the Privy Seal, who have been here divers days, despair of a good issue there unless the King sends more men, so as to surround the whole town and close one of the gates which hitherto has been free. (fn. n6) However, some days ago they entered upon great scarcity of flesh and have eaten what horseflesh they have, as two men who came out have reported; and they begin also already to need wheat, as has been learnt by the decipher of a letter which Mons. de Biefz wrote to the King of France, to the effect that the English seemed to trust more to taking him and (en qu. e?) the company by the mouth (bee) than by the hands, wherefore he begged that grain and other victuals might be sent to him by the means which the bearer would tell;—which bearer, by mishap or the indiscretion of those who met him, was slain, so that nothing could be learnt from him. The Sieur de Tourquoin and the writers have pressed for his (Tourquoin's) immediate despatch, but the King has kept him from day to day, praying him to wait, as there was hope of sending by him some good news, which they think was the hope of taking this town, "et est inspire du premier terme quil avoit donne, nous pria quil attendit, sinon pour aultre, que du moins pour emporter ce present despesche." A little after their return from the King, he sent them the copy of the articles he was sending to his ambassador; which there was no need for his pronouncing exorbitant (as above), for it was self evident. The articles were sent in English and, as interpreted to the writers, the narrative was different, and as it were contrary, to that of the Emperor's articles. Asked to have it in French, but it has not yet been brought.|
|The Emperor's incredible and inestimable wisdom can judge of the King's intention by the above discourse, and the writers might be excused giving their poor and imbecile advice; however, to obey him, they will say that the King has no other intention, principally, than to win this town, which, as he formerly told them and has again reminded them, is much more important to him than Paris, and which he considers his, devising already to build within and without it forts and pleasure houses; and it is to be doubted that, having obtained it, he will not care to march further, unless he should have great hope of immediately carrying Monstreul, in which case he would make that enterprise, not in order to keep it but to make better conditions. For, as he spends money unwillingly and finds himself ill furnished, he will not wish to put himself to greater expense for the fortification and keeping of them. Think that, having conquered this town, he will very willingly listen to peace, and more lightly than would be convenient for the surety of it, especially upon the coming of such talkers as will not fail by word and present to gain and suborn those about him. Will use their utmost care therein, and think that if the Emperor ever had desire to give pension to any of these men, it will soon be the proper time. Beg him to see to it and also to gratifying the King as regards the sending of the power which he asks for them, which they will use exactly as the Emperor shall command.|
|As they finished writing the above, the Council sent them the aforesaid articles in English, excusing the translation of them forasmuch as they are sent in the same language to their ambassador to put them into French, and, if translated here, even though the the substance might be one the words of the two translators might differ, which would not sound well. As to the preamble the writers have not asked them to alter it (ne leur avons semble y riens changer) as it is unimportant and the King would have to be consulted, which would delay this despatch too much. From the camp before Bologne, 3 Sept. 1544.|
|Fr. Modern transcript of the original (in cipher) at Vienna, pp. 16.|
|3 Sept.||182. Norfolk to Suffolk.|
St. P., x. 49.
|Wrote yesternight to the Council, among other things, to know how to use the Cardinal of Bellay. The man is not a little glorious, "and also he is a cardinal and an ambassador sent from his master" to the King, whose lieutenant the writer is here. As that part of the letter "maybe left unanswered as many others hath been," he begs Suffolk to cause it to be answered. Sees no reason for giving pre-eminence to his cardinalship any more than to his superior, by whom he claims that title, "which is of right but only bishop of Rome." Camp before Monstrell, 3 Sept. 1544. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add. Endd.|
|4 Sept.||183. Shrewsbury and Others to the Queen and Council.|
32.655, f. 169.
ii., No. 316.
|Enclose letters from the Wardens of the East and West Marches, of intelligence out of Scotland. Beg her to remember their former advertisement, made upon communication with the treasurer and receiver of Berwick, of the lack of money to pay the garrison and new crew there, The poor soldiers do not a little grudge the want of their wages, and what money is here for the supply thereof she knows. Darneton, 4 Sept. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall, Llandaff and Sadler.|
|In Sadler's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|4 Sept.||184. John Husee to Paget.|
|Came hither yesternight, and found Henry Atkinson and certain wagons laden with powder, eight more of which came this morning, making in all 44 laden with 215 barrels. Took two barrels out of every wagon laden with five, and therewith laded some of the wagons he brought and saw them safely out of the town, trusting that they will be at Calice on Saturday night. Sent the residue of the empty wagons towards Eclowe, where the wagons last laden in Antwerp will be tonight, which shall likewise be sent forward in all haste. The people are such that "they will obey nor be governed longer than it liketh themself, and neither fair words nor yet gift of money will better their conditions." Is both sorry and ashamed "that it frameth no better." Bruges, 4 Sept. 1544, 6 p.m.|
|"I have paid this bearer for his labour 10s. st."|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: at the campe before Bulleigne. Endd.|
|5 Sept.||185. The Council with the Queen to the Council with the King.|
|R O.||Enclose letters and advertisements received yesternight from the North; and albeit in some doubt of the earl of Glykarnys proceedings therein mentioned, cannot fully think that he can so far forget his promises. Have written to my lord Lieutenant, through lord Wharton, to get advertisements either by sea or land from the earl of Linoux and the King's captains in those parts of the truth of that matter and of their proceedings. Where it is written that Anguishe is appointed lieutenant and expected shortly to come to the Borders, and Sir Ralph Evre writes "that if Kelsay and Mewres were as well defaced as Jedworthe is, they should have no meet place to lie any garrisons near the Borders," the lord Lieutenant is to take order with the Wardens to burn those towns and destroy the corn growing next them. Where the lord Lieutenant writes for more money, they will this week send him 2,000l and appoint him what remains in Mr. Shelley's hands, about l,000l., for payment of the garrisons.|
|P.S.—Since the King's departure, have received letters from the commissioners of Cornwall, Devonshire and other places touching "certain old Frenchmen which have very long inhabite here and have many children," and also certain mariners who know the ports and havens, and if sent hence might trouble the country. These men would rather die than go hence and offer to contribute their utmost to be made denizens. As they are not in the books subscribed by the King, could only "tolerate them, [being the] same, for the more part, very aged men, and yet the number not very great," until the King's pleasure be known. Are daily troubled with them, and desire instructions, Oking, 5 Sept. 1544. Signed by Canterbury, Wriothesley, Westminster and Petre.|
|In Petre's hand, pp. 3. Add.|
|5 Sept.||186. Shrewsbury and Others to the Queen and Council.|
32,655, f. 171.
ii., No. 317.
|Enclose a letter from Wharton, with one from Robert Maxwell to the constable of the Tower. She will see that the news of Lenox's repulse from Donbrytteyn are partly confirmed. Have written to Wharton to use all means to get further intelligence. Darneton, 5 Sept. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall, Llandaff and Sadler.|
|In Sadler's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.|
|5 Sept.||187. The Council with the King to the Council with the Queen.|
|R. O.||The King has bestowed upon his sieges so much powder that all he brought is spent and also a great proportion lately provided out of Flanders and borrowed from Callais or Guisnes, and he is forced to make a further furniture out of Flanders and to send Ant. Auchar, yesterday into England to see what may be spared out of castles and bulwarks within the survey of the Cinq Portes.. Lest all may not be sufficient, it is to be declared to the Queen that the powder there in charge of the Master of the Ordnance is to be sent hither, with as much as may be spared from the bulwarks of Gravesend; and also all ships, strangers or English, in the Thamise are to be searched and their powder bought or borrowed. All gunpowder makers are to be set to work to make a great proportion. The King has bargained in Flanders for 200 last to be made.|
|Whereas the camp is "troubled with a sort of light women which daily do repair out of England hither," the Council shall take order with the mayor of London to "permit no woman to pass out of any port within the city" and write to the mayor of Dover and other ports. Proclamation shall be made throughout the realm that any soldier repairing from hence without safe conduct may be committed to ward. Camp before Bulleyn, 5 Sept. 1544. Signed by Suffolk, Hertford, Gage and Paget.|
|In Mason's hand, pp. 2. Add.: To, &c., "attendant upon the Quenes grace, Regent generall of Englande in the Kinges Mates absence."|
|5 Sept.||188. Carne to the Council with the Queen.|
St. P., x.553.
|At his departure they commanded him to solicit with the Queen the abolition of the imposts set of late upon the King's subjects here, contrary to the treaties of intercourse; whereupon the governor and agents of the merchants (the Queen being at an abbey 3 leagues hence, for four or five days, upon the death of the Prince of Orenge) desired him to move Mons. Score, the president, whose counsel the Queen most used therein. Said to Score that he was commanded to solicit the Queen to abolish, as regards the King's subjects, certain imposts lately attempted, viz. the hundred and the impost for wine and beer, as contrary to their privileges and the treaties of intercourse lately confirmed by the Emperor. He marvelled that any such thing should be moved, "the wars depending"; the Queen had already abolished the hundred concerning the King's subjects; and the impost for wine and beer was not new, was paid by the Emperor and the Queen herself, and was for drink, and not mentioned in the treaties. Answered that the marvel was that, "the wars depending," they would go about to set such new imposts, especially when the King was in the wars with such an army that his charges must needs be infinite; if the Queen had abolished the impost of one in the hundred, would he write to the officers to repay the money they took from the King's subjects for it and restore the pledges and cautions they were driven to lay in? As to the impost for wine and beer, it must needs be comprehended in the treaties under the name of goods and things bought, and the increase of it was a new impost and contrary to the treaties. Score replied that as for the moneys received and cautions laid in for the centiesme, Came must consider that the impost was abolished conditionally, viz. only for goods carried into England and sold there; and, as for the impost of wine and beer, the Emperor and his Council could do nothing, as it rested with the state of Andwarp. Told him that the abolition upon the said condition was contrary to the treaty (by which the King's subjects might carry merchandise anywhere freely without any payment save "the toll used in time out of mind"), and that if the States did us wrong, the Queen and her Council could doubtless redress it. He answered that if the centiesme were abolished unconditionally, the King's subjects would carry goods anywhere, and the Emperor lose the whole impost. Carne said they could doubtless provide well enough in that behalf; whereupon Score was very angry and charged Carne and the ambassadors heretofore with making all this business without command from the King or Council. Carne then said that he had strait commandment to solicit it, and that it was against reason that they should, without the King's consent, do contrary to the treaties. Score then said "Well, we shall provide for you well enough," adding the threat "You will do what please you against th'Emperor's subjects and th'Emperor shall do nothing against yours, and doubt ye not but that we shall bring all the doleances and wrongs that th'Emperor's subjects hath in England contrary to the treaties to you again, and if we have remedy you shall have the like." Carne replied that he did not perceive that the Emperor's subjects had any such doleances in England, but our doleances in these imposts were evident, and "it stood with no equity that they upon pretensed incertain doleances should defer the redress of our notorious doleances had by them and so known to them." Score only answered that the doleances in England (naming none) should be known in their answer, and the impost of wine and beer was set by the State, and neither the Emperor nor his Council could remedy it.|
|Next day the Queen came home, and Carne made like representations to her. She answered that she would send to know the Emperor's pleasure. Told her that Paget, when lately with the Emperor, had answer that the whole matter was committed to her, and in his journey homeward Paget moved it to her. She then said that she would search for the Emperor's answer and Carne should have answer if he would put his demand in writing. Which he did (copy herewith) and sent it to her. At his next coming, was in hand with her for the answer. She replied sharply that he should have it "and their doleances withal," but it was not ready. Two days later moved her again, and she said that he "should surely hear of all their doleances," but she had matters concerning the common wealth which she must first look to. At his being in And warp on the 14th ult. he was in hand both with her and Score, and she promised to answer on coming to Bruxelles; and now since her return thither he has been always told that she was occupied with the Emperor's business. On the 29th ult., sued for answer in that, and for deliverance of an Italian prisoner for whom Paget wrote, and was promised that the Chancellor of the Order, Nigre, should bring the answer; who came in the evening and said that the Council would deliver the prisoner upon conditions. Carne asked about the abolition of the imposts, and Nigre replied, smiling, that he had no commission for that. Prayed him to show the Queen that it was important, and that Carne had strait commission to call for it. He answered that the King's subjects must live here after the Emperor's laws; the Emperor's subjects had to bear in England what was set upon them. Carne said that nothing was set upon them contrary to the treaties and, although the King's subjects here must live according to the laws in matters of justice, they ought not to be bound to provide new imposts contrary to the treaties.|
|The above shows that those here will not willingly answer his petition; but he will continue to call upon them. Bruxelles, 5 Sept. Signed.|
|Pp. 9. Add.: "resident in London." Endd.: From Mr. Kerne touching the exaction of the impost of the merchants adventurers in Antwerp.|
St. P., x. 59.
|2. Petition of the English ambassador for the abolition of the imposts of the centiesme and for wine and beer, as regards English subjects, and restitution of money and pledges taken thereupon, contrary to the treaties (cited); showing that the impost of wine and beer is collected at Antwerp under an order (quoted) by the Emperor in his Council of Brabant.|
|French. Hol., p. 1. Headed: A la Royne.|