Henry VIII: December 1546, 11-15 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 21 Part 2, September 1546-January 1547. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1910.

'Henry VIII: December 1546, 11-15', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 21 Part 2, September 1546-January 1547, (London, 1910) pp. 269-291. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol21/no2/pp269-291 [accessed 26 April 2024]

December 1546, 11-15



11 Dec.	525. City of Lincoln.
	See Grants in December, No. 24.
11 Dec.	526. Christ Church Cathedral, Oxford.
	Endowment. See Grants in December, No. 25.
11 Dec.	527. William Parr, Earl of Essex.
R. O.	List of liberties to be granted to the earl of Essex in his patent of the manors of Amelsett, Troutbek, etc., in cos. Westmld., Yorks., and Lanc., viz.:—View of frankpledge, leet, &c. (goods of felons, outlaws and convicts struck out); also a Saturday market in Kirkeby Kendall and three days' fairs at Palm Sunday and Trinity Sunday.
	ii. Deposition of Miles Brigges, of Cartmell, Westmld., aged 39, Reynold Noble, of Wakefelde, Yorks, 40, Chr. Seggeswike, of Dent, Yorks, 32, and John Andrewes of Kirkeby in Kendall, 28, chapmen, 11 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII., that there have always been at Kyrkeby in Kendall two annual three days' fairs beginning on the eves of Palm Sunday and Trinity Sunday, to which come a great multitude of people and wares; and there is a market every Saturday, a court every three weeks for actions of debt, trespass, &c., and head courts yearly after Easter and Michaelmas to enquire of measures, weights and other market matters and "of all frays, [bloodshed, and] (fn. n1) other trespasses and misdemeanours." These fairs, markets and courts have always been kept by the officers of the Earl of Essex and his ancestors upon the King's land there whereof they had the rule, and are necessary for the country. The Earl and his ancestors have always had a free chace called "th'Olde Parke," extending into Troutbek, Applethwayt, Amelsett, Undermylbek, Wynandermar, and divers other places, wherein no man hawks or hunts without licence; and there are two keepers and a master of [the game]. The Earl's officers take waif and stray there, and the clerk of the market does not meddle.
	Large paper, written on the one side only, pp. 3.
R. O.	2. Draft of the preceding, in which § i. is a separate paper (p. 1) but attached to § ii. which is on one page, large paper.
	Endd.: Depositions concerning the liberties of the barony of Kendall.
11 Dec.	528. Sadler to Mr. Hanby.
R. O.	Thanks for your pains many times taken for me. Pray send me written in parchment the particulars of Allesborowe manor, Worc., parcel of the late mon. of Pershore; and when I may do you pleasure you shall find me ready. From my house at Westm., 11 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: one of the King's Majesty's auditors.
11 Dec.	529. Emanuel Philibert of Savoy to Henry VIII.
R. O.	Has asked the King's gentleman, this bearer, (fn. n2) who will report occurrents here, to carry this evidence that, although adversity puts it out of his power to do the King service, he retains the affection of a humble servant and poor kinsman. Rottemburg, 11 Dec., 1546. Signed: E. Philibert de Savoye.
	French, p. 1. Add.: Au Roy Dangleterre. Endd.: The Duke of Savoye to the K's Ma^te.
11 Dec.	530. Ludovico da L'Armi to Paget.
R. O.	Wrote lately that, being indisposed, he could not then present to the Signory the engineer and master of conducting water recommended by Paget. Now, being recovered, reports that although the man did him the first disfavour of refusing "ad . . . . ggiar con esso meco, essendone stato da me instantemente pregato," he would not do the second of not making use of me where he thought I might help, on the assurance that I would do my best for a servant of the King, and especially one dependent upon Paget. Finds, however, no hope that the Signory will undertake so great an enterprise, both because it is not necessary, there being innumerable wells and tanks of sweet water in the land, and because their money is exhausted and affairs of the world very involved. Will still do his best publicly and privately that the man's coming may not be in vain. If perchance Paget hears anything of the death of Mafio Bernardo, which seems to touch the writer's honour, either privately or as the King's servant, let him hear first what M. Guido de Zannetti will report of the whole thing; and then tell those who malign him that he has always proved himself studious of his master's honour and his own. Begs favour in his suit by letter to the King. Venice, 11 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	Italian, pp. 2. Add.
12 Dec.	531. Denization.
R. O.	Copy of letters of denization to Sir Francis Bernard, a native of Venice. Westm., 12 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII.
	Lat., pp. 3.
12 Dec.	532. Selve to Francis i.
Corresp., No. 78.	The Scottish ambassadors had audience yesterday. The King told them that he would soon be in London and resolve upon their affairs, and meanwhile was about to send a gentleman to request the Governor of Scotland to raise the siege of St. Andrews, and begged the ambassadors also to write to that effect; which they refused to do. The said gentleman, who has been sent for 40 miles from this, was formerly in Scotland, and the embassy must be for something important. One of those who escaped from St. Andrews undertakes to put four shiploads of victual into St. Andrews by night. M. de la Garde and the writer are sent for, to be at Nonsuch on Tuesday night and have audience on Wednesday. London, 12 Dec. 1546.
12 Dec.	533. Selve to the Admiral [of France].
Corresp., No. 79.	A merchant of Bayonne who sues for release of his brother, prisoner here, came to-day on behalf of more than sixty Spanish captains and gentlemen in this King's service who offer, with 800 Spaniards and 400 or 500 Italians to pass, within a month, into Scotland if the Scottish ambassadors here will sign a capitulation with them. They complain neither of pay nor treatment, but are irritated because this King has made one Gamboa master of the camp, although the least of them was of better family than he, and as well or better experienced in war. Asked them to keep their project secret as regards the ambassadors, saying that when war came it would be time to think of it.
	Was told this morning that my lord of Surrey, son of the Duke of Norfolk, is prisoner in the Tower on two principal charges, one that he had the means of attempting the castle of Hardelot, when he was at Boulogne, and neglected it, the other that he said there were some who made no great account of him but he trusted one day to make them very small. Both he and his accuser, Mr. Sodrel (Southwell), gentleman of the King's chamber, were put in prison; but Sodrel is released and many hold that Surrey will suffer death. London, 12 Dec. 1546.
	Has just learnt that a gentleman of Guyebert, who came to this country with the bailiff of the Isles of Guernsey, lieutenant of the Earl of Hertford, is sent back thither in haste and will land at Pourbail near Valloignes. Mons. de Mattignon might arrest him, not as coming from England but for a crime with which he is charged by the Seigneur de Guyumic in Brittany, who has seized his property; and he might then be examined as to his promises here and his accomplices. He leaves on Tuesday morning, going by the said isles.
	Fr.
12 Dec.	534. Sir Edward North and Walter Mildmay to Mr. Hanbye.
R. O.	The King, taking a new order for his revenues, has appointed ten auditors apportioned to certain limits and shires. You shall deliver them brief books of the revenues heretofore in your charge and now answerable in their offices for the year ended at Michaelmas last. London, 12 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: one of the King's Majesty's auditors.
12 Dec.	535. The Same to the Same.
R. O.	The King, presently altering the order of his revenues, has appointed Hanbye auditor of the counties of Ntht., Warw., Worc., Leic., Rutl. Staff., Salop and Heref. With all possible diligence he must repair to all auditors, both of the Augmentations and Survey Court, who have accounts of any of the King's revenues in these shires, and require of them brief books of the said revenues for the year ended at Michaelmas last; and therefrom make out one entire book, to be delivered to the receiver within his office, now appointed, for the levying of the same. He shall then certify the writers of the gross value in each county. London, 12 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Subscribed: Ric. Goodrick.
12 Dec.	536. Cranmer to the Vice-Dean and Prebendaries of Canterbury.
Strype's Cranmer, i. 198. Cr's Letters, (Parker Soc.), 417.	Is informed that they are in doubt whether one prebendary may exchange house or garden with another. Neither the statute (words quoted) nor any other reason that he knows forbids such exchange during life. Requires them indelayedly to admit their preachers to chambers and commodities as appointed at their last chapter. Croydon, 12 Dec. 1546.
	From the Register of Christchurch, Canterbury.
12 Dec.	537. Musters in Wales.
R. O.	"Book of general musters," made 12 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII., for the "hundreth" of Llanidlos, Machinleth, Newtowne and the "hundreth" of Mountgomery allotted to the charge of James Leche, Richard Price, clk., Matthew Price, William Harbarte, Rees ap Moris ap Owen and John ap Dd. Lloid, by the King's commission to them and their fellows, returnable to the Commissioners of the Marches of Wayles.
	[Giving under parishes, etc., lists of the bowmen, spears and glaives, with a note of each man's harness and weapons, e.g. "footemans harnes," "bow, arr. and swerde," "sw. sp." (sword, spear), or the like, and in the margin in may cases the letter "a" for "able man," viz.:—]
	Llanydlos hundred:—A list, without further heading, of 83 names. Parish of Llanydlos, 56. Burgesses of the town of Llanydlos, 39. Parishes of Treveglos 60, Llanddynam 44, Llanwonnog 35, Carno 16. Total bowmen, 54, spears 180, glaives 101, able men 137, privy coats 24, splints 18 pair, skulls 22, sheaves of arrows 13, swords 200.
	Machynleth hundred:—Parishes of Darrowen 38, Llanowryng 62, Kemmys 31, Penegwis 40, Machynleth 41, Llanbrynmayre 14. Total bowmen 70, spears 108, glaives 31, able men 83, privy coats 38, splints 12 pair, skulls 22, sheaves of arrows 32, swords 178.
	"Villa libertatis de Machenllethe" 36, viz., privy coats 6, spears 6, swords 11, bills 13.
	Newtowe (sic) hundred:—Parishes of Berew 42, Egynnlle with Llamrewicke 36, Tragynnon 28, Llanwethelan and Llanllegan 15, Newtowne 14, town of Newtoune 28, parishes of Manavon 29, Bettos 25, Haberhaves 19, Llanllochayrne 21. Total bowmen 76, spears 76, glaives 98, able men 97, coats 23, splints 10 pair, skulls 22, sheaves of arrows 52, swords 209. Signed: Ri. Price, clk.
	Mountgomery hundred:—Town and parish of Montgomery 43, parishes of Churchestoc 26, Hussington 39, Snede 7, Moghtre 21, Llanvyhangell in Kery 94. Total bowmen 70, spears 67, glaives 67, able men 60, coats 20, splints 10, skulles 12, sheaves of arrows 40, swords 112. Signed: Ri. Price, clk.; Mathew Price; Wyllyme Harbard; Gruff Jonys; Res Moris; John ap Dd. Lloid.
	Pp. 42.
12 Dec.	538. A. de Pisseleu [Seigneur de Heilly] to Deputy of Calais.
Harl. MS., 288, f. 79. B. M.	I send you two "bracques," one of which, reared in my chamber, retrieves (lieue) pheasant and partridge well and is called Quant et Quant and will follow you everywhere. The other is also very good. This is in fulfilment of my promise. Hesdin, 12 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	French, p. 1. Add. Endd.: A letter from the captain of Hedyng.
12 Dec.	539. Carne to Paget.
R. O.	Yesterday in the evening arrived Mons. Gronyng from the Emperor, and also a post despatched on the 5th inst. Yesternight arrived another post despatched from the Emperor on the 7th., the Emperor being with his whole camp at Ratynbourgh, 2 leagues from Ulmes. The Landsgrave, two days before leaving his camp, set forth his army in order of battle towards the Emperor's camp; and thus covered the conveyance of all his ordnance to the town of Wolme. He then departed in order of battle, having full 5,000 horsemen, of whom 2,000 were "barbede horses." President Schore says that the Landgrave is in his own country and every man retired home save 12,000 who ccompaanied the Duke of Saxe towards his country which is all taken by Duke Maurice except the town of Wyttynberghe. That town may be taken also; for the news was that "Duke Maurice had won all, as well the mines as all the rest, to that town, and that he was purposed thitherwards." Here it is said that the Landsgrave was two days with the County Palatyne, and that the County Palatyne comes by appointment to speak with the Emperor, who will shortly draw towards Spyres. The ways are now open for posts. The Emperor will prepare an army in the beginning of the year, with the Countye du Buyre or Mons. Barbanson, to set upon the Landsgrave's country of Hasse. Bruxelles, 12 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
[13 Dec]	540. Norfolk to Henry VIII.
Herbert's Henry VIII (edit. 1649), p. 565.	Begs for grace. Some great enemy has informed the King untruly; for God knows, he never thought one untrue thought against the King or his succession, and can no more guess the charge against him than the child born this night. (fn. n3) Desires that his accusers and he may appear before the King, or else the Council. Knows not that lie has offended any man, or that any are offended with him, "unless it were such as are angry with me for being quick against such as have been accused for Sacramentaries." As for religion I have told your Majesty and many others that knowing your virtue and knowledge I shall stick to whatsoever laws you make; and for this cause divers have borne me ill will, "as doth appear by casting libels abroad against me." Begs that he may recover the King's favour, the King taking all his lands and goods; and that he may know what is laid to his charge and have some word of comfort from his Majesty.
R. O.	541. Surrey to the Council.
	Since the "beginning of my durance" my master's displeasure, much loss of blood, and sorrow to see "the long approved truth of mine old father brought in question by any stir between Sowthwell and me," has sore enfeebled me; and therefore, lest my wits should not be fresh to unburden my conscience of a matter which I have reserved in expectation of your being sent from the King to examine me, I make this suit. Four years past you, my lord Chancellor, Privy Seal, Winchester and Sir Anthony Browne "had the examination of matters touching allegiance then laid to my charge, wherein God knoweth with what danger I escaped notwithstanding mine innocency, for the which I most humbly confess to have conceived no small jealousy in your favour, and ask your pardon therefor. My desire is you iiij, and only you, may be sent to me, for so it sch[ould be best for his] Ma. service, to whom I intend to discha[rge my conscience] in such matter of importance as depend[eth unto the] formall examination, trusting in your ho[norable lordships that] with respect of my particular deserts towards you ye will make report of my tale to his Majesty according as ye shall hear." If this request seem too bold, I trust his Majesty shall be content when I am heard; and, albeit Mr. Baker was present at the "formall examinacyon," he should not be at this. "Nevertheless, my matter is prejudicial to no creature, unless to myself."
	Hol., p. 1. Slightly mutilated. Add.
13 Dec.	542. Anthony Aucher to Paget.
R. O.	In pursuance of your letter, I received 500l. by my servant Gadbury, and will make speed for the "placing" of the victual. I have already shipped 500 qr. of grain and will ship as much more before Christmas; and by Easter Day at the farthest the King shall have "victual there sufficient, as well for his number appointed as also for the rest, if his Majesty shall so require." If his Majesty augment the number I shall require but six weeks or a month, lacking on the other side only millage; and mills shall be set up there by Candlemas. I can put wheat, malt, beef and mutton there within ten days. For fish out of Flanders and butter and cheese out of Suffolk and Essex, where there is scarcity, I must have 400l. or 500l. more before Christmas, as the freights here, "with the making of these houses," take all this 500l. and all I can make of my own besides. At Boolleigne there must be owing 3000l. The need for a month's warning is for salting of beef and barrelling of flour. Pray move his Highness "to consider that every beginning is hard;" but by the time appointed I doubt not to furnish his purpose. From my poor house, Swingfeld, 13 Dec. Signed: Anthony A[uchar].
	Pp. 2. Add.: Sir William Paggett, knight, chief secretary. Endd.: Mr. Awger to Mr. Secr. Mr. Pag[et] xiij^o Decembr, 1546.
13 Dec.	543. Sir Robert Bowes to the Council.
R. O.	John Herone and George Herone his son were, when the Duke of Suffolk was lieutenant in the North, committed to ward in Newcastle. Afterwards, at the writer's request, they were assigned to his ward in Anwicke castle; and have continued with him more than a year and a half, ready with good counsel (being men of wit and experience) and actively serving in all journeys when Bowes rode himself into Scotland or to the Borders for defence against the Scots. After their correction by this long imprisonment, ventures to license George (his father being too old for the journey) to repair to the Council and sue for their deliverance out of ward. Begs favour for them, thinking that they were not so culpable as was reported, and trusting that (howsoever they have been) they will hereafter apply themselves to the good order of the country and advancement of the King's affairs. The said John Herone is declared by the auditors to be in arrear with the rents and farms of the late nunnery of the Holliestone, appointed to him when he had the keeping of Tyndaill and Rydsdaill, from the dissolution of the nunnery until the beginning of these wars. Herone says that in the exercise of these troublous rooms, having only the ordinary fees, he was forced to spend both the profits of the said farms and all he could make of his own, trusting by his service so to content the King and Council that the said farms would be allowed and annexed to the office of Riddisdaill in the future. The man is very poor and most of his lands assigned to payment of his debts; and, as he cannot endure such a long journey, the writes has licensed his son George Herone, the bearer, to make suit for some order to be taken touching the said arrears. Anwicke, 13 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
13 Dec.	544. Privy Council of Scotland.
Regist., 57.	Meeting at St. Andrews, 13 Dec. 1546. Present, the Governor, the earl of Huntlie, chancellor, the bps. of Moray, Whithorn and Brechin, the earls of Angus, Errol, Merschell and Glencarne, the abbots of Cowper, Dunfermling, postulate of Aberdeen, Culross, and Lundoris, lords Flemyng, Ruthvin, Gray, Lindesay de Byris, and Invermeith, lord George Douglas, and the Clerk of Register. Business:—Confirmation of appointment of George Douglas, Angus's son, to the abbey of Abirbrothok. The Governor to visit the Borders and put order there "at the xx^ti day of zule"; but the "quarters" to continue at the siege of St. Andrews castle in their turns according to the proclamation.
14 Dec.	545. Sir Edward North to Mr. Hanbye and others.
R. O.	Requires them to certify him how much of the King's lead remains ready molten "within their circuit and receipt, as well in the ports as elsewhere," and how far the places are from the nearest havens. From my house, 14 Dec. 1546. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: "To his loving fryndes Mr. Hanby, the King's ma^ties auditours (sic) for the counties of Worcester, Hereford, etc., and Mr. Receyvour ther."
14 Dec.	546. Van der Delft to Charles V.
Spanish Calendar, viii. No. 364.	When he demanded audience to present the letter of credence enclosed in the Emperor's of 10 Oct. the King was unwell, and he was referred to the Council. Has since received an unsigned letter of 8 Nov., the original of which reached him on the 6th inst., as he was coming from Oatlands, where, the previous day, he had given the intelligence it contained to the King. The King said he was aware that the French sought to intrigue with him against the Emperor, and even more to intrigue with the Emperor against him, and, to that end, had used means both with the Protestants and the Pope. Then, bidding the writer be seated, he said he thought it strange that, considering their intimate friendship, he was not told of the Emperor's undertakings, who seemed likely to be seduced by the Pope. Replied that the Emperor had negociated nothing with the Pope to his disadvantage, always rebutting such suggestions. He seemed pleased, but said he knew that the Pope's promises to the Emperor were not fulfilled. Gathered from his discourse that he would like to see the war in Germany appeased and the Emperor's arms turned against those who always sought to frustrate his enterprises; the report of both armies brought by a man who recently arrived from the seat of war was not to the Emperor's advantage, on whose behalf he would gladly mediate for a peaceful settlement; he would then join the Emperor against the French, and could bring into the league the Protestants and the King of Denmark. This, he said, was in strict confidence, and he forbade the writer to mention him in communicating it to the Queen of Hungary. It is evident that he has no secret understanding with, or trust in, the French; but he would not be persuaded that the Emperor is not making war with the Protestants. Declared how the Emperor had ordered release of his subjects' property in Spain, on security. The King asked Why security? Told him it was to obtain redress for what Renegat seized. He replied that he had refused justice to no one, and no claim had been made. The writer answered that the Prince of Spain sent a letter of credence in favour of the merchants plundered by Renegat, who had sent a special representative hither. This representative has only recently come and states that he knows of nothing belonging to the Emperor. In discussions with the King's Commissioners the claims of certain Burgos merchants have been urged, one of which has been long prosecuted by Lope de Carrion; and the writer now took opportunity to urge the King himself to order redress for Carrion, and so end what might be a source of future disputes between the princes; but the King at once forbade him to mention the matter again, as the affairs of the Emperor and him did not depend upon the merchants. Was dismissed very amiably, and welcomed by the whole Court more warmly than ever before.
	On the road to London, next day, met the Queen's courier with the original of the Emperor's letter of the 8th ult.,and, from private letters learnt the success of the army and the good exploit of the King of the Romans and Duke Maurice. Wrote of this to Paget, as good news for the King; and the Councillors here are delighted with it.
	Describes briefly the business with the Scottish ambassadors, one of whom is the bp. of Ross, named Paniter, who in 1544 went to the Emperor in Brussels. Awaits opportunity to speak with the Council both about this matter and Renegat's captures; but they are very busy with affairs of last Parliament, which put all chantries in the King's hands, and the coming Parliament, which will deal with the employment of the proceeds. The bishops' revenues may also suffer. But the principal subject of their deliberations was seen the day before yesterday, when the Duke of Norfolk, arriving in London, was taken to the Tower. His son, the earl of Surrey, had been detained in the Lord Chancellor's house for five or six days. Some people assert confidently that it is because of a secret discourse between them concerning the King's illness six weeks ago, the object being to obtain the government of the Prince. Their hope of liberation is small, as Norfolk was deprived of his staff of office and Garter, and Surrey was led publicly through the streets to the Tower. Paulin, general of the French galleys, has been here two days. He is French commissioner for the delimitation of the Boulognais; and, as Mr. Seymour, Hertford's brother, who was the English commissioner, arrived the day before him, it is thought that they have failed to agree. The French insist on completing their fortification, and the English would make that impossible by including part of it within the English boundary. It is, however, possible that Paulin comes to promote the intrigue of which the writer informed the Queen by his secretary, and of which he has given information to the King, who was very glad to know it. Thinks that both Paulin and the Scottish ambassadors have come to temporise. The English think the same, and have provided biscuit and other things for their fleet. London, 14 Dec. 1546.
14 Dec.	547. Van der Delft to Mary of Hungary.
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 365.	Went to the King at Oatlands to fulfil the Emperor's mission and Present a letter from the Prince of Spain in support of the claim to property seized by Renegat; and also took the opportunity to mention claims of Lope de Carrion and the rest. Was referred to the Council, and in returning towards London next day met this courier with Mary's letters. The Council put him off until yesterday morning on the plea that they were very busy, which, indeed, is apparent, for the Duke of Norfolk was taken to the Tower the day before yesterday, who had only that day arrived in London, and also the earl of Surrey, his son, who had been previously for five or six days under arrest in the Chancellor's house. They are said to have entertained some ambiguous designs when the King was ill at Windsor, six weeks ago, to obtain control of the Prince or of the country; and their chance of liberation is small, as the Garter and staff were taken from the father, and the son was led publicly through the streets.
	After hearing the Council's apologies for delaying the interview, stated his mission; not forgetting to notice a rumour that the Scottish ambassadors had sent their herald back to Scotland, and that a French gentleman named Oysif had passed thither. Told them that upon his report how the English had insisted on safeguarding their treaty with the Emperor she had written that the Emperor, too, on that account, declined to include the Scots in his peace with France or listen afterwards to their requests for peace. The Council replied that they could not prevent the King of France from sending to Scotland. They said laughingly, as the writer understood, in their own language, that such passengers were not for their benefit; and then, addressing him, that the letters carried by Oysif might be called letters of Bellerophon. As for the Scottish ambassadors, things remained as before and nothing should be done without the writer's knowledge. The Council then went to dinner, all being there except Paget, who was with the King. Could not, therefore, mention the Boulognais affair which the Council had before referred to the King. The Commissioners to settle the limits of the Boulognais arrived this morning and, after seeing the Council, are now with the King. Can get most from Paget in this matter.
	Thanked the King for his information given to the Emperor through his ambassador, and to Mary through the writer, telling him that on learning it from his secretary he (Vander Delft) would not commit it to writing but sent over his own secretary. He seemed pleased and, in further conversation, said that he was on his guard, for he knew how the French endeavoured to treat with him and the Emperor and even the Protestants and the Pope; and he ended by saying that he wished the Emperor prosperity, but would like to see him accord with the Protestants and join England in attacking those who stood in his path. Hearing nothing more about the intrigue, said to Paget that the trick was not very secret for he had learnt it from another quarter, and that moreover the French galleys were not dismissed, and all hulks coming to France after Candlemas were to be seized for an invasion of Holland. Paget laughed and afterwards at dinner, hearing the writer mention that he was sending for French wines, said, "Take care you do so before Candlemas." Will speak with him again both of this and the Boulognais claims, about which Paulin, captain of the French galleys, arrived here the day before yesterday.
	Will keep the packet of safeconducts for Scotland in accordance with her orders from Tournai. London, 14 Dec. 1546.
14 Dec.	548. John Gate, Sir Ric. Southwell and Wymond Carew to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., i., 888.	Despatched from the Council on Sunday, (fn. n4) between 3 and 4 p.m., reached Thetforde, seven miles from Kennynghall, on Monday night and were at the Duke of Norfolk's house this Tuesday, 14th inst., by daybreak; thus bringing the first news of the Duke and his son. (fn. n5)
	As the steward was absent "taking musters," we called the almoner, and, first taking order for the gates and back doors, desired to speak with the Duchess of Richmond and Elizabeth Holland; who were only just risen, but came to us without delay in the dining chamber. On hearing how the matter stood the Duchess was "sore perplexed, trembling and like to fall down"; but, recovering, she reverently upon her knees humbled herself to the King, saying that although constrained by nature to love her father, whom she ever thought a true subject, and her brother, "whom she noteth to be a rash man," she would conceal nothing but declare in writing all she can remember. Advised her to use truth and frankness and not despair. Examined her coffers, and closet, but find nothing worth sending, all being very bare and her jewels sold to pay her debts, as her maidens and the almoner say. Then searched Elizabeth Holland, and found girdles, beads, buttons of gold, pearl and rings set with divers stones, whereof they are making a book. Meanwhile sent trusty servants to all the Duke's other houses in Norfolk and Suffolk to prevent embezzlement, not forgetting Elizabeth Holland's house, newly made, in Suffolk, which is thought to be well furnished. The almoner charges himself with all the plate, and supposes that the steward has such money as remains of this last account. By next letters will report further of these matters, and also of the Duke's jewels and lands. Now that only the Earl of Surrey's wife and children, and certain women attending upon them in the nursery, remain here, it is to be known whether the household shall not be partly dissolved, reserving such as seem meet to attend upon the Earl's wife, who looks to lie in at Candlemas next; and whether the plate and jewels shall remain here. Have taken charge of all the writings and books, and send herewith a brief of the lords, ladies, gentlewomen and other servants in the checker roll of the Duke's household, noting the number now absent. Kenynghall, betwixt 6 and 7 p.m., Tuesday, 14 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII.
	P.S.—The Duchess of Richmonde and Mrs. Holland depart towards London to-morrow or next day. Signed: John Gate: Rich. Southwell: Wymounde Carew.
	Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
14 Dec.	549. Lorges to the Queen of Scotland.
Balcarres MS. III., 55. Adv. Lib. Edin.	Since the despatch of the Sieur Dausy nothing new has occurred. The King has always the best possible will towards you and the little Queen your daughter. Your father and mother, the Cardinal your uncle, and all your brothers are in good health. They are now at Reims at the entry of Mons. de Reims your brother. Robin Nuysebet has been despatched according to the letters you wrote. Compiegne, 14 Dec. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.: A la Royne d'Escosse, en Escosse. Endd.
14 Dec.	550. Charles V.
R. O.	Proclamation to the inhabitants of Wirtenberg and Teckes that he has written to Ulrich duke of Wirtenberg as follows (letter given in full, noting that although pardoned his former offence in seizing the duchy of Wirtenberg, and acquainted by the Emperor's envoy with the reason of this war, he joined John Frederic and Philip, who call themselves Duke of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse, and their confederates of the Smalcaldic Conspiracy in seizing places belonging to King Ferdinand and the Emperor and in open rebellion; and summoning him forthwith to surrender his person and property on pain of destruction by fire and sword; for the letter received from him on the 11th inst. is not sufficient. Rotenburg an der Tauber, 14 Dec. '46, Imp. 27, reg. 39). And he commands them no longer to obey Duke Ulrich, but send to him for instructions. Rotenburg an der Tauber, 14 Dec. anno '46.
	German. Copy, pp. 4.
15 Dec.	551. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 556.	Meeting at Ely Place, 15 Dec. Present: Chancellor, Great Master, [Great Chamberlain, Admiral, Paget]. Business:— Patrick Anderson had passport into Scotland with the Scottish ambassador's letters, and commission for post horses.
15 Dec.	552. John Gates, Sir Ric. Southwell and Wymond Carew to the Council.
R. O	"After our right hum[ble commendations unto your] good Lordshippes, we [doubt not that you before this] tyme have seene our l[etters unto your lordships and the] Kinges most roiall Ma[jesty]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of our proceedings here. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . this present by this me[ssenger]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . signified unto his said Ma[jesty]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . doenges, and therew conv. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . by Mres Holland com. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . betwixt her and the. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . other thinges wee ha. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of Richemond as by. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Surrey by three. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . his father from C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . bothe that the King. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . knoweng the said D. . . . . . . . . . . . be comaunded befor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to wade for a f. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . and the like un. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . wee sende unto y[ou]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in the Duke of N. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . as the case shall r. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . by l'res (as we be. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Duke by Fulmers[ton] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . betwixt th'Earle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Southwell, theffe[ct] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . or burned, are to be. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . can best consider. F. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . finde a franke dispos[ition in the said Duchess of] Richmond, whereof she s[eemeth to make] greate apparaunce upon [the hope of obtaining the King's mer]cy. This wee right humblie [beseech your goo]d Lordshippes to beare w^t our bare [writings] considering the shortness of our [abode here], and that it may please you for our better [instruction] in the Kinges service from tyme to tyme [to write] unto us your good and sadde advises in all [thinges nec]essary, for the doeng wherof wee shall [use all our] possible powers, as Our Lorde [knoweth w]ho preserve you all to his good pleasure. [We humb]lie praye yow to conveye unto us [by this p]oste the keys of the yron coofers [kept by] Mr. Comptrollor, which coofers [it is not mee]t to break, for that they shall. . . . . . . e thinges of valewe. From [Kenninghall] betwixt thoures of 7 and 8 in [the morning, th]is 15th of Decembr a^o r. r. [Henrici Octavi xx]xviij^vo Signed: John Gate: Ric. Southwell: Wymounde Carew.
	Half leaf torn off, pp. 2. Add. Endd.: Mr. Gate, etc. "to the King's Majesty."
15 Dec.	553. Richard Fulmerston to the Council.
R. O.	Since your commandment given to me yesterday, 14 Dec, until this morning, the 15th, I have searched my conscience and knowledge to answer you what I knew of my Lord of Norfolk "(yet my master, being true to his Majesty, and otherwise I utterly refuse him)," and Earl of Surrey, his son, in anything which might prove treason to the King, my lord Prince, the Council or the commonwealth of this realm. I cannot accuse either of them, nor ever mistrusted either's truth "before the said Earl was still kept after the delivery of Sir Richard Southwell, and then more upon the committing them both openly to the Tower upon Sunday (fn. n6) last past," when the search of their houses and taking inventories of their goods was apparent to all. Knowing the King's goodness and justice and your Lordships' discretion, I cannot but think that somewhat is amiss; but before their last coming to the city "I never heard any of them both talk in any of these matters. Which their talk since their coming to the city, in my poor fantasy, weigheth so much to their declaration of their truth as I dare not meddle in writing or otherwise setting forth the same, unless I shall be thereunto commanded by his Majesty or you, my good Lords of the Council; for that I consider with myself as well that your good commandment did not stretch thereunto as also (of the little experience that I have seen) men ought not to be received to speak in the favours of any called to answer to the King his Highness in their untruths." And thus I leave them and beseech your favour to me in this my undeserved accusation; and, lest I err through ignorance, that you will minister interrogatories touching the premises. * * * * (Here a leaf appears to be missing.)
	As for my negligence in giving counsel to the Earl of Surrey, I was never able to give the counsel of a wise man, but I never wittingly advised him to go forth in any unlawful or dishonest enterprise. As to pricking him forward in his young desires, I have been to his father and the rest of his children a most earnest drudge and servant, but no man or woman has taken hurt thereby. For my service was in lending money when he was called to serve; and therein I never borrowed of his farmers or tenants, or took their rents or farms before the time, but ever "chisted" of myself and my own friends, and at this hour he owes me above 140l. for which I have no other surety but 1,000 sheep yet going upon his ground or his father's, and besides I stand bound with him for the payment of 200 mks. and more, wherein I crave your favour. For the time I meddled with his doings, which was five or six years ended almost two years past, I never shifted any farmer or tenant of his, or exacted fine or amercement of any. And further, where I am charged with passing my own doings and turns with those of my master; I had doings for my Lord of Surrye five or six years, besides being his under steward of my lady of Richmond's lands in Norfolk, worth 500 mks. a year, and of the town of Thetforde and adjoining places, parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster; and although my Lord, my master, heard me better than I deserved, no tenant, farmer, or servant among them all can charge me with taking in reward for any good or hurt I could do them "either horse, mare, cow, calf, chicken or capon, or other cattle or fowl, quick or dead, or any other reward as plate, money, coined or uncoined." As for Mr. Corbett's charge that I should craftily convey him from Magdelyn Chapell, I was never required by my said Lord of Surrye to help to the same. If my Lord had said "Fulmerston, Corbett hath gotten away from the manor of Thorp, now in my hands, Magdelyn Chapell, a member of the same, whereby the same manor is somdele dismembered (as it is in very deed dismembered with some other pieces of land bought out of the same manor by the same Master Corbett, wherein I spare to speak all),which said chapel I would gladly have home again as it was before; wherefore I would, Fulmerston, that ye should travail with the same Corbett as I may have again the same,"— I might have earnestly travailed therein. But the fact is that Corbett, fearing my Lord's displeasure because of the purchase, came first to Kenynghall to declare himself; and afterwards, both personally, and through his friend Mr. Wharton, craved my help in recovering my Lord of Surrey's favour. Mr. Corbett then came home to my house and wrote to my Lord offering him the disposition of the Chapel, and afterwards freely gave it him, which was but the patronage of a chapel of 5l. a year, the incumbent yet alive and well, which was never yet worth 2s. to the said Earl. Mr. Gaudy, Mr. Catlyn, Mr. Mondford, Mr. Thomas Husye and others can testify that it was given freely. I might herein say more and show letters to prove that in this Mr. Corbett has handled me more ungently than he has any other man in Norfolk. Your Lordships may learn my life hitherto. I was never yet sued for any debt of my own or of any man I stood bound for; and I have not sued above four for debt, nor procured any man to be indicted, other than felons, nor ever took groat or penny for amends of any skaith done me by neighbours in my corn, meadow, pasture, or otherwise. Within these two years I have paid over 100l. "for the redemption of leases naught in the law only for the eschewing of suit and for quietness' sake." Finally, I have served the King these ten years, by my Lord's command, in such sort and with such heart as I would to God his Highness knew; and I humbly beg your lordships to be suitors for me, and will pray for the preservation of his Majesty and Prince Edward and the rest of the King's children, and (not offending his Highness) for my master and his son if they prove themselves true; and so I leave them to the handiwork of God and the mercy of the King.
	Hol., pp. 13. Add. at the head. Pages marked A, B, C. &c. to P. (E. and F. omitted).
	554. Norfolk to the Council.
Titus B.I. 94. B. M. Burnet, vi. 274. Nott's Howard, Appx. No. xxxviii.	My lord Great Master and Mr. Secretary examined me here, as far as I can remember, as follows:
	First, whether there was any cipher between me and any other man? There was never cipher between me and any man save such as I have had from the King when in his service; and I do not remember writing in cipher but when I was in France, my Lord Great Master that now is and my Lord of Rochford being in commission with me. If I wrote any, then their hands were at it and the Master of the Horse privy to the same. After the death of the Bishop of "Hertford," Fox, I was shown that a letter from me to him was found by a servant of his who is now with Mr. Deny, and the Bp. of Duresme caused him to burn it. The matter contained therein was of lewd speaking of the Northern men, after the commotion time, against Cromwell. Had there been anything concerning the King's affairs, neither the bishop dead nor he now alive would have concealed it.
	Another question was whether any man had "talked with me that and there were a good peace made between the King's Majesty, the Emperor and the French King, the Bishop of Rome would break the same again by his dispensation, and whether I inclined that ways or not? "As God help me, now at my most need, I cannot remember hearing any man speak like words; and as for the Bishop of Rome, if I had 20 lives I would rather have spent them all than that he should have any power in this realm, for no man knows better than I, by reading story, how his usurped power has increased; and since he has been the King's enemy, no man has felt and spoken more against it both here and in France, and also to many Scottish gentlemen.
	Also I was asked whether I was privy to a letter from my Lord of Winchester and Sir Henry Knevet "of an overture made by Grandvile to them for a way to be taken between his Majesty and the Bishop of Rome, and that the said letter should have come to his Majesty to Dover, I being then with him?" (fn. n7) I was never at Dover with his Majesty "since my Lord of Richmond died, but at that time, of whose death word came to Syttyngborne," and I never heard of such overture. I remember that when Sir Francis Bryan was sick and like to die (fn. n8) it was said in the Council ' that my Lord of Winchester should have said he could devise a way how the King's Majesty might save all things upright with the said Bishop of Rome, and his Highness' honor saved"; and that one was sent to Sir Francis to know if he had ever heard the Bishop so speak, which he denied. It was Sir Ralph Sadeler who was sent. I never heard of such an overture by Grandvile, nor ever communed with any man concerning any other matter than this of the Bp. of Winchester.
	Begs the Council to be mediators for him that he meet his accusers face to face before the King or else before the Council. "My lords, I trust ye think Cromwell's service and mine hath not be like, and yet my desire is to have no more favour showed to me than was showed to him, I being present. He was a false man and surely I am a true poor gentleman." I think that some great cause has been laid to my charge, or else I had not been sent hither, and I beg that my accusers and I may be brought face to face, for I will hide nothing. Never gold was tried better by fire and water than I have been, "nor hath had greater enemies abouts my sovereign lord than I have had," and yet my truth has ever tried me. On Tuesday in Whitsun week last I begged the King's help for a marriage between my daughter and Sir Thomas Semour, and, whereas my son of Surrey has a son and divers daughters, that a cross marriage might be made between my lord Great Chamberlain and them; and also, where my son Thomas has a son who shall, by his mother, spend 1,000 mks. a year, that he might be in like wise married to one of my said lord's daughters.
	Where I write that I have had great enemies, the Cardinal confessed to me at Assher that he had gone about, 14 years, to destroy me, by the setting on of my lord of Suffolk, the Marquis of Excester and my Lord Sandes, who said that unless he put me out of the way I should undo him. Cromwell, when the Marquis of Excester suffered, examined his wife more straitly of me than of all other men, "as she sent me word by her brother the Lord Montjoy." He often said to me "My lord, ye are an happy man that your wife knoweth no hurt by you, for if she did she would undo you." The Duke of Bukyngham confessed at the bar, my father sitting as judge, that of all men living he hated me most. Rise, who had married my sister, confessed the same, and wished he had found means to thrust his dagger in me. The malice borne me by both my nieces whom it pleased the King to marry is not unknown to such as kept them in this house, as my lady Herdberd, my lady Tirwit, my lady Kyngston and others. Who tried out the falsehood of the Lord Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir John Bulmer, Aske and many others but only I? Who showed his Majesty of the words of my mother-in-law (fn. n9) for which she was attainted of misprision but I? I have always shown myself a true man to my Sovereign, and, since these things done, have received more profits of his Highness than before. Who can think that I should now be false? Poor man as I am yet, "I am his son his nere kynsman." For whose sake should I be untrue to them? Finally, eftsoons I humbly beseech you to show 'this scryble letter" to his Majesty, and beg him to grant its petitions and remit out of his noble gentle heart the displeasure conceived against me. "By his Highness' poure prisoner, T. Norffolk.
	Hol., pp. 6. Fly leaf with address lost.
	555. The Earl of Surrey.
R. O.	[Deposition of Sir Edmond Knyvet.]
	Since the earl of Surrey's return from Boleyn "he, for that I, thinking me ill dealt with by the Duke in the quarrel of John Browne of Olde Bucckenham, did absent me Keanyngale, as from his house whom I had found, as seemed me, much unnatural, did demand of me the occasion of my absence." I declared that because of his father's and his unkindness I would "go from my country and dwell here and wait," as unable to bear their malice. After some "persuasions of his no malice" he said finally "No, no, cousin Knyvet, I malice not so low; my malice is higher; my malice climbs higher." After the death of the Lord Crummewell, whom he and his father suspected my friend against the Duke, he said 'Now is that foul churl dead, so ambitious of others' blood. Now is he stricken with his own staff." Reminded that it was sin to say ill of dead men, in subsequent discourse he said "These new erected men would by their wills leave no noble man on life." Signed: by me Edmunde Knyvet, K.
	Hol., p. 1. Endd.: "Sir Edmund Knyvet the ijde. vij."
R. O.	2. [Deposition of Sir Edward Warner.]
	Being commanded by Sir William Padget, chief secretary, to write what has passed between the Earl of Surre and me concerning his pedigree, arms and other matters which may "appertain to" the King or his posterity, I say that the Earl, among other coats, showed me that he might bear the arms of King Edward the Saint; and I did not agree that he might so do, but, as I durst, let him see that I "liked not the doing thereof." I have had conference with Master Gartere of the Earl's bearing "the earl of Angeoy's arms, which was the first Plantagynet of this realm, and, as I take it, father to King Henry the Second," and also King Edward's arms and other things which appear in divers "scotchyns" which he has caused to be drawn. We both agreed that he might not bear the said arms, and Mr. Gartere (fn. n10) has told me that he has shown the Earl so; as, by his office, he has authority to do. Not signed.
	Pp. 2. Endd.: Sir Edward Warner, viij.
R. O.	3. [Another deposition of Sir Edward Warner.]
	Being commanded by Sir William Padget, knight, chief secretary, to write all such words as have been between me and the Earl of Surre that might touch the King and his posterity, or that I have heard from others to that effect, I say that of the Earl himself I have heard nothing that I can remember; but, last summer, Master Devereux, speaking of the Earl's "pride and vain glory," said that it might be abated one day. When I asked what he meant, he said "What if he be accused to the King that he should say If God should call the King to his mercy, who were so meet to govern the Prince as my lord his father? I asked then if there were any such thing; and he said It may be so." Whereupon I gathered that it was so, and looked daily to see the Earl "in the case that he is now in, which, methought, with those word[s] he well deserved."
	P. 1. Endd.: Sir Edward Warner, ix.
R. O.	4. Deposition of Edward Rogers.
	Recollects that Mr. Blage, about a year or three quarters of a year ago, speaking of the matter here ensuing, related how he had said to the Earl of Surrey that he thought that such as the King should specially appoint thereto should be meetest to rule the Prince in the event of the King's death. The Earl on the contrary held that his father was meetest, both for good services done and for estate. Blage replied that then the Prince should be but evil taught; and, in multiplying words, said "Rather than it should come to pass that the Prince should be under the government of your father or you, I would bide the adventure to thrust this dagger in you." The Earl said he was very hasty, and that God sent a shrewd cow short horns. "Yea, my lord (quod Blage), and I trust your horns also shall be kept so short as ye shall not be able to do any hurt with them." Afterwards the Earl, who at the time had no weapon, took sword and dagger and went to Blage's house "and said unto him, that of late he had been very hasty with him"; but what passed further Deponent does not remember. Sir Gawayn Carowe, when the Admiral of France was here, told me that my lady of Rychemount had discovered to him a strange practice of her brother's, viz., "that the aforesaid Earl, pretending the face of a marriage to have succeeded between Sir Thomas Seymour and the said lady," advised her, when called by the King "(as it should be brought about that his Highness should do to move her in that behalf)" to appear undecided and so temper her tale as to give occasion for being sent for again, "and so, possibly, that his Majesty might cast some love unto her, whereby in process she should bear as great a stroke about him as Madame Destampz doth about the French king." Signed: Edward Rogers.
	Pp. 4. Endd.: Mr. Rogers, xxij^o.
R. O.	5. [Sir Gawen Carew's deposition (see above § 4).]
	"First I have heard by the report of the Duchess of Richmond that the Earl of Surrey should give her advice, upon consultation had for the marriage of Sir Thomas Seymour and the said Duchess of Richmond, that, although her fantasy would not serve to marry with him, yet, notwithstanding, she should dissemble the matter, and he would find the means, that the King's Majesty should speak with her himself; but that she should in nowise utterly make refusal of him, but that she should leave the matter so diffusely that the King's Majesty should take occasion to speak with her again; and thus by length of time it is possible that the King should take such a fantasy to you that ye shall be able to govern like unto Madame Distamps. Which should not only be a mean to help herself, but all her friends should receive a commodity by the same. Whereupon she defied her brother, and said that all they should perish and she would cut her own throat rather than she would consent to such a villainy." The Earl of Surrey has said to me, place and time now out of my remembrance, "Note those men which are made by the King's Majesty of vile birth hath been the distraction (sic) of all the nobility of this realm," and again that the Cardinal and Lord Cromwell sought the death of his father. Mr. Edward Rogers has told me of the Earl's saying "If God should call the King's Majesty unto His mercy (whose life and health the Lord long preserve) that he thought no man so meet to have the governance of the Prince as my lord his father."
	Modern copy, pp. 2.
R. O.	6. "The examination of Jo. Torre."
	When Marilyack was ambassador here, about the beginning of the wars against France, examinate, who had long dwelt in France, often resorted to him, and especially to his secretary, who was born at the place where examinate dwelt in France. As he declared himself addicted to the French party they would open their minds to him, and the secretary told him that even during war the French king should have friends in England, as he has, for his money, in every country; and that a woman kept by Mariliack had almost marred all, who, having seen such as came secretly to the house by night or early in the morning, afterwards, being put to the keeping of Mariliack's launder, began to babble to him of those things. The launder, named Wales and dwelling about Towre Hill, knows her, and they can tell much of the persons who came to Mariliack's house by night. The secretary told examinate that my Lord of Norfolk and the Lord William Hawarde used to come thither by night, as did others, of whom he only remembers that one was a doctor of physic, called, as he thinks, Doctor Augustine. The secretary also said that Mariliack had a counterfeit stamp and seal of the French king's sign, "and when letters coming out of France were not liked, he would, in the presence of such as resorted unto him, alter the letters, and so put the stamp unto them and seal them, and after delivered the same." Examinate knows not who were present at any such alteration; but the woman, if examined, will declare many things. Signed: Jehan Torr.
	In Petre's hand, pp. 2. End.: Torre's examinacion.
R. O.	7. Deposition of Hugh Ellis.
	Interrogatories:—(1) Whether you have heard the Earl of Surrey wish or devise that his sister of Richemond might rule about the King as Madame de Temps does in France, how and why? (2) Whether you have heard him speak of the governance of the Prince in the event of the King's death? (3) Whether you ever heard him deprave any of the King's Council? (4) Whether you have heard him speak of flying out of the realm? (5) Whether he has lately taken into his arms any of the ancient coats of the crown, why and by whose counsel, and where are the patterns? (6) Whether you have heard him say that the King loved him not, and when? (7) Whether you have seen writings touching these matters? (8) "What letters he wrote from Lambeth to his father when the King's Majesty was sick and what were the contents of them?" (9) Whether you have heard him speak of selling or yielding up Bulloyn?
	In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2.
	ii. Answers to the above, viz.:—
	(1) Never knew them "so great together to wish her so good a turn," nor saw in him the countenance of any such purpose. (2) Never. (3) Knows only of a discord between him and my Lord Admiral, "to whom at that present he did write his mind in a letter." Heard him once tell "how Mr. Ryche was at Hardilot castle in his best apparel." (5) Heard him say that King Edward gave the arms of England to his predecessors; and at Boulogne, in presence of the King's Council there, he devised of painting the same among other coats in escutcheons sent thence to Norwich, and still remaining in the house of John Spencer, his servant. And since, at Lambeth, he drew other arms for windows which a glazier of Norwich has to work in glass "for his new house." There is a stamp of the same for vessel. (4) Never. But he has said that if he survived his father he should have enough and never covet more. (6) If ever he said that he had the King's displeasure it was "after the overthrow of the great skirmish at St. Etiens," ever since which he has "taken great thought." (7) Only of the descent of his ancestors,—for placing their coats in escutcheons and windows. (8) The letters were of his own writing and I did not read them. (9) Never saw "a spot of any likelihood thereof."
	I humbly beg your Lordship that I may personally answer my accuser in the premises. Signed: H. Ellis.
	Hol., pp. 3. Add.: To, etc., lord Wriothesley, lord Chancelour of Englande. Endd.: Hughe Ellys, xix^o.
R. O.	8. Interrogatories [for the Earl of Surrey].
	(1) Whether you bear in your arms the "scotchen" and arms of King Edward that was King before the Conquest, commonly called St. Edward? (2) How long you have borne them? (3) By what authority or title? (4) Whether you are next heir or akin to St. Edward; and, if so, how? (5) Whether your father or grandfather bore St. Edward's arms? (6) "Whether William the Conqueror did your said ancestor that at the time of the Conquest was then alive any wrong by his Conquest, or no?" (7) To what intent you put the arms of St. Edward in your coat? (8) Why you bear them at this time more than you or your father at other times before? (9) Whether you have any inheritance from King Edward the Saint? (10) If so, where it lies and what you call it? (11) If the King should die in my lord Prince's tender age, whether you have devised who should govern him and the realm (corrected from "who ought within the realm to be protector and governor of him during nonage?") (12) Whether you have said that in such case "you or your father would have the rule and governance of him," or words to that effect? (13) What you have devised and done whereby you "might rule the King in his own time, or the Prince if God should dispose of his Majesty?" (14) Whether you "procured any person to dissemble in anything with the King's Majesty to th'intent the same might grow in his favour for the better compassing of your purposes" [altered from "procured your sister or any other woman to be the King's concubine or not," and to what intent)? (15) "What words of reproach or slander you had of any of the King's Council, and what the words were and against whom?" (16) What arms you have given to any man, English or stranger, when and to whom?
	Draft corrected by Wriothesley, pp. 4. Numbers not in original.
R. O.	9. Fair copy of § 8 in the same handwriting, with two additional articles, viz.:—(17) Whether he has at any time determined to fly out of the realm, and with whom devised thereupon? (18) Whether he ever made his father privy "to the matter of my lady of Richemondes, or no?"
	Pp. 3. Endd.: Interrogatoryes.
R. O.	10. Modern copy of § 9.
	Pp.3.
R. O.	11. Modern copy of § 8.
	Pp. 2.
R. O.	12. Interrogatories [for the Earl of Surrey].
	(1) Whether ye acknowledge yourself the King's true subject? (2) Of what degree ye take yourself to be in this realm? (3) What inheritance ye think ye ought of right to have therein? (4) What person of what estate is there to whom ye suppose yourself inheritor after the decease of your father? (5) "Item, what person and of what estate ye suppose to be the best of the blood that ye come of and to be inheritor unto?"
	P. 1. Numbers not in original. Endd.: The Interrogatoryes of Mr. Baker.
R. O.	13. Modern copy of the above.
	P. 1.
R. O.	14. [Legal aspect.]
St. P., i., 891.	If a man coming of the collateral line to the heir of the Crown presume to bear the arms of England in the first quarter, leaving out the true difference of the ancestry, and use the very place of the heir male apparent, how this man's intent is to be judged and what peril or slander does it import to the title of the heir apparent? If a man presume to take into his arms an old coat of the Crown, which his ancestor never bare, nor he ought to bear without difference, whether it be to the peril or slander of the true heir of the Crown, and in what peril they be who consent to his so doing? If a man compassing to govern the realm actually go about to rule the King by advising his daughter or sister to become the King's harlot, what this importeth? Likewise if a man say "If the King die who should have the rule of the Prince but my father or I?" "The depraving of the King's Council." If a man say of anyone "If the King were dead I should shortly shut him up": what that imports? If a man compelled by his allegiance declares what he hears and is afterwards "continually threatened by the per[son] accused to be killed or hurt for it; [what] it importeth." If a man presume to "use [liberties] in his lordship, or to keep pleas, [or to make] himself free warren in his ground[s without] licence, what it importeth?" If a subject presume, without [licence], to give arms to strangers, what it im[porteth].
	Pp. 2. Slightly mutilated. With corrections in the King's own hand.
R. O.	15. Original draft of § 14.
	In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 2. Very slightly mutilated.
R. O.	16. Modern copy of § 15.
	Pp. 3.
R. O.	17. "A brief declaration of the arms that we have seen in the late abbey of Thetford."
	Describing escutcheons of Brotherton's arms, and St. Edward's father's arms, and escutcheons upon tombs of (1) Moubray sometime Duke of Norfolk and (2) of Duke Thomas (fn. n11) "that was killed at King Richard's field, as it is said there." Ends:— "And it is to be noted that upon that tomb there is no arms of England with five labels but only with three, saving the little gentlewoman (fn. n12) that stands upon that tomb, which bears the full arms of England and France with five labels."
	Pp. 2. Endorsement pasted on: A brief declaration of the arms seen in th'abbey of Thetforde.
R. O.	18. [Memoranda.]
	"Sir Henry Knivetes deathe. "My lord of S. dissembling. "his holynes. "Clere. "Powell. "Fulmerston. "Doctor Buttes and the matter of Mr. Denny. "Mr. Paget.
	"Hunston. That Mr. P. shuld be chauncellour of Inglande. 400 mks. every busshope.
	"Hussey. A paket of l'res to the Duke.
	"My lord of Surrey's pryde and his gowne of gold. Departure of the Kinges apparel.
	"The Dukes wille.
	"Winchestre. St. Mary Overeys.
	"Ryding w^t many men in the streetes.
	"They will lett me aloon as long as my father lives, and after, I shall do well ynough.
	"Thinges in comen. Paget. Hertf. Admyral. Denny.
	"To Sr Nicholas Poinctz ecc. Exclamation against Lundon."
	P. 1.
	556. The Duke of Norfolk.
R. O.	"Annuities granted unto the Duke of [Norfolk] by patents for term of life," viz.:—
	By the King for the office of High Treasurer, 365l.; Earl Marshal, 20l.; steward of suppressed lands on this side Trent, 100l. By the late Queen Katheryne for the keeping of Estsbere park, Suff. (sic),— (blank), and of Broxsted park, Suff.,—(blank). By the bp. of Winchester for high stewardship of his lands, 100l. By the bp. of Durham, annuity, 26l. 13s. 4d. By the bp. of Lincoln, for high stewardship, 20l. By the bp. of Elye, for high stewardship of lands in Norfolk, [100s.]; in Suffolk, 100s.; stewardship of courts in the Isle of Elie, 100s.; and mastership of game in cos. Norf., Suff., Camb. and Hunts. 10l. By the bp. of Norwich for high stewardship of lands lately belonging to St. Bennettes, 40s. By the bp. of Canterbury for bailiwick of Pagham, Surr. (sic),—(blank). By late abbots, viz., of Furneys, annuity, 10l.; Abyngton, high stewardship, . . . .; St. Osey, high stewardship, . . . .; Langley, high stewardship. 66s. 8d.; Waltham, annuity, 66s. 8d.; Reding, annuity, — (blank); prior of St. Mary of York, annuity, — (blank); Shaftesbury, annuity, 66s. 8d.; prior of Ely, "annuity out of his libertie of 5 hundredes di. in Suff.," 61. [13s. 4d.]. By the Earl of Oxforde for high stewardship of the lordships of Chesham Higham and Chesham Bury, Bucks, 66s. [8d.]. By the Lord Scrope of Bolton, annuity, 6l. 13s. 4d. By the Countess of Derbye, for high stewardship of her lands and mastership of her chaces, forests and parks. . . . . By the mayor, bailiff and burgesses of Clifton, Dartmouth and Hardmesse, annuity, 40s. By the bailiff and burgesses of Yermowth, for high stewardship, 40s. By the bailiff and burgesses of Southolde, for high stewardship, 40s. Also for the office of high steward of the town of Cambridge, . . . .; and of the University of Cambridge 4l. By the King, for the creation of Duke of Norfolk . . . . Also the high stewardship of the franchises of Bury, in which the Duke "hath an inheritance," 26l 13s. 4d.
	ii. "Annuities granted unto the Earl of Surrey by patent for term of life," viz.:—
	By the King for the high stewardship of the Duchy of Lancaster, 20l.; for the creation of earldom of Surrey 20l.; for the office of cup-bearer, by estimation, 50l.
	Pp. 3. Slightly mutilated.
	557. The Duke of Norfolk.
R. O.	A saddler's account headed "My lord of Norff. grace."
	i. "Delivered at the taking up of young horses in Norfolk." Forty four items. Total 7l. 11s. 6d.
	ii. "Item, for a syde saddell for mastres Holland of fusty an napes wt. all thing belonging to the same," 26s. 8d.
	iii. "Item, a sadell of Spanyshe lether for my lordes grace with a seate of downe," 15s.; and four other items. Total 25s. 6d.
	iv. "Item, a new sadell f[or] Grene, the cater, at the commandement of Mr. Clerke-comptroler," 5s.; and a pair of stirrup leathers and pair of girths, 8d.
	Pp. 3.
15 Dec.	558. Mont to Henry VIII.
R. O. St. P., xi., 370.	On the 22nd ult. the Protestants departed from their camp. The Emperor was encamped not above a German mile away, but, beyond the usual foray, made no attack on them as they went. Next day with their cannon they compelled the town of Gemunda, which the Emperor has cherished above all others, to surrender, levied some thousands of crowns from the inhabitants and divided, one regiment going to the defence of the Duchy of Wirtenberg and another to that of Augsburg and Ulm, while the Landgrave hastened to Duke Maurice, his son-in-law, with 300 horse. As the Landgrave passed through this city, Mont asked if he had any message to the King. In reply he asked lovingly of the King's health and relations with the King of France, adding that if the King would now help against the Emperor he should both benefit these states and secure himself, for this war was undoubtedly meant to restore the bp. of Rome and suppress the liberty of the Empire; the power of the enemy was great, but if the King aided them with money the Emperor would find it difficult to suppress them. Answered that the King would do for them what he might, and the best thing now for Germany seemed to be a peace or truce. The Landgrave then asked him to write to the King either to intervene for peace or help them in the war, adding that Francis Burgartus, Lersenerus and Dr. Bruno were now sent in embassy to the King, and he himself was going to Duke Maurice to try and assuage the war begun by him; and, taking occasion from Philip Count Palatine, he reminded Mont of the pension offered to him, and said he would now accept it with the conditions offered, which he could not then honourably do because of the King's war with the French King; Bruno had offered 12,000 cr. and Mont only 10,000 cr. and he wished Mont to write to Bruno in England about this.
	Yesterday the Elector of Saxony also came hither with 500 horse, the rest of his forces, viz., six regiments of foot and 3,000 horse, going through the bpric. of Mentz. With these he goes to recover the places in Saxony occupied by Maurice, who has subdued almost all Upper Saxony except Wittenberg, the siege of which he had to abandon as it is under the valiant guardianship of Bernard a Mela. It is feared that there will be fighting as Maurice is of hasty temper and has from King Ferdinand 1,000 horse and 500 hussars besides his German cavalry, which is said to be no less than the other. Probably, too, the Emperor and King, who led him into this war, will not desert him, and it is thought that the Count of Buren will join him with his horsemen. After the Protestants left, the Emperor took the surrender of four Protestant cities, Norlinga, Duncelspoel, Rotenburg and Halle, but defers making any alteration in religion there. The Elector Palatine has set out towards the Emperor, by the way sending Councillors to the Elector of Saxony. Mentz also is said to have gone to the Emperor. The calamity of Germany is likely to be the worse because there is none of the Princes whose intercession has any weight with the Emperor. The Electors, whose duty it is to see that no war arises in Germany and that no one is condemned in bannum unheard, seek only their private ends; but they will feel too late that such self seeking is in vain when the public welfare is lost. The Protestants will hold a Diet here on 12 Jan. if not interrupted by the Emperor, who is greatly incensed against those who gave their names to the Smalcaldic League. "Datae Oxoniæ, 15 Decemb. Anno 1546." Signed: Bergottus.
	Latin, pp. 3. Add. Endd.: Christopher Mounte. With contemporary decipher of the ciphered passage inserted on a separate slip.
15 Dec.	559. Venice.
Venetian Calendar, v., No. 438.	Motion passed by the Council of Ten to gratify the English, ambassador by allowing Augustine di Augustini, doctor of physic, and two servants, to wear weapons.