Henry VIII: November 1545, 21-25 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 20 Part 2, August-December 1545. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1907.

'Henry VIII: November 1545, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 20 Part 2, August-December 1545, (London, 1907) pp. 402-426. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol20/no2/pp402-426 [accessed 26 April 2024]

November 1545, 21-25



21 Nov.	834. Henry VIII. to Charles V.
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 171.	Credence for Winchester and Westminster, who convey an important communication. Westm., 21 Nov. 1545.
21 Nov.	835. Paget to Petre.
R. O.	Please signify to the King that bearer arrived from my lord of Winchester as I talked with Dr. Brewno (one of those that came out of France), the wittiest Almain that ever I talked with. This afternoon I will write our communication and send it to his Majesty tomorrow, not detaining bearer for whom tide and weather now serve. The writer and his colleagues would know if the King continues in his resolution for an abstinence by land for a fortnight or a month, if the treaty here last so long; also they would have another commission, omitting the words truce and abstinence, that at first communications they may appear to have no commission to talk of truce. Desire answer by Tuesday night, for on Wednesday they meet the French commissioners who are looked for to-morrow night at Ardre. Calais, 21 Nov. 1545. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.
21 Nov.	836. Paget to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., x. 691.	Found here Brewno and Sturmius, the two commissioners sent from the Protestants to the French king. Describes Brewno. With Sturmius, who, the same afternoon, accompanied the herald to Mounstreul with the Deputy's safeconduct, had no leisure to talk, but he appears gentle, is famed for learning and has a pension from France. That night Sleidanus brought request from Bruno that Paget would speak with them in the morning; who answered that he would consult his colleagues, and took occasion to set forth the affection of my lord of Durham and Mr. Tregonel to them. Sleidanus answered that they desired to speak with him apart, that Bruno might make his acquaintance and declare somewhat of the state of France. Appointed Our Lady's, at 9 o'clock, and warned his colleagues to be there, to entertain the one while he talked with the other.
	Brewno began, much as Sleidanus did at his first access to Henry, and apparently ex tempore, that (as their common enemy the Pope had the hearts of all the great princes, viz., the Emperor, king of Komans, king of Pole and French king, and this war between Henry and France not only increased the force of others who, "not in words yet in re," were common enemies, but drew the French king more to the Pope's devotion, whereby at length a conjunction of the great princes with the Pope would bring the Princes of Almayn and Henry under the bp. of Rome's tyranny) they were sent to induce Henry and the French king to agreement. The enfeebling of Henry's power was a decay to their own; and he discoursed of the mysteries which, by means of the Emperor and king of Romans (and especially the king of Pole, who is strong in horsemen and has lately been brought by the Emperor to the Bishop's faction), the Bishop intended. And he urged Paget to assist in alienating the French king from them, who would do more at the desire of his Princes and States than for any other if Henry would show himself disposed to peace. He and others were sent first to make a truce for about 12 months (so that in the meantime greater personages might be sent to treat a peace) and, failing that, to endeavour to make a peace.
	Paget answered that he took their legation as prompted by regard for Christendom and by affection to Henry (than whom no prince loved peace more, knowing it to be "recommended unto us by God and to be God himself" ) who, by the French king's bringing in of the Turks and unkindness to himself, had been compelled to do as he has done. Here Brewno broke in by saying that he heard that personally there had been no contumely between the Kings as between the French king and some other, and therefore the fault lay on their ministers, the King was loved by the French king, the Queen of Navarre, the Chancellor and also Madame Destampes. Paget continued that he was saying this frankly, the fault was in the French king and his ministers; as long as they had their own way with their friends they used good words, "but draw the rein a little and then all was renversed"; if all used the same integrity as the Protestants and the English the world would go otherwise, but nowadays, to have their desire, men cared not how they worked, and the French were alluring the Protestants to work for them on pretence that it would bind them against the Bishop of Rome; that was a new and pleasant tale to the Protestants but old to the English, who had heard so much of "the taking of Avignon, the devising of a patriarcha," that it was now out of their creed until they should see it done. Had the French not bound themselves by last treaty with the Emperor to maintain the Council at Trent? Had they not now sent to the Emperor the greatest ambassade ever sent out of France, Chancellor, Admiral and Premier Secretary (except Turnon, the whole Privy Council) to take this treaty out of the Protestants' hands? Paget would tell him secretly that Winchester's going was upon the French king's former offer to send the Admiral to the Emperor's Court to join all three in a straiter amity, and against the Protestants, who were men of such good meaning as to believe all that they were told and forget their own principle that to make England weaker weakened themselves; they should work rather that England should have more than should forego anything; the King's first desire was peace, and, failing that, that the world may know that the fault is not his. Brewno said that he believed that Paget's tale was true, and yet he could show the Admiral's letters of other purport, but hitherto God had preserved them; England and they agreed not altogether in religion, but agreed touching the Council and the Bishop of Rome's authority, and he was sorry that the overtures between them at the Diet went not better forward. "'The fault was in you,' quoth i. 'I cannot tell,' quoth he, 'where the fault was, except it were that all that be confederate in that league be of one religion, from the which you vary.' 'Not altogether,' quoth I, 'of one religion.' 'Yes,' quoth he, 'in the matters of substance; Mary, in ceremonial things divers places have divers fashions according to their policies.' 'But,' quoth I, 'in the matters of Rome and the General Council we do agree.' 'It is true,' quoth he, 'and certain overtures were made for a league defensive, but you thought not the reciproque equal; howbeit surely in these two matters we agree with you, and to the defence of those we must and will stand with you against all the world to the uttermost of our powers, and we hope you will do the same to us.'" Paget answered smilingly that they were such great princes that they contemned all the world except the French king, who used them to work his purposes with the Emperor and Bishop of Rome, and would then cast them "at his tail"; when they saw the English talking reason and the French unable to answer, they should, by persuading the French to give place to reason, learn what to expect there.
	Were then joined by their colleagues and discussed the place of meeting, thinking this town best, as neither Ardre nor Guisnes had convenient lodging, and last year a greater personage, the Cardinal of Bellye, came hither with the President who now comes. If the French should have scruples for their reputation, it was agreed that the first meeting should be in a tent on the frontier, to conclude for assembling here afterwards. The Protestants then suggested a truce by land and sea for a fortnight or a month; which, Paget said, could not be. They then spoke of a truce by land only, and Paget suggested rather a safeconduct for the Commissaries and sixty of their train to go and come at pleasure. This suggestion they misliked not, but were more desirous of an abstinence, and Paget promised to write in this behalf (not mentioning that at his departure Henry was content therewith, lest "some just occasion might have altered sithens").
	Begs that the commission for which he wrote yesterday to Mr. Petre may be sent. Tomorrow or Monday the French commissaries are looked for at Ardre; and, upon advertisement from Brewno, who repairs thither tomorrow, the assembly should be on Wednesday at furthest. Calays, 21 Nov. 1545. Signed.
	Pp. 10. Add. Endd.
Calig. E. iv. 75. B. M.	2. Last leaf of the original draft of the above, containing the portion represented by the last two paragraphs.
	In Paget's hand, pp. 2. Much mutilated.
21 Nov.	837. Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne to Henry VIII.
R. O.	This morning Skepperus brought a note in writing "of their mind concerning the'eclarishement of the treaty," and required us at our next meeting with the Emperor's Council to give our opinion thereupon. Letters arrived at the same time from your Majesty's Council, and we required Skepperus to signify that we would speak with the Emperor's Council to-morrow.
	Will pretermit no instance to obtain all things according to Henry's device, but think it their duty "to doubt of the worst." Gather from this writing that the Emperor would be discharged for what is past. Desire instructions therein, and meanwhile will neither grant it nor by denial make the Emperor's Council suspicious. It appears that Henry would have "invasion" to signify the invasion of 1,000 horsemen or footmen by land, or assailing by sea or descending out of ships, credit to be given to the certificate of this by letter of the prince invaded. Doubt whether assailing by sea will be admitted, as the treaty specifies certain places; also that the prince's certificate may be thought insufficient and a tarriance of the invaders for certain days required, as in the writing. If credit is not to be given to the prince's letters, the matter is not clear; unless, as they wrote yesterday, the refusal of the invader to make satisfaction within the month be just provocation to declare common enmity. Such an article would deter the French king from any small invasion. In the convenient framing of this article seems to consist all Henry's purpose. Will not forget to bring in Bolen and the aid for last year. Their temperance has engendered in these men a greater heat than would have been had they pressed them, and they seem earnest to "redintegrate" the amity without breaking with France.
	The Frenchmen treat here of restitution of Piemont and a marriage for the French king's daughter to the prince of Spain; and, whatsoever success it shall have, the Emperor wishes to recover Henry's amity. This was told Gardiner by one who could tell the truth. "Whether he hath so done or no, God knoweth." Have heard nothing of the Frenchmen; and will not hastily condescend to any truce before Henry has seen it. Antwerpe, 21 Nov. Signed.
	Pp. 5. Add. Endd.: 1545.
R. O.	2. First minute (fn. n1) of the Emperor's plan for the revision of the treaty of closer amity, endorsed by Gardiner:—" The first minute delivered at Antwerp and thence sent into England." Also endorsed "Copie of their first minute delivered at Andwarpe." It ends with the request that, as each prince must have regard to the other's honor, the English ambassadors will remember that the Emperor may not diverge from what he last treated with France.
	Lat., pp. 3.
21 Nov.	838. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O.	Received his letters today, and by bearer learnt his arrival at Calays with my lord of Duresme and Mr. Tregonelles. Commendations to them. God send you there good speed with the Frenchmen, and us speed with both parties here. "You are now old enough and know with whom ye shall talk." The obligation of 450,000 cr. "which ye think were delivered and not in esse, hath a being in England and is one of the clearest matters we have against the Frenchmen. I laid it to their charge here, and the Chancellor hath granted me the being of it. I delivered Maryliake a copy of it at his being in England. I found it not spoken of in my lord of Westminster's instructions, but I know it for truth, and it containeth a band of payment of so much money ratis manentibus pactis of the perpetual peace." The Chancellor, before my lord of Westminster, said that he had the copy of it; and would have avoided it by alleging that they have not broken the perpetual peace, because the time of payment of that pension is not come during the King's life; "which is nothing to the purpose, for that treatie purporteth also the observation of the other. And because of this odde ende in a corner I was bold to make the Chauncelour an offre for abatement of som money by them dewe, soo the Kinges Ma^te might retayne Boleyn, meanyng that peace, and yt wyl gayly service (sic) for such a purpose, and therfor I pray you leave it not owte; for indede it is a very good matier, and debitum civile et naturale, for it is the repayment of 50,000 cr. given and 400,000 cr. spent for the French king in the warres against th'Emperour."
	It is uncertain when and where the Emperor removes. Trusts to hear oftener from Paget now, and will write daily. Wishes him to write for the King's consent that they on this side may pass small alterations of adverbs and the like. "We be now six lawyers on this side the sea, unless ye abandon the profession because it is no more set by abroad." My lord of Westmester and Mr. Came send commendations, and desire to be recommended to my lord of Duresme and Mr. Tregonel. Antwerpe, 21 Nov.
	P.S.—If you return my man and send my letters by your post I may afford you more letters. If you have not commission to open letters to the King, I will write more matter to you.
	Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1545.
21 Nov.	839. Verallo and the Bp. of Caserta (fn. n2) to Cardinal Farnese.
R. O.	By their last two letters reported what had passed about the peace between the Emperor and France. Have now to say that, since the Emperor's refusal at Bruges to listen unless the King restored the Duke of Savoy entirely to Piedmont and all the rest, nothing more has been said, but the King's ministers have taken counsel together. Bayard's opinion was that the Emperor's demands could not be greater if the King had suffered some misfortune, and that it will be well to delay for three or four months, until the Emperor has been to the Diet of Ratisbon and seen that the Lutherans are not most satisfied with him; and he added that elsewhere they would avoid the necessity of treating with ministers of the Emperor who are the King's enemies, such as Mons. di Rus and Mons. di Prato "oltre che anche la Regina Maria dia alli Francesi quanto può." The Admiral thought these reasons might be good if there were not the risk that the Emperor would immediately seek to be the first to league himself still more with England and to quiet the Lutherans, which he could do more easily in one month than the French in six; and he added that all the Emperor's ministers, bearing little goodwill to the King, and inclining to see the Emperor leagued with England and the Germans, would at once work therein when they saw the King's ministers change (subito che vedessero pentiti essi ministri Reggii). Without doubt they could forestall anything that the King's side could do; and Father Gusman, who reported the above, says that the Emperor's ministers are all, as the Admiral said, more English and German than French. Bayard thought that the Emperor's union with the Germans would be with the weak Catholic party and not with the Protestants, who hated and feared him; but Gusman replied that the dispute with the Protestants was solely because of their being cheated, by the present convocation of the Council, of the liberties (permessioni) allowed them in past Diets, and to prolong these liberties for four or five years, notwithstanding the Council, would gain them. The Admiral and Chancellor seemed satisfied with this reason, and it was decided to write all to the King, certifying him that the Emperor would not hear of marriage or peace unless the King made full restoration to the Duke of Savoy. The Emperor also wants Hedin (although the King now says that it is needed against England) promising that, with the peace between them, England will not trouble them, and the King may use the town and territory of Hedin in war. The King's answer is expected to-morrow. Have taken means to let the King's ministers know that the restitution of Savoy seems not amiss, but that they should press the Emperor in return to give up Milan, as so often promised. They say, however, that the Emperor always answers that he will do that at his own time, and upon the marriage with France will give it to the eldest son of Madame Margaret and the Prince; so that it is evident that the Emperor wishes to chase the King out of Italy and remain arbiter there himself. Were to-day with Granvela, who told us that he could as yet say nothing resolute about the peace, but when the time came he would do as he promised; and he showed great desire to please his Holiness. As to matters between the French and English he did not know what to hope, for the French insist on the restitution of Boulogne, and the English declare that they have no commission to restore it. Another envoy called Secretary Paghetto is expected from the King of England, at whose coming we should see the final result of this practice; and as far as we are concerned it shall have an end, and good or evil according to the answer which shall come from France upon the restitution of Piedmont and Savoy (la quale però quanta a noi havera 'I fine et buono et cattivo secondo la risposta che verra, &c).
	* * * *
	Ital. Modern transcript from Rome, pp. 8. Headed: Mons^r Verallo et Casertanen., de' 21 di Novembre 1545, al Cardinal Farnese.
21 Nov.	840. Doge and Senate of Venice to their Ambassador at Constantinople.
Venetian Calendar (Brown), v., No. 362.	Letters from the Ambassador in France, dated Troyes, 2 Nov., state that on the previous day the Admiral, Chancellor and Bayard went to the Emperor to treat truce or peace with England by his means, to whom also King Henry is sending the bp. of Winchester.
22 Nov.	841. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 272.	Meeting at Westminster, 22 Nov. Present: Canterbury, Chancellor, Norfolk, Privy Seal, Hertford, Essex, St. John, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre, Sadler, Riche, Baker. Business:—Ralph Surbot, of London, had licence to unlade and utter in London 100 tuns of Gascon wine. John Peterson, Fleming, master and owner of a hulk which lately perished in Sussex, making suit for about 700 tuns of wine saved by the inhabitants, had letters to Edw. Gage in that behalf, paying for salvage. Letters addressed to customers of London signifying a licence for 200 tuns of Gascon wine granted, at the suit of Ant. Ager, master of the Jewel House, to-––––(blank), stranger.
22 Nov.	842. Otwell Johnson to John Johnson.
R. O.	London, 22 Nov. 1545:—Wrote on the 18th by Wm, Spencer, "servant to Mr. Forman sometime," and on the 19th by one Hugh, a post of Bruges, with my answer and that of Mr. Barnes to Henry Garbrand's letters. Mr. Artewyke was served this day with a latitat out of the King's Bench to appear on Thursday next in the process to recover the fine that you gave him and your costs; for my lord Chancellor's decree was final and there is no other help. I perceive by a letter from my sister your wife that the parson has been hasty with her to deliver the corn and other tithes, but she has answered that she knows "of no end that is made." My Cousin Breten's advice is that she should answer the parson and so drive off delivery until your coming home. Ant. Bruschette desires you to receive his money of B. Warner and send the name of his brother Francis' servant. Debts owing to the writer by Wm. Home, Thos. Flecton and Mr. Appenrith. Thos. Smyth wishes a piece of the finest black "ryselles" narrow worsted made for his wife against Candlemas. If a couple of pieces be ordered, I and Marya will take one. All my frysados are sold, and I could sell a case or two more before Christmas at 16 and 15. My linen cloth too is almost all sold. If you buy any more, let some of it be as low priced "as right holland can be" and some to sell for 2s. or 7 groats. Other toys pour ma feste I will write for at more leisure.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: at Calleis. Endd.: answered from Calleis, etc.
22 Nov.	843. The Privy Council to Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne.
R. O.	The King has seen your letters of the 19th, of your second conference with the Chancellor of France, takes your proceedings in good part and likes well that you have foreseen that their practice is of likelihood meant to put suspicion in the Emperor's head.
	Lord Grey writes that the Frenchmen, learning that a great part of the garrison was gone to Bulleyn for an exploit there, came eight miles through the Emperor's country and, taking there ladders and a bridge, passed into the marches and did some annoyance (as appears by the copy of Grey's letters, herewith), returning home the same way. "The King, remembering the great displeasure they did lately, passing also then through the Emperor's country, hath presently written to the Emperor letters of credence, which his Highness prayeth you and my lord of Westm. jointly to deliver, and at the delivery thereof to travail to such end for the remedy thereof as my said 1. Grey desireth; and, if you can so bring it to pass, to cause an article to be specially added for the help of that matter in th'end of this your new esclarishment."
	Draft in Petre's hand, p. 1. Endd.: M. to my lordes of Winton, Westm., etc., xxij^o Novembris 1545.
22 Nov.	844. The Privy Council to Paget.
R. O. St. P., x. 698.	Understanding by your letters to me, Sir William Petre, that the ambassadors of the Protestants have renewed their desire touching an abstinence during the time of treaty, the King will, if the French ambassadors desire it, grant it on condition that the French put no victual into any of their forts and begin no new fortification in Bulloneys. The commission you write for shall be sent herewith. Upon some good occasion you shall show the Protestants that the French king uses all means to induce the Emperor to make war against them; which advertisement the king, "in respect of th'affection he beareth to their masters," has willed you secretly to declare to them.
	Draft in Petre's hand, p. 1. Endd.: * * Paget, xxij^o Novembris 1545.
22 Nov.	845. Paget to Petre.
R. O.	Has, in his letter of what passed with Brewno, troubled the King with matters of no great importance, but thinks it meet that his Majesty should know all. If their "custom to be abused by the Frenchmen have not wrought to a nature in them," they may believe Paget and forsake the party they came for; but their natural simplicity, or rather grossness, may deceive both himself and them. The effect will shortly appear; for, after the meetings at Bulloyn and here last year, and now at the Emperor's Court, things cannot be long in trial. Will speak only of peace until they hear again from the King whether (it peace without Bulloyn is refused) to speak of truce, and also to make the overtures which the King knows of. Begs him to procure the King's pleasure in this, and not to forget at this despatch the commission touching abstinence by land during the treaty; and also a new safe-conduct, for in this, which Paget now returns, the day upon which the month shall begin has been omitted through negligence. Blanks must be left for the commissioners' names. Calais, 22 Nov. 1545, "for I coulde not depeche yesternight because the tyde was spent or I coulde fynish my writing." Signed.
	P.S.—"You shall do well to move his Majesty that some man may look to that Mr. Wootton had in Norfolk, for he is dead in his Majesty's debt m¹ (£1,000?) thick. So that à primo ad ultimum there is few barrels better herrings, but every of that sort desirous the fingering of his Majesty's money for their own profit, and so will still until his Majesty make one semblenche for an example to the rest."
	Continued in his own hand.—You shall do well in your letter, if the King so like, to write to us to use familiarly the commissioners of the Protestants. I have, since writing the premises, received your letter by Thwaytes, my lord of Winchester's servant, with the abstract of the article for the comprehension of the Scots. This afternoon, my lord of Durham, Mr. Tregonel and I meet, "to ripen ourselves beforehand." Then I will, tomorrow, help to despatch these strangers, and afterwards the Englishmen "in crew," who have now within four or three days served a month more than the money last ordained for their departure extends. Where they looked now to have had a month they shall be greatly deceived, and are already half content to take a fortnight's wages "and another fortnight in good words to go home withal." As many of our Englishmen are despatched without conduct, and his Majesty a saver thereby, it were charity to appoint 100l. or 200l. at Dover to relieve them with 12d. or 20d., more or less, each. Those despatched without conduct money shall be known by their passport, "for those which shall receive conduct shall have no passport." Has ordered Mr. Treasurer to pay the Englishmen by the poll, taking a bill of the soldiers' names from the captain and calling each personally. The King "shall be a great gainer hereby, albeit it shall be somewhat painful to the treasurer."
	Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
22 Nov.	846. Adrian vander Weede to John Johnson.
R. O.	Dunkirk, 22 Nov. '45:—Received his letter by bearer, Robert Laken. Account of a sale of salt to Jan de Baers and Jan Bergart.
	Hol. French, p. 1. Add.: tot Calys. Endd.: "aunswerid at Callais, 7 in December etc."
22 Nov.	847. Fane and Others to the Council.
R. O.	They, the Commissaries, met here on the 14th and yesterday received the Council's letter of the 17th. Have accordingly conferred with the King's ambassadors for sending the Emperor's safeconduct, "not then gone," for Riffenberge, without specifying matter or time; and it goes this morning, so that within six days they may have his answer if he remain at Cullen. The ambassadors say that both Emperor and Council think that Riffenberge will not come, and the writers were always of that opinion, although Mons. de Lyere and Mons. de Vanderae, who were present when he desired it, thought the contrary. Mons. de Vanderie now thinks as they do. The ambassadors think it vain for all to tarry, and that Chamberlaine (who, as governor of the English merchants, must remain here) will be sufficient. Hope to know Riffenbergh's determination within seven days, and must spend some time in making their reckonings; and beg to know whether they shall all repair to the King. Will leave instructions and matter with my lord of Westminster to be laid to Riffenberg if he come after they leave; but, if he, Buckholte and Edelwoulf appear before that, they will endeavour to recover what was paid beyond the compacts. The whole might well be demanded of Riffenberg, who evidently never intended to fulfil the effectual point of his compact, or else he would have mentioned his lack of corn-powder sooner, and would not, when informed that the march was not to Bullen or Callais, have refused to enter the enemy's land. Learn today that some of his own men would defame him as a "schelme," or traitor. His "brente maister," now here, reported to him how he might enter a fertile part of the enemy's land and get both spoil and ransoms for "brandesakking" of houses, i.e. saving them from burning, but was answered with a question whether it was advisable for so little a time, when they might hereafter be retained by the French. Buckhowlte is here, who, although he would not condescend to the writers' evil handling, was as greedy as the rest. Intend to demand of him that which he has received above his compact, who has said that if he has received more than he ought he will gladly render it again.
	Ask whether to send the 7 field pieces (2 brass and the rest iron), powder and munition to London or Callais; and, having put in the licence more than they really have, whether to make up the full amount of powder and pikes. Andwarpe, 22 Nov. 1545. Signed: R. Fane: Fraunceys Halle: T. Chamberlain: J. Dymock: Tho. Averey.
	Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
22 Nov.	848. Edmond Harvel to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., x. 697.	By his last of the 16th inst. signified the arrival of three brigantines with letters and men from Constantinople reporting a truce between the Christian princes and the Turk for five years. Heard afterwards that it was for one year only, within which, if the King of Romans surrender three strong towns in Hungary which formerly pertained to the Turcovalente, the Turk would prolong it for four years, Ferdinando paying the Turk 10,000 ducats yearly. But the Signory have read Harvel their letters of 24 Oct., signifying the suspension of arms for one year, and the Turk's promise, if the said towns are given, to prorogue the truce without limit of time; also that the Christian ambassadors return by way of Hungary to speak with Ferdinando. These conditions seem too intolerable to be confirmed by the Emperor and Ferdinando. Has heard nothing of the Hungarian, (fn. n3) Henry's servant, who went to Constantinople, and expects him to appear soon. The Bishop will open the Council at Trent in the first week of Lent and condemn by censure all who will not appear; but small account is made of his Council and proceedings. The French prelates at Trent are said to be revoked by their King. Venetians being occupied about the creation of their Duke, the writer cannot expedite the matter of Ludovico de Larme. By letters from Rome it appears that the Bishop was sick; also that he practises to marry his niece to the young king of Polanie. Venice, 22 Nov. 1545.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
23 Nov.	849. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 272.	Meeting at Westminster, 23 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, St. John (Great Master of the Household), Privy Seal, Hertford, Essex, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre, Sadler, Riche, Baker. Business: Letters addressed to Lord Evers and Sir Robert Bowes (who had letters to join the West Marches in an enterprise against the Scots, but wrote before the receipt of them of an enterprise intended by them) to proceed with their own enterprise and then join with the West Marches. Sir Ralph Ellcrker and Sir Hugh Paulet bringing certain articles devised by the Council of Boulogne had the answer written briefly in the margin of their book.
23 Nov.	850. Parliament.
Parliament Roll, 37 Hen. viii. R. O.	In the Parliament begun and held at Westm., 23 Nov. 37 Hen. VIII. were Passed the following Acts, (fn. n4) viz.:—
	1. [Cap. i., o.n. 1.] Offices of custos rotulorum and clerk of the peace.
	2. [Cap. ii., o.n. 2.] Partition of Hounslow Heath.
	3. [Cap. iii., o.n. 3.] Mending of the highways beside Chester.
	4. [Cap. iv., o.n. 4.] Dissolution of colleges, free chapels, chantries, hospitals, fraternities, brotherhoods, guilds, and stipendiary priests.
	5. [Cap. v., o.n. 5.] Attaints in London. That the possession of goods to the value of 400 mks. may qualify citizens of London to be jurymen to try such cases, and that the trials may be held within the city.
	6. [Cap. xxvi., o.n. 29.] (fn. n5) Exchange between Wriothesley and Hertford and the Bp. of Sarum. Wriothesley to have from the Bp. the prebend of Charmester and Bere, Dors, (saving clause for George Hennage, now incumbent, and any other persons interested); and, in recompense, the Bp. and his successors to have from Wriothesley the patronage of the church of Ilfercombe, Devon. Hertford to have from the Bp. the lordships and manors of Remesburye alias Ramesburye, and Baydon alias Bedon, Wilts, and their appurtenances (except the manors and lordships of Lavington, Pottern, Cannynges and Bysshopstoun, Wilts), the prebends and parsonages of Remesburie alias Ramesburie, Axfford and of Rattesfen alias Ratffen alias Rotffen, and free chapel of Mymburye, Wilts, the hundred and hundred court of Ramesburye, and all possessions of the bpric. in Ramesburye, Beydon, Axfford and Rattesfen; and the Bp. shall have from Hertford the lordship and manor of Mounctoneffarleigh, Wilts, which belonged to the late monastery of Farleigh, the manor of Ivechurche, Winterbourn Erles and Fyghelden, Wilts, and all Hertford's possessions in Mounctone Farleigh, Ivechurche, Wynterborne Erles, Fighelden, Commerwell and Alwardbury, Wilts (except the hundred and hundred courts of Ambresburie, Wynterbourn and Alworthburie alias Alwardburie alias Alderbury, the woods in Melchett alias Melchute and White Parishe, and the woods called Bentley Woodes and the Erilles Woodes, Wilts), and the advowson of the prebend and vicarage of Gyllingham, Dors., which belonged to Shafton monastery. And whenever the said churches of Ilfercombe and Wynterborne Erles shall be void the Bp. or his successors shall institute able persons to them by the title of prebendaries, and they shall be named the prebends of Ilfercombe and Wynterborne Erles in the cathedral church of Sarum; and when Gillingham prebend shall be void the Bp. or his successors shall make of it two prebends, to be called Gillingham Major and Gillingham Minor.
	7. [Cap. vi., o. n. 6.] Against burning frames of timber, cutting the dams of ponds and other several waters, cutting conduit pipes, burning loaded wains or heaps of wood, cutting out the tongues of tame beasts or the ears of any of the King's subjects and barking apple, pear or other fruit trees.
	8. [Cap. vii., o. n. 7.] Repeal of the Act of 33 Henry VIII. [cap. x.] for six weeks' sessions.
	9. [Cap. xxvii., o. n. 25.] (fn. n6) Confirmation of an agreement between Francis Knolles and Frances Englefeld, whereby the reversion of the manor of Retherfeld Grey, Oxon., shall remain to Knolles and Katharine his wife and the heirs male of his body, and the grant to Sir Thos. Englefeld, by pat. 9 July 16 Henry VIII., be void.
	10. [Cap. viii., o. n. 8.] The words vi ct armis, etc., in indictments may be omitted; and persons convicted of horse stealing may not claim benefit of clergy.
	11. [Cap. xxviii., o. n. 27.]* Jointure of Martha Tregyan, daughter of John Tregian, dec, on her marriage with Jasper Hertwell. [Under an indenture of 27 Jan. 18 Henry VIII. between Andrew lord Wyndesor, John Hertwell and others on the one part, and Dame Eliz. Rede, widow of Sir Barth. Rede, on the other part, John Hertwell vested lands in Preston, Ntht., to the yearly value of 40l., in trustees to the use of the said Dame Elizabeth (whose cousin Eliz. Barber was to marry Wm. Hertwell, son of the said John) to maintain the said William in one of the inns of Court for four years and support his wife and children, and after the said four years to the use of the said William and Elizabeth his wife and the heirs of his body; with contingent remainders in default, and after her death, to Thomas Hertwell, second son of the said John, Henry Hertwell, now dec, third son, the right heirs of Sir William Hertwell, father of the said John, and the right heirs of the said Henry. Now the said William Hertwell and Eliz. Barber have both died, leaving Jasper Hertwell their son within age, between whom and the said Martha a marriage is arranged by John Hertwell and John Tregyan, brother of the said Martha; and the said lands are to be assured to her as jointure, but this is not possible by common law because the said Jasper, with whom the inheritance in tail reposes, is within age.]
	12. [Cap. ix., o. n. 9.] Usury.
	13. [Cap. x., o. n. 10.] Casting abroad of slanderous bills, anonymous bills having lately been found accusing innocent persons of treason.
	14. [Cap. xi., o. n. 11.] Marshes besides Greenwich.
	15. [Cap. xxix., o. n. 26.]* Confirmation to Thomas Lytylbury of the manor of Assheby Puerorum and Littell Gretham and lands in Assheby Puerorum, Staynsby and Somersby, Line, which he purchased of Charles duke of Suffolk, by indenture of 9 Aug. last, but the said duke died before the transfer was duly completed.
	16. [Cap. xii., o. n. 12.] Tithes in London.
	17. [Cap. xviii., o. n. 13.] Repeal of the Act of 34-35 Henry VIII. (cap. 6) for pinners, which has caused a scarcity of pins.
	18. [Cap. xiv., o. n. 14.] Scarborough pier.
	19. [Cap. xxx., o.n. 28.]* Sir Ralph Sadleyr. [Seventeen years past, Matthew Barr, born at Sevenoke, Kent, married at Dunmowe, Essex, Elene Michell, daughter of John Michell, of Dunmowe; and within about two years two daughters were born to them, and the said Matthew, who had lived riotously, consuming his time in unlawful games, suddenly departed from her and never (save once after he had been gone a quarter of a year) sent her knowledge of his state. He wandered from town to town for three years, and then dwelt at Cardiff, in Wales, for one year. After that he departed to Ireland for half a year. Meanwhile the said Elene, in great poverty, laboured virtuously for her living for one year, at Dunmowe, till one of her friends, saying that he heard that the said Matthew was dead, advised her to be a nun, and she was brought to Clerkenwell nunnery, where she was in service and favour of the prioress, "then being a woman of gravity and wisdom," to whom she declared her pitiful case. The prioress showed her that the state of religion was not meant for young persons meet to procreate children and live abroad in the world, but for aged people, and would nowise consent to her being a nun, alleging that she might marry some honest man. To make sure first of her husband's life or death she procured friends in London, whose business took them to fairs in most parts of the realm, to enquire for him and went herself to Sevenoke, where his brethren Richard Barr and Peter Barr and other kinsfolk dwelt, and there she tarried one year. Then, failing to hear of her husband, she returned to the nunnery; and there a man of Sarum (where the said Matthew confesses that he dwelt for a time) affirmed that he was dead. The prioress then preferred her to the service "of one Mistress Priour, mother-in-law to the lord Cromwell, late earl of Essex," in whose family and service Sir Ralph Sadleyr then was, who, being a young man desirous to lead a life acceptable to God, and perceiving her honesty, desired to marry her; and after long suit, she not concealing any part of her state from him, he married her (about four years after the departure of the said Matthew, and more than eleven years ago). She has lived as an honest wife to him, ordered his house wisely, and borne him nine children, seven of whom, viz., Thomas, Edward, Henry, Anne, Mary, Jane, and Dorothie are living. Within two years after her marriage with Sadleyr, and divers times afterwards, the said Matthew was in London, but never disclosed that he was her husband until four years ago, when, he says, he declared it to John Michell, of London, who is now dead. He also declared it to one Griffith, the King's servant, dwelling at the Bell and Saracens Hedde in Fanchurche Street, who had expressed surprise at seeing him, having been told of his death. And he declared it for the third time, within this twelve months, when apprehended and brought to Lord Chancellor Wriothesley's house, where, as Sadleyr was occupied upon the Borders, he has since been kept for examination. Now, as the said Matthew was married to the said Elene, her marriage with Sadleyr is invalid and their children bastards; yet, as this second marriage was manifestly due to the evil behaviour of the said Matthew, and Sadleyr made it with a pure conscience, thinking the said Matthew dead, it is enacted that his children aforenamed shall be reputed legitimate. And where, by pat. 24 March 35 Hen. VIII., the King granted to the said Ralph and Elene the late college of Westbury upon Trym and its lands (specified) and the question might arise whether the said Elene had a joint estate in them, and the said Matthew, as her husband, claim the moiety thereof, it is enacted that the said Elene can claim no title by the said patent to the said lands. And if any divorce shall be made between the said Elene and Matthew, she shall be reputed a woman sole, as if her marriage with him had never been, and, as Elene Michell, be enabled during the life of the said Matthew to hold lands in fee simple, and all manner of goods and chattels].
	20. [Cap. 15, o.n. 15.] Regrating of wools.
	21. [Cap. 16, o.n. 30.] Annexation to the Duchy of Lancaster of the lordship and manor of Rypon, Yorks, and lands called the Vaccharye in Asshedowne Forest, Suss., and all lands of the said Duchy lying within any of the King's parks; and confirmation to the King of lands (named) conveyed to him by the abps. of York and Canterbury and the bp. of London (including the manor of Crondon in Essex, which has been regranted to Sir Wm. Peter).
	(fn. n6)
	22. [Cap. xxxi., o.n. 31.] (fn. n6) That knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England may marry.
	23. [Cap. xvii., o.n. 16.] That married doctors of civil law may execute ecclesiastical jurisdictions.
	24. [Cap. xviii., o.n. 17.]Authority to the King to erect, by letters patent and proclamation, an honor at Westminster, another at Kingston upon Hull, a third at Donyngton castle, Berks., a fourth at St. Osythes, Essex, and others in other places at discretion, and to unite lands to his honor and castle of Windsor, Berks, and to his honor of Bealew, Essex, and to any other honor within the realm.
	25. [Cap. xix., o.n. 18.] Fines levied within the county palatine of Lancaster.
	26. [Cap xxxii., o. n. 24.] (fn. n6) Assignment to Lady Mary wife of Henry earl of Arundell, for life, of the following lands of the inheritance of the said earl, viz.:—the castles, lordships and manors of Clonne, Bykton, Tempseter and Hudcote, co. Montgomery, the castles of Oswestre, Shrawerden and Dallye, and manors of Kempton, Aston, Clonton, Clombury, Brompton, Downe Acton, Bokenhill, Carewod, Lorkynhope and the "hundryth" of Puslowe, Oswestre, Buy ton, Coyddralte, Wiginton, Llontudmon, Middelton, Milverley, Aston, Kenerley, Westhope, Stretton, Dalley, Styrchley, Tyberton, Upton, Wroxceter, Actonrownde, Lydley, Cardington, Dodington, Hyntes, Heth, Counde, Little Arcall, Felton Butler and Shrawerden, Salop, and all the Earl's possessions in these places and "the trian and the dueparkes," Salop; this assignment to be void if the said Earl, before Christmas 1547, assign to the said Lady Mary, as jointure, lands of equal value,—which jointure shall be hereby confirmed. And whereas the lordships, manors, townships, commotes, cantreds and parishes of Clunslande and Tempseter, Bykton and Hudcote in the country of Wales, and all lands comprised in them, lie within the county of Montgomery and are taken as parcel of that county, it is hereby enacted that they shall, from Lady Day next, be annexed to the county of Salop, otherwise called Shropshire.
	27. [Cap. xx., o. n. 19.] Tenures of lands of 40s.
	28. [Cap. xxi. o. n. 20.] Union of churches not above the yearly value of 6l., nor more than a mile apart.
	29. [Cap. xxii., o.n. 21.] Continuation of the Act of 35 Hen. VIII. (cap. 6) to fill juries de circumstantibus.
	30. [Cap. xxiii. o.n. 22.] Continuation of divers statutes made, to endure "until the last day of the next Parliament," since 21 Henry VIII., viz., touching (1) impotent persons and vagabonds, (2) conveying horses out of the realm, (3) making of cables, (4) winding of wools, (5) killing of calves, (6) attaints, (7) sowing of flax, (8) gaols, (9) mispleading, (10) buying fish upon the sea, (11) making of worsted in Norfolk, (12) pricing of wines, (13) discharging of sheriffs. The Act concerning the price of wines to be modified to this extent that the price is to be set by the Lord Chancellor, etc., only between 20 Nov. and 31 Dec, and that persons having wines to sell and refusing to sell them at the prices limited shall be liable to have their houses entered and the wine sold by the town officers to the use of the owners.
	*** Besides the above Parliament Roll, now known as "No. 154," another faulty and much corrected roll is preserved, "No. 153," which contains the 1st, 4th, 5th, 8th, 10th, 12th, 14th, 16th, 20th, 21st, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 27th, 28th, 29th and 30th of the above Acts, numbered successively 1, 2, 3, 4, etc.
Statutes at Large.	The above Acts, except where noted as "not printed," have been printed in the Statutes of the Realm together with the following:
	ii. Acts not entered on the Parliament Roll.
	Cap. xxiv. [o.n. 23]. Subsidy of the clergy.
	Cap. xxv. [original wanting]. Subsidy of the laity.
23 Nov.	851. Parliament.
Returns of of Members of Parliament. Part i., Appx. xxx.	List of knights and burgesses attending the Parliament which met 23 Nov. 37 Hen. VIII. The returns for Berks, Camb., Dham., Heref., Hunts, Ntht., Nhld., Oxon., Wore, and the Cinque Ports wanting.
	852. Soul Priests.
R. O.	Suggestion for an act of Parliament, viz.:—
	"Memorandum, all lands, tenements and other hereditaments which were given to the use of the finding of priests to sing for the souls of the dead, and whereof any person at the making of this Act standeth and is seised to that use only, to be given to the King's Highness, his heirs and successors" towards fortifying the coasts of England against foreign assaults, which his Grace has already begun. Provided that lands given with the premises for relief of the poor and impotent, or for educating the ministers of God's word or of any liberal science, or for amending highways, maintaining bridges and passages, relief of taxation, and the like, remain as the giver intended, or else be altered to a better intent for the setting forth of God's word. Provided also that priests and others in any college, chantry or like promotion which shall come to the King by this Act, dependent on the same for their livings, shall have competent livings or augmentations of livings assigned to them.
	Large paper, p. 1. Endd.: Towchinge chaunteryes and soule prestes to be the Kinges except, etc., quere. Also endd. in another hand; An article to be put into the Acte of Parlyament.
	853. Sources of Revenue.
Titus B., VI. 213. B. M.	"Howe the Kyngs Majestie maye gather a great thesaure without selling or abatyng any parte of his revenuez, but rather augmentyng the same by dymynicion of his charges, the doyng whereof shall redounde to the unyversall welthe of his subjects."
	Proposing to give all the King's tenants (by copy or custom or for years or at will) grants of their lands in feefarm, who should pay their rents into the Exchequer, so that the King will be discharged from payments to officers of the courts of Augmentations, Surveyors, and the Duchy of Lancaster, &c. One article is, "And for the bishops' lands which it shall please the King's Highness to take into his hands, and to give them pensions out of his coffers, or else to annex unto their dignities parsonages, the same possessions at this present being esteemed at £20,000 yearly at the least, the King's Majesty might of the same within short time make at the least 10 years' rent for fines and incomes after the rate aforesaid, which is two hundred thousand pounds, and yet reserve the whole usual rent." Recommends the appointment of two or three honest men to survey all the King's lands.
	Pp.6.
	854.––––––to-–––––
R. O.	The first bill that I delivered to your mastership was for every man to pay, for tithes and oblations for wife and household taking no wages, 16½d for rent between 10s. and 20s.; from 20s. to 30s., 2s. 9d.; and so ascending. This bill in the Parliament House is to pay 12d. for 10s., 2s. for 20s. and so ascending, and 2d. for the four offering days for every creature over fifteen taking no wages, which amounts to 4½d. in 10s. in general. Thus we shall be at one payment in the city and suburbs. If we pay 2s. 9d. in the pound, there are 3,000 households which never paid more than 2s., and so we shall be at two payments. There are 97 parish churches, of which 23 shall be 40 marks and upwards to the parson; 22 at 20l. and upward; 35 at 20 marks and upward; and 15 at 10l. and upward. "Touching the last bill for the parysshens not sufficient," Dr. Fotherby, chancellor of Lincoln, had divers churches in Lincoln, and because they decayed, and to avoid charges in finding so many priests, united some of the parishes; "and so by your discretion and wisdom these parishes here may be so ordered."
	P. 1. Endd: Billa concernens decimas in London.
23 Nov.	855. Sabyne Johnson to her Husband, John Johnson.
R. O.	Glapthorne, 23 Nov. 1545:—Domestic affairs. Amount of wool provided by Harryson, including Mr. Bickell's. Lord Crumwell has sent for his rent, for which she was driven to make hard shift. Wrote that Rypen had "buried one of the plague." For a month after he had none sick, but now within these eight or ten days "he hath buried out of his house other viij. or x. persons of his children and servants." At Oundell, they die sore. Other domestic matters, in the course of which she states that the price of the best wheat is 18s. 8d. the qr., malt 12s., barley 12s., and "paye" (qu. payse? i.e. pease) 8s.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add.: at Callais.
23 Nov.	856. Paget to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., x. 708.	Yesternight Sturmius, who went to Ardre with the Deputy's safe conduct on Friday (fn. n7) (as Paget wrote on Saturday), returned, and came with Brewno to speak with Paget. They expressed desire for this peace to take effect by their means, as they would then trust to come in confederation with the Kings. Here they set forth the French king's desire for it and the travail of some personage (naming nobody) to induce him thereto, contrary to the minds of the Admiral, Bayard and Card. Turnon, who were Papists and desired to have the matter ended by the Emperor. And they told how Bayard triumphed when he heard that Winchester was gone to the Emperor. Now, fearing that those who were so travailing with the French king might withdraw, and the French king seek other friendship noisome both to Henry and them, they wished Paget to tell them whereto Henry would "grow." Answered that this was a piece of his commission which he might not. speak of save in presence of his colleagues, and which would be best reasoned with the French king's ministers sent for the purpose. They said that they had further commission than, perhaps, the special commissioners who were coming knew of; for Mons. de Longuevale had sent a letter to Paget by his man Laplanche, who prayed them to deliver it and would tarry after the first assembly with the French commissioners; this was not an indirect mean, but, as things were to be spoken not meet for all men to know (said Brewno, who was chief speaker), Sturmius would to-morrow, before their departing to Arde, declare more if Paget would promise to participate it to none but Henry and his secretary at home. Having promised this, and taken Longuevale's letter, went with them to "a set supper" at my lord of Durham's. Longuevale takes occasion to write by a letter which Paget sent him, when Henry was at Portsmouth, upon the despatch of Bartholomew Compagni.
	This morning came Sturmius alone, early, and, beginning where they yesterday left off, laboured to persuade Paget of his affection to Henry. Reminded him of his pension from France and he answered that, nevertheless, he was not bound by any oath to France, although for honesty's sake he would venture his life for the French king, as also he would do for Henry, to whom he felt himself bound by their agreeing in matters which must be defended by Henry and his Princes; and also he judged that in these matters the French king was in the wrong. Describes subsequent long conversation verbatim, in which Sturmius first sought to know whether Henry would leave Bulloyn and have the Scots comprehended in return for payment of pension, arrears and war expenses, and afterwards made overtures (which he had commission to utter as his own device) which were the work of Madame Destampes and Mons. Longuevale; the French king hated the Emperor, and so did the Dauphin, who was most offended with last peace and would always make quarrel for Millan. Here Paget put in that, nevertheless, the French king was about to make a new and strange bargain therein, viz., renounce Millan for his daughter's marriage. That, said Sturmius, was only in case the Emperor would acquit all Piedmont to him, which should be a sure means to lose Millan, for as mortal war would hereafter be seen between the Dauphin and Prince of Spain as ever was between their fathers; the Imperialism of the Dauphin and Constable was only in hope of having Millan, and thereby the Constable lost favour; the Admiral and his colleagues went to the Emperor, not to make a league against the Protestants, but because Winchester had gone thither and the French feared that he would enter some treaty for marriages—between the Emperor and Madame Marie and between the Prince of Spain and Henry's other daughter,—and Sturmius durst undertake to get the French king to revoke the Admiral if Paget would persuade Henry to revoke Winchester. Paget thought that in any case the Admiral would not tarry long there unless to take advantage of what was done here. Nay, said Sturmius, the Admiral should never know of this overture of his, and he prayed Paget to let none know it save the King, and in anywise to keep it from Winchester. Madame Destampes, the Dauphin and Longuevale, who laboured to set the Admiral "besides the cushyn," willed him to open it, and it was this: —Henry to keep Bulloyn, be paid his pension yearly, and have the daughter of Scotland for the Prince, Bulloyn to be kept until arrears and war expenses were paid. That Henry and the French king should not consume each other, to the advantage of their enemies, but make peace and take the Protestants in with them was the reason why the latter travailed in this matter. Henry and the Protestants would thus be safe from the Emperor and Pope, and within two years the French king would be again at war with the Emperor, and themselves at rest save for a little aid giving. What with the arrears and debts of seven millions and the pension of 100,000 cr., Henry would be sure to have Bulloyn for 80 years, and then it would be his by prescription, if not freely granted before that time. Paget suggested that these things had already been indirectly moved by the Admiral. Sturmius was sure that the Admiral had no charge to do it, nor yet to offer the matter of the Scots, wherein Henry should choose whether he would have the Queen when of age to be married to the Prince, or have her now, to be kept in some English fortress upon the Borders, with an Almain of his own choice to be her tutor, for satisfaction of her mother. Paget asked the meaning of that, and told how tender Henry had been, both to her father after her grandfather's death, and to herself. Sturmius answered that he knew not the meaning of it, but that so he was commanded to say. Paget finally thought these overtures useless and the King's loss of arrears and war expenses too great, but, being pressed to report them to the King, agreed to think them over and within a few days speak of them again. After a little further talk of the cardinals of France and these Commissioners (all of whom Sturmius dispraised except Bellay and Remon) and of the likelihood of the Bishop of Rome's getting a fall by this peace, they parted.
	Explains that he could not avoid hearing this communication, and asks whether to listen any more to Sturmius or any other besides the Commissioners, and whether to answer peremptorily according to the common instructions or to set forth any of the secret overtures which Henry declared to him apart. Sturmius again pressed for the abstinence by land for a month, and showed a letter from the Commissioners (who came this night to Ardre) to the effect that they were commissioned to agree to it. As Henry would that Winchester at the Emperor's Court and they here should proceed foot by foot, Paget would know whether to communicate these private conferences to Winchester or to his own colleagues, with whom he has touched the matter generally, with request to beware letting the Protestants savour that he has told them. Will tomorrow hear from Ardre touching the meeting; howbeit he has more trust in Sturmius's private practices, who is in credit with the French king and those about him that are "not the great favourers of the Bishop of Rome, whereof the Admiral, Bayard and Turnon are chief captains." Calays, 23 Nov. 1545, at midnight. Signed.
	Pp. 12. Add. Endd.
Calig. E. iv 70 B. M.	2. Original draft of the above in Paget's hand, with the date 24 (sic) November, at midnight.
	Pp. 12, of which four are bound out of place, the true order being ff. 71-74. 143, 144, 70. Endd.: 24 Nov.
23 Nov.	857. Paget to Petre.
R. O.	Sends by bearer one packet from himself and two from my lord of Winchester. The first has been twice returned from the sea, and the others once, as the wind was so violently in the North West "that no man durst take the seas but John Nele, and yet he returned, with some danger." One of the King's shallops has been thrown upon the jetty by Ryse Bank and, if saved at all, will be past service for this year. Thinks that it is the Fawcon. The safe-conduct is thought by my lord of Durham and Mr. Tregonel to be good enough and is therefore not sent. Desires answer in things contained in his letter to the King, also copy of the article concerning the 460,000 cr. mentioned in Winchester's letters. My lord Chancellor remembers it, for when Paget was ambassador in France he had a copy. It is a letter of the French king's "knowledging the gift of certain money or jewels and promising the observance of the treaty." The exemplificat under Mr. Hussey's "notary signe" seems to be wrong written, for it purports to be an article of a treaty with the Scottish king, whereas we allege that the French king made such a treaty qualifying the comprehension of the Scots. If wrong, pray amend it; if otherwise, advertise us how to allege it. Calais, 23 Nov., at midnight, 1545.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add, Endd.
23 Nov.	858. Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., x. 699.	Describe how, through an error, as both Prate and the Emperor declared, Skepperus, who came for them this afternoon, (fn. n8) could not bring them to the Emperor's presence till five o'clock. After commendations, told the Emperor that they had letters from Henry, who was sorry for the untowardness of the French ambassadors, considering that he forbore other claims and only desired what himself had conquered and what was an evident debt, wherein he trusted that the Emperor would testify to his conformity; as to the perfection of amity between Henry and the Emperor, their instructions and the towardness shown here made them hope for the desired effect. Hereat the Emperor's countenance showed joy. He answered that he wished for peace, and if they had entrusted him with any overtures he would have been glad to set them forth as of himself. They replied that his desire for peace was evident, since his Council had of themselves tempted the French ambassadors with overtures; but the latter came with laws prescribed to give peace, not to seek it; Henry had omitted all old titles and claims (although it was seen that, in conclusions of peaces, such were not only challenged but obtained) and only asked what was without controversy, so that the writers had no other overture to make, and yet Gardiner, apart, when conjured by the Chancellor of France, for old acquaintance sake, to further the matter, had offered to travail for some relief of the debt. The Emperor asked what sum was due, and, being told that the arrears were over 1,500,000 cr., thought it a great sum. Gardiner explained that with the Chancellor of France he spoke as a private man and not as an ambassador, but he told it because he thought that the Emperor ought to know the uttermost of their private communication with the French ambassadors; the French, by their insistance for Bolen, seemed to think that whatever they won in war they might keep and what they lost must be returned to them, and it was wholesome for the world that the French king should be so disciplinate as to account himself subject to the chance of war; in rendering Bolen for as much money as the French could pay, England would get no adequate recompense for the men and money spent, and Henry trusted that the Emperor would testify that what prevented peace was the unreasonableness of the other party. The Emperor said that peace was his special desire, and asked if they had any further commission of abstinence or truce as any entry to it. Answered that they durst show the bottom of their instructions, which was that, upon Skepperus' request, they had commission for a truce only if the French ambassadors asked it, and not for less than ten months. The Emperor said that the French should know nothing thereof by him; and, earnestly desiring the perfection of the amity, asked if they had seen the writing drawn by his Council. Replied that they had, and liked some of it, but other points they trusted that his Council would amend. He then desired them to speak with his Council; and so they departed at 6 p.m. on Sunday.
	This morning [23rd] at 7 a.m. came word from Skepperus that the Emperor had appointed his Council to assemble at 8.30 a.m., at which time Skepperus would come to accompany the writers thither; which he did, and on the way they met Grandvela and Skore, and went together into the Council Chamber, where Prate was tarrying for them, "so as there appeared great diligence used to speak with us." Skepperus remained in Council with them. The writers repeated what they had said to the Emperor and, touching France, three doubts were raised, viz. (1) whether they would speak of truce upon the Emperor's motion, because the French dare not ask what they would fain have? (2) Whether they would agree to more than ten months (which, Prate said, would extend to August, after which the season of war was past, but was answered that it was not so, for Henry could in winter annoy the enemy's fishing and intercept his vintage)? (3) Touching the tillage of Bolloignos (wherein the writers said that Henry would permit none but his subjects to meddle, and passed over the matter of Madame de Fynes's lands as insoluble). In the first two they promised to write for instructions.
	Coming then to the writing upon the eclarishment of the treaty, and allowing that it should be "a understanding of the old treaty and no new treaty," they spent a good time upon three points of the 6th article, viz.— 1. Bolen; which the Emperor would nowise add to the rest of Henry's pieces at present; in case Henry were in peaceable possession of it, it should then be added. 2. The number of invaders; the writers pressed Grandvela with his former mention of 200 or 100 horse, and said that Henry would increase the number to 1,000; but were answered that thus the Emperor would seem to seek war with France, and 1,000 men was only an incursion. Reminded them that they were about no new treaty, but only the declaration of the old, which spoke de invasione aliqua; but this eclarishment, which they would make, was sure to come to the Frenchmen's knowledge, who would delude its effect by annoying Henry with 1,000 fewer than the article purports; if they dare not (as Grandvela said) invade Henry's realm with a smaller number, that would not be for fear of the common enmity which this article imports. The point was left for further consultation. 3. Credence to be given to the letters of the Prince invaded was agreed upon.
	In the declaration of the 7th article the Emperor would have nothing spoken of but that faith shall be given to the Prince requiring aid as to the number of invaders, and thought it unnecessary to make a case of aid for less than 10,000; if the French enterprised any such matter they would venture further than to keep their power in the borders, and they would not soon repeat their attempt made by sending a few on land from ships. This declaration proceeded from Skepperus in England, and does not seem material; Henry can demand but one aid in one year, and the Frenchmen did, without question, enter above 10,000 by land; whereupon the writers will not forget to demand the aid "in his place."
	Did not differ in the other articles save the 24th, which the Emperor would understand as for the common invasion, but may (the writers think) be brought to take as for such time as the French king is common enemy. Finally left them to consult upon that article and the number of invaders in the 6th.
	Defer requesting special bonds of the Estates of this country until they have passed the matter; and think that if such bonds are refused those already passed by the treaty are strong enough in justice.
	Henry's Council wrote that this declaration should be worded as to "be expounded neither after civil law, common law, ne canon law, but according to the litteral or the grammatical sense." Suggest "plainly bona fide and as the litteral sense showeth" rather than the above expression, that "denieth civil law, common law, canon law" and might give occasionem calumniœ where there is any inclination to evil saying. On learning the Emperor's resolution upon the two points remaining in deliberation, will send minute of the declaration, that Henry may see it before they give a copy to those here.
	This afternoon the Admiral and Chancellor of France signified that, understanding that answer was come from Henry, they desired to meet the writers. Answered that they had indeed received letters and shown the contents to the Emperor and his Council; and would gladly meet them. If truce is moved, will make no final answer without advertising Henry. Antwerp, 23 Nov. Signed.
	In Gardiner's hand, pp. 13. Add. Endd,: 1545.
24 Nov.	859. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 273.	Meeting at Westminster, 24 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, St. John, Privy Seal, Hertford, Essex, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre, Sadler, Riche. Business:—Thos. Coly, mayor of Dover, had warrant to Williams for 100l. to be conveyed to Mr. Gresham and Mr. Wingfelde for the transportation of strangers who lately "served northward," and 40s. for his charges. Letters to customers, &c, of Southampton to suffer the master of the Madlyne of Rendre to unlade and utter 40 tuns of Gascon wine.
24 Nov.	860. The Privy Council to Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne.
R. O. St. P., x.715.	The King has seen their letters of the ––– (fn. n9) inst., of their conference with Grandvella and the Emperor's Council, and approves their resolution touching matters of the intercourse. As the Emperor and his son seem to have no great haste to the marriages, the King passes them over; and yet marvels at the saying that the Prince of Spain is so ill affected to marriage when the Emperor has "entered a talk" for his marriage with the French king's daughter, "a person not so well favoured as were necessary for the weak courage of the Prince of Spain if he had no other affection to marriage than they speak of." Gardiner shall take occasion to open this to Skipper, Scory or some other of the Council to fish out touching that marriage with France. Because their desire for the marriage between the Prince and the King of Romans' daughter seems to proceed of a good affection, the King, trusting that it shall be a great confirmation of this amity with the Emperor, likes the offer, if they will proceed to offer conditions agreeable. As to the "esclarisshment," wrote fully in former letters and will only add, that, where they think that there is not much sticking for armour and munition, the King would add in that article victuals and carriages, at the least 400 or 500 when required.
	If your talk with the French commissioners tend to a truce, the conditions must be sent hither before it is concluded.
	Draft, pp. 3 (last sentence in Petre's hand). Endd.: M. to my lordes of Winchester and Westm., etc., xxiiij^o Novembris 1545.
24 Nov.	861. Anthony Cave to John Johnson.
R. O.	Tickford, 24 Nov. 1545:—By yours of the 8th I perceive the safe arrival of our fleet, and that you retain Ambrose, for whom I have kept a horse at London this 14 days. Your brother Richard has been at London 15 days. Let the Hollanders make cloth of fells, for wools they get none unless above the Staple price. Death among sheep. Yours of the 15th just received. Thanks for news of the towardness of peace, "which I pray Jesus bring to be performed that Christian blood be not shed as it hath been and the poor oppressed. And, as I hear, Mr. Secretary and other be with you ere this. Beseeching God they may well agree." The writer's debt to Mrs. Fareye and need of money about Christmas, to pay Wells and the rest of Latheburye. Trusts to Mr. Smith to pay his customs. "I thank you for your remembrance of my good debtors, Olter Blason and Payn, whereof I would be glad to hear some good news, and of other proceedings at Ard and Bruges."
	Hol., pp. 2. Add.: at Callis. Endd.: Aunsweryd from Callais the 6 in December, etc.
24 Nov.	862. Convocation of York.
Wake's State of the Church, App. 227.	Prorogation of the Convocation of York to 26 Jan. next, published 24 Nov., 1545, by John Rookebie, LL.D., the Abp.'s vicar general and principal official in the Convocation.
	ii. Prorogation of the Convocation of York to 22 Dec. next, by Robert abp. of York, issued 14 Dec. 1545.
	Lat.
24 Nov.	863. Paget to Henry VIII.
	See No. 856 (2).
24 Nov.	864. Paget to Petre.
R. O.	This morning my letters were brought back to me, for the fourth time some of them. Even now I received your letters (fn. n10) with the commission, and perceive that the King is pleased with the abstinence, if the French desire it and will put no victuals into their fortresses nor begin any new fortification in Bullonoys. As the French do not desire it, but the Protestants do (and offer these conditions), I would know whether his Majesty will accord it and whether they shall not also be forbidden new fortification in the county of Guisnes. When I was with his Majesty he resolved therein without condition; and now you must write whether he will observe the same conditions, and whether he will name a month and as much longer as the treating lasts, or else generally during the treating.
	Begs him to move Mr. Carden or Mr. Deny that Paget may have another lodging instead of that which the King has taken. The chamber over the gate will scant receive his bed and a table to write at, and the study is not meet "to be trampled in for diseasing his Majesty." Was promised the lodging over the gate where Mr. Baynton lay, without which he has no place for his clerks and others, such as the Latin and French secretaries and the clerks of the Council and Signet, to write in; and the King's affairs are only to be written where they may be secret and Paget may see the doing of them. The King's service at present is greater than it has been for many years, and requires many hands. Begs Petre, rather than fail, to move the King in it. If Paget had only his chamber keepers and three or four of his own men, the two little rooms were big enough; but Petre knows what a number they have both of necessary ministers and suitors. Thinks that the King will need no treasurer at Guisnes, as the crew will be so little that the treasurer of Calais may take pains therein. For victuals Mr. Mondy should have it joined to his charge at Calais and be allowed a clerk or two for the purpose. "Tell Mr. Rous he was deceived in Wootton, and therefore bid him look again ere he commend any more to the treasurership of Guysnes, for by his commendation he was made treasurer." Thanks for sending my letters to my wife. Calais, 24 Nov., 8 p.m.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1545.
24 Nov.	865. Sir John Wallop to the Lord Deputy of Calais.
Harl. 283, f. 185. B. M.	Wishes to know if Mr. Paget will come tomorrow by land or water, If the latter, Wallop will send his covered boat for my lord of Durham, him and Dr. Tragalton. They should be at the water before 1 o'clock to arrive before night. If they come by water they should send their horses hither. Mr. Secretary's mule shall be within the castle. Of beds within the castle has three for Mr. Secretary, three for my lord of Durham, two for Mr. Dr. Tragulion "and for the Protestants four for both." The rest of their servants may be provided for in the town. At the coming of the Frenchmen all their sequele must be provided for in the town. Would know from Mr. Secretary whether to shoot the ordnance at their arrival. "And how it will sound in th'Imperials ears, there is my doubt." Would know the above tonight, so as to send his boat early. Guisnes, 24 Nov. Signed.
	P.S.—Desires Mr. Secretary and him to send hither sufficient men for the storehouse and brewhouse.
	P. 1. Add.
24 Nov.	866. Edmond Harvel to Henry VIII.
R. O.	Although Harvel wrote to Angel Marian, Henry's captain, for this winter, not to practise further with S^r Lois Gonsaga and Count Ludovico Rangon, he sends bearer, John Andrea Gromo, who was in Henry's wages under him, to declare his opinion of the said personages. If Henry proceed in the wars and will use Italians, no man is more apt than Sr. Lois. Begs that he may know that his offers of service are esteemed. Angel Marian is a faithful and loving servant. Venice, 24 Nov. 1545.
	Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
25 Nov.	867. Sir Anthony Rowse.
	Treasurer of the Chamber. See Grants in, November, No. 60.
25 Nov.	868. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 274.	Meeting at Westminster, 25 Nov. Present: Chancellor, Norfolk, Great Master, Privy Seal, Hertford, Essex, Cheyney, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Petre, Sadler, Riche. Business: Letters to Mr. Grimston at Portsmouth, for reducing the garrison there as prescribed by letters of the 16th, that such labourers as are meet to serve as soldiers shall have their wages increased (to soldiers' wages) by way of reward, so that common pioneers may not look for like wages. Warrant to Williams to deliver 300l. To –––(blank), to be conveyed to Portsmouth to William Johnson and John Chaderton for the garrison there, with 40s. for his charges; also 50l. to Mr. Aucher for making watch houses for the Young Man and the Bray of the Castle at Boloyne. Letters addressed to Lord Deputy and Council at Calais that, after the strangers are fully paid out of the money received of Thomas Gresham, the last half-year's wages of the garrison shall be paid; that the Treasurer shall for the time appoint one or two clerks to attend to victuals at Guisnes, in lieu of the late treasurer there; that the 100 extraordinary soldiers at Newnham Bridge shall continue; that no soldier from Boloyne pass into England without passport from the lieutenant and Council of Boloyne, and that no women from England pass to Boloyne. Letter to Lord Grave to entertain Rocz Nostritz, Almain, lately serving in the North, and three horsemen with him at 40 cr. monthly; and to the Chancellor of Augmentations to send 100 fodder of lead to Boloyne.
25 Nov.	869. A. Saunders to John Johnson.
R. O.	London, 25 Nov. 1545:— On Monday night I arrived here, finding your horse good. My sister, your bedfellow, and all our friends are well. I delivered your letter to my brother Breten. "The plague doth continue here still in many places. Our Lord cease it."
	P.S.—Mr. Southweke bespoke a gown for me at Andwerp. If it come to Callais before your departure pray bring it. "The Term is not yet ended. The Parliament is begun."
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: at Callais.
25 Nov.	870. Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., x. 716.	This morning, the 24th, Skepperus came to see how in old treaties the 24th article was conceived, saying that the Emperor's Council would not have the Frenchmen impute to them that they agreed to any new matter to aggrieve France further than permissible by their last treaty. Told him that it was old enough, concluded with Henry before theirs. Taking the copy, he said that the Frenchmen would needs depart and the Emperor would know if the writers would have aught else proponed to them. Said nay. When moved of a truce, the Frenchmen had, he said, answered how if a truce were spoken of they had commission to answer; and, seeing things desperate, they would depart. At the same time, received the Duke of Ascote's invitation to dinner tomorrow, and Skepper promised to go with them thither, and also to sup with them tonight.
	Send a minute (fn. n11) of the contract by which they propose to pass these matters with the Emperor. Before receiving Henry's instructions thereupon, will deliver no writing to these men.
	At 3 o'clock the French Ambassadors took leave of the Emperor, and at 5 o'clock came to Gardiner, from the Admiral and Chancellor, one Maverle, who brought the Chancellor and Gardiner together the first, and second times, and is learned and well esteemed. He said that they sent him to bid farewell, which they would rather have done themselves had we assembled as they thought we should have done, and they were sorry that, they being such personages, I had not come with full commission; and he began to lament that Bolen should be the cause of war. I desired him to thank them for sending, and say that I would gladly have been minister to good effect in so honorable a company, which was disappointed rather by want of commission on their part, and to show the Chancellor that I had for him the qualification of comprehension of the Scots exemplified. And I showed it, adding that the Chancellor might now perceive that I spoke truly of his hope to find me relent in Bolen. Maverle lifting up his hands and eyes said "that, if there were any faith in men, the Chancellor had cause so to hope and trust." I asked if they were given hope thereof "from hence." He "would not say so, but they had great cause so to hope."
	Skepperus came to supper and doubted whether this departure were in earnest; and so passed this 24th day.
	This morning the French ambassadors depart indeed, and Grandvela and Score are with them. Their departure seems worthy the despatch of a post. Skepperus says that the Lansgrave has "sperkled" his army and sent a man to the Emperor, with letters and instructions, to justify himself. Antwerpe, 25 Nov. Signed.
	Pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1545.
25 Nov.	871. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O.	By your advertisement I conjecture that when we have ended you begin, for today the Admiral departs hence and you meet the Frenchmen. God send you better speed than has been here. The French have some comfort to obtain Bolen, as you shall see by Maverlie's speech. "I fear me that the Protestants have been very bold in it to get themself such authority as to noise abroad that they have such reputation as they be able to mayne things that be desperate at the Emperor's hand, and to contend with him in it. If the Germans Protestants may establish that authority to be mediators between Princes, then they begin to join worldly authority to their gospel and play the bishop of Rome's part; which if they do as faithfully as he did, by bearing in hand, then hath they his office upsy down." The French trust that the Protestants shall do them good and it may turn to the contrary. If they get us peace "or prick these men forward," they do us some good. If not they have done us much hurt by bearing in hand to compass matters. Antwerpe, 25 Nov.
	Commendations to my lord of Durham and Mr. Tregonnel. Bearer is despatched only to Calais.
	P.S. on the outside: Pray send home Mons. Skepperus' letters. We have joined complaint of our merchants in Spain and promised to send this. "We be not yet answered in the other, but now at dinner we shall speak with Skepperus."
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd,; 1545.
	ii. Cornille Skepperus to [Gardiner].
	Monseigneur, the Spanish merchants whose goods are arrested in Hamptone offer bail in England for the value; only they desire that the goods may not be discharged or sold as is said to be intended. This is important for maintaining love between subjects of both sides, and I beg you to send some little word therein, that I may answer the merchants. Signed.
	French, p. 1.
25 Nov.	872. Charles V. to St. Mauris.
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 172.	Left Bruges on the 16th, and arrived at Antwerp on the 18th at the same time as the French and English plenipotentiaries. On Monday (fn. n12) the French ambassador said they heard that the English ambassadors had received their master's answer, and asked if there was any chance of negociations being resumed. Replied that he had just been told the said answer and would communicate with the French ambassadors after dinner; and this was done by the Emperor's commissioners, who said that the English ambassadors had received orders to make it clear that their master intended to retain Boulogne, as won at great cost, and likely, if restored, to make the French forget their debts and involve him in future wars.
	With the acquiescence of the English, the Emperor then proposed that the English should retain Boulogne on paying the French a money indemnity. This proposal the French rejected.
	A truce was then proposed; and the French said that they would accept it, if the request came from the English, but would never ask for it. The English made a like answer.
	All expedients being thus exhausted, the French asked when they might take leave; but they were reminded that other negociations remained, viz., concerning the peace between the Emperor and France. They replied that all due to the Duke of Savoy and the Empire had been granted; and made evasive answers. The conference being thus ended, the Admiral took Praet and Granvelle aside and proposed an immediate agreement for the marriage of the Prince and Madame Margaret and the deferring of the Duke of Savoy's matter. They excused themselves, alleging the Emperor's duty to the Empire, of which Savoy was a part. Declaring his King's answer to the Emperor's invitation to next assembly of the Order of the Golden Fleece, the Admiral said that his King would negotiate no further with the English, who would be glad to make peace by and by, but he really wished for the marriage between the Prince and Madame Margaret as a guarantee of perpetual peace between their houses. Piedmont and the claims of Savoy. Antwerp, 25 Nov. 1545.
[25 Nov.]	873. Secretary Idiaquez to [the Duke of Alba].
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 173.	Negociations with the French and English plenipotentiaries, begun at Bruges are continued here [at Antwerp]. The Emperor has opened negociations on his own account with the French, but they raise many difficulties and would raise more but for fear of his immediately concluding an alliance with the English. The Landgrave has forced the Duke of Brunswick to make peace with him. No answer from Rome to the message by Marquina; nor news of truce with the Turk.