Henry VIII: December 1528, 16-20 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

'Henry VIII: December 1528, 16-20', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530, (London, 1875) pp. 2184-2205. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp2184-2205 [accessed 26 April 2024]

December 1528



16 Dec. Cal. D. X. 366. B. M.	5035. [TAYLER to WOLSEY.]
	"[Ple]as it your Grace, of the arrival of Mr. Brian [and Mr. Vannes at] the French court, and of their wise demeanour, a[nd] ... [a]ll things committed to their charges here to be propos[ed] ... said Mr. Peter by his letters, to the which we have sub ... hath certified, and informed your Grace that it were sup ... the same with any other letters concerning this matter ... that Mr. Peter, discreetly, plainly, and very substantial[ly declared] the articles of his instructions to the King's grace, and ly[kewise] the same to Madame his mother, so that nothing effectual ... or omitted, to the which the King gave very gracious and ... mind, as more plainly it appeareth in his letters. And ho[wbeit that at] this time I received no letters, for the urgent and manifold [business with] which your Grace is continually occupied, yet the relation th[e which] Mr. Peter made unto me of the gracious mind and favor [you had] toward me, your Grace committed to him to expound unto m[e doth] marvellously rejoice and comfort me, that I think I can neve[r do any] service, as may deserve, or be equivalent to this your benign [grace and] favour; wherefore in as humble manner and with as good faith [as heart can] think, I thank your Grace, beseeching the same of persevera[nce in the same, and my] service and prayer shall be for the preservation of the pro[sperity of] the same.
	"News other than be contained in Mr. Peter his lette[rs there is none] of importance, saving that the duke of Ferrara his [ambassador told us] this day, that betwixt Modona and Ferrara in the d[uchy of] ... there was laid in bushment 300 horsemen and 500 fot[emen to take the] young Duke and his wife Madame Renera, the w[hich design was] disclosed, and they that lay in bushment fled ... sent a gentleman to the Pope to know whet[her] ... the Pope had writ pleasant brieves to all ... receive and cherish * * ... for urgent causes concerning his Holiness, a ... landinus was out of his said castle, by a bussh[ment] ... he was taken prisoner and another certain numbe[r] ... where is found 40,000 ducats and more; the which [money, as it is thou]ght, will be the occasion of his death. For the which pra[ctice] ... tys the noblemen of Lombardy be not well content, [and give evi]ll credence to his fair words.
	"[Fur]thermore, the count Saynt Paull hath taken a strong [castle of] the Genues called Seravall, and as the duke of Fe[rrara wr]yteth hither for a certainty there be but 1,500 soldiers [at present in M]illane." Paris, 16 Dec. 1528.
	Mutilated.
Cal. D. X. 280. B. M.	5036. [PETER VANNES] to WOLSEY.
	"[R^me] atque Ill^me Domine, [post humillimas] commendationes. Aliis communibus [litteris ... scrip] si, quæ digna putavi ut signific[arem. Hæc pauca] addere volui, quod ubi Regi Chr[istianissimo R. D. V. com-]mendassem exposuissemque princip[em] ... nullum esse de quo V. R^ma D. post r[egem nostrum] cupiat ex animo, quam de illo bene me[reri, dixit] statim et amicissimo vultu: "R^mi D. L[egati amorem] ac fidem erga me perinde ac ipsam ... [perspectis]simam habeo;" habetque re vera optimi et amantissimi amici loco, consiliariumque sibi ... inter quos præcipuum primariumque locum [vestræ] Rmæ D. assignaturus. Petiit præterea [quod si R. D. V.] quicquam haberet quod seorsum vellet Ro[mano pontifici] et præsertim de quodam episcopatu quibus ... literis, tum pecuniis ei adesset. Ad quæ [maximas illi] gratias egi, et non recusavi literas qua[s mihi] ultro obtulit, sicque literas in eam s[upradictam] finem scripsit, in quam res propri[æ] ... Ill^mæ autem Dominæ matris erga R^mam D. [vestram] nullis unquam literis possem assequi, cu[jus minime] obscurum indicium futurum, quod vestra ... fide, quam in se reposuit et ... tur ad mutuam be[nevolentiam] * * * ... ea D. Bajocensem, v ... scripsisse ut de negocio ... s viris ageret, jam ex doct ... qui et judicio et conscientia ... rrimi, quod si R^ma D. V. dig[naretur] ... se secreto ad eam prescribere, c ... secretissime ac diligentissime de ... [cog]noscatur. Rex Chr. Putat nisi ... Italia fuerint superiores futurum n ... [qu]icquam certi de pontifice sperandum sit.
	"[Domi]nus decanus Wellensis (fn. 1) bene valet et ... [br]evi consuetudine tantum oblectatus es[t] ... [vir]tutem illi ingentem animum ad literas ca[pescendas] accessisse. Illius vivendi modus stud[iorumque r]atio, sic mihi probatur, ut putem ill[um n]on minus literis quam ipsi literas ornamento deco[rique fu]turas. Levavi illum magna sollicitudine quod [suspicaba]tur, V. R^mam D. non esse animo in se[satis pa]cato; ingenuo profecto est animo, et qu[atenus a]uderem, rogarem humillime R^mam D. V. [ut eum a]liquanto liberalius enutriret, dum una h ... us perspexi apud nobiles omnes viros ... [æ]stimatione haberi, quam ... rare aut co ... * * * ... Rex Chr. flor ... generalem capitaneum honorif ... Ducis Ferrariæ, qui amici ... [vi]detur admodum futurus ex co ... Huc nuper advenit quidam abas ... in Regno Neapolitano est optimæ ... Chr^mo nunc nova molitur, videturque ... velle illius opera uti.
	"Ex fido loco intellexi ex impositio[ne] ... oppidorum ac civitatum assidue collig ... adeo quod existimetur Regem Chr[istianissimum] ... Martii exacturum nihilo minus quam ... auri.
	"Ferme omnes periculosissima itinera ... abrupta, cænoque et aqua omnia obruta ... interierunt, nonnullos tempestas trans ... nostrum tamen iter, quam diligentissime fieri [potest exe-] quemur. Ego Deum testor multo pl ... ab itinere timeo longe plus quam ol[im] ... nec aliquid plus solatii afferet, quam ... xero, v. R^mæ D. benevolent ... esse, hanc ego sciens nunquam pe ... humillime ac devotissime me [R^mæ D. V. commen]do. Parisiis die ..."
	Hol., mutilated. Add.: My lord Legate's good grace.
16 Dec. R. O.	5037. SIR GREGORY CASALE to WOLSEY.
	Resolved to send to England Vicenzo Casale, his half-brother, to explain respecting the divorce what he cannot so well write. Desires Wolsey to give him credence. Rome, 16 Dec. 1528. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add. Endd.
17 Dec. Vit. B. X. 164. B. M. Burnet, IV. 64.	5038. JOHN CASALE to WOLSEY.
	When your courier arrived with letters of 2 Nov. to my brother, Sir Gregory, at Bologna, who could not through weakness go to Rome, to avoid delay he sent my brother Vicenzo, and I forthwith went to the Pope, and read and explained to him the letters to the following effect: that he could not doubt the affection of the Cardinal for the Holy See;—with what care the King's cause had been studied in England, and brought to its present point;—whereas Campeggio, instead of proceeding, will not obey the King's commands, nor allow Wolsey to see his commission, though he is his colleague;—did he intend the King to be deluded in this way? Hereupon the Pope, with expressions of anger, laid his hand upon my arm, and forbad me to proceed, saying there was but too good foundation for complaint, and he was deceived by his own confidants; that he had granted the decretal merely to be shown to the King, and forthwith burnt; that he had been drawn to this by the most urgent entreaties to prevent manifest ruin, whereas Wolsey now wished to divulge it; that he had never consented it should be shown to the King's councillors. "And I can show you," said he, "the letters of the cardinal of York in confirmation of what I say, and produce Sir Gregory as an evidence that Gardiner made no further demands of me, and, if he had, he would not have obtained them: I see how much evil is likely to follow from it, and will gladly recall what has been done, even to the loss of one of my fingers."
	When he spoke thus, contrary to his usual custom, I replied that it was not your desire to divulge the bull, or give judgment according to its tenor, but only to show it to a very few, whose secresy might be depended on. Was it not applied for on these grounds? What could induce his Holiness to change his sentiments?
	At this he grew more angry and more excited, saying he saw the bull would be the ruin of him, and he was resolved to make no further concessions. "But," said I, "let your Holiness consider what ruin and what heresy will be occasioned in England upon the alienation of the King's mind by this resolution on the part of your Holiness. If the concession has been evil, it is a less evil to avoid a greater." Then, falling on my knees before him, I begged of him to have some consideration for the King, of the peril of losing his friendship, and of the danger that would accrue to us who had always been his faithful servants.
	Hereupon, tossing his arms about, and in the greatest agitation, "I do," said he, "consider the ruin which now hangs over me; I repent what I have done. If heresies arise, is it my fault? My conscience acquits me. None of you have reason to complain; I have performed my promise, and the King and the Cardinal have never asked anything in my power which I have not yielded with the utmost promptness; but I will do no violence to my conscience. Let them, if they like, send the Legate back again, on the pretext that he will not proceed in the cause, and then do as they please, provided they do not make me responsible for injustice."
	"Well," said I, "is your Holiness unwilling that proceedings should be taken by virtue of the commission?" He assented. "But then," I said, Campeggio opposes your wish, and dissuades the divorce." "Well," said the Pope, "I commissioned him to dissuade the King from the divorce, and to persuade the Queen; but he is to execute his commission." "Then we are at one, Holy Father," said I; "and, if so, what harm can there be in showing the decretal, under an oath, to a few of the Privy Council?" He shook his head, and said, "I know what they intend doing, but I have not yet read the letters of Campeggio out of England; therefore come to me tomorrow." Vicenzo was present at the interview.
	Next day was held a "signature," at which I was present as referendary; and, as the Pope was tired, I did not like to trouble him. The day following I visited him. Having made a brief of your Grace's letter, I began with that part of it in which it is stated that his Holiness had granted a commission general in the most ample form, with promise to ratify the sentence. He admitted it, but said he had never agreed that the decretal should be submitted to the King's councillors, repeating what he had said before; and that as Campeggio had followed his instructions, the bull ought to have been burnt according to arrangement. He refused to be bound by the bull, or to have it shown to any privy councillors, declining to discuss the subject further.
	I then proceeded to another part of your instructions, in which you state that Campeggio had endeavored to dissuade the divorce. The Pope replied that Campeggio told him he had used his endeavors to persuade the Queen to the divorce, but found her adverse to it;—that she had spoken humbly, and asked to have counsellors from Spain, who were denied her, and she was allowed them from Flanders. He said he gave Campeggio letters for the King in his own hand, requesting credence for the Cardinal.
	To that part of your letter where it is stated that Campeggio will not proceed to sentence until he has informed the Pope, he replied that Campeggio would proceed whenever it was required. And all that he had enjoined upon him was, that as soon as the process commenced he (the Pope) should be informed of it.
	To Wolsey's complaint that Campeggio would not trust him with the commission, the Pope said it was so, and that it was done to avoid publicity. "But," said I, "let your Holiness see that, in the words which are here written, you had granted a commission consenting that it might be shown to certain of the King's councillors." He was angry, and said, "I will show you the letters of Wolsey, and they and my word are as much to be trusted as those which you now produce." I apologised for being so pressing, but alleged the occasion and the dangers that would ensue.
	With regard to the arrangement between himself and the Imperialists, through the intervention of the General, he said he had made no promises, nor knew what conditions the General would bring; as stated in my letters of 15 Nov. He has communicated with De Monte and S. Quatuor; but of the decretal he has said nothing to any one, and will have no record of it preserved. He is willing that Campeggio shall proceed to sentence, although some of the cardinals and the Imperial ambassador protest against it, and demand that the cause shall be advocated to Rome.
	I talked on another day with him about the Venetian affairs, and what Gardiner had done in the matter of Cervia and Ravenna. He said he was obliged for the King's interposition, but it has done him no service; that it was a condition in the League, if one of the confederates were injured, the others should repel it; and that the Imperialists would persuade him that the Venetians would never have held out, if they had imagined that their opposition was displeasing to the kings of France and England. I endeavored to explain.
	When I reverted to the King's cause, and inquired whether some means might not be discovered for exhibiting the bull to some of the King's councillors, the Pope said "No," and forbad me to speak further on that subject. Since then, no efforts have been successful in changing his resolution; and on telling him that my brother Sir Gregory would be in Rome the day following, he said he should be glad to see him, but it would make no change in his resolution. My brother has since arrived, but has not been able to shake the Pope's determination. Sends Vincenzo Casale to explain.
	The cardinals are very much offended, seeing how much they have lately suffered, at the remission of fees required by the Cardinal for the expedition of Winchester. I told them that their fees would not be less if your Grace were to take one see and give up another, than if somebody else had Winchester only; and that you did not care much about it. They said there was no doubt that you would prefer Winchester. On referring the matter to a consistory, the Pope proposed to make an abatement, but the cardinals will not consent. Rome, 17 Dec. 1528. Signed.
	Lat. Add.
17 Dec. Vesp. C. IV. 339. B. M.	5039. GHINUCCI and LEE to WOLSEY.
	Hear today from the court that John Almain is sent to prison for sending information of the Emperor's doings to the French king. The same thing has been written to the Emperor's chancellor and to the governor of Bresse, who has returned to the court. Thinks the Chancellor will not be sorry, for he and Almain have not well agreed for some time. The words of the letter sent to the bishop of Worcester about Almain are partly Latin, partly Italian, e dicto nel vulgi de omnibus actis et rebus Cæsareis reddebat certiorem Gallum. Can hear nothing more about the Irish matter. By other letters they hear that on the 5th inst. 2,000 men left Valencia for Genoa; that the journey of Italy begins to slack, and the Emperor has been more cold in his purpose since the 10th of the month, though men are still being levied; that the Cardinal late general of the Observants, and another ambassador, who were going to the Pope, are still at Barcelona, and it is thought they will not go. The writer thinks that the reason of the slacking of the Emperor's purpose is because the Chancellor has taken leave to go on a pilgrimage, and without him nothing is done; and he thinks the preparation may be for other purposes. Valladolid, 17 Dec. 1528. Signed.
	P. 1. Lee's hand. Cipher, deciphered by Tuke. Add. Endd.
17 Dec. R. O.	5040. GHINUCCI BISHOP OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
	He will understand what has passed by their common letters. Forbears to trouble him. Valladolid, 17 Dec. 1528.
	Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add. and sealed. Endd.
17 Dec. Cal. D. X. 259. B. M.	5041. [VANNES] to WOLSEY.
	" ... et domine, domine ... Decembris, Parisium pervenimu[s] ... m accepissemus, Dominum magnum ... [qua]sdam suas, non procul a recto nostro iti[nere] ... ctum illuc usque divertimus, tum quod nonnulli ... us nos jam salutaverant, tum vero quod ... putavimus post commendationes ac salut[ationes] ... summatim dicere, gravissimi momenti que ... actionibus nos habere in mandatis, ut ... exponeremus, expedireque ut ejus Dominatio dum, d ... omnino adsit, multa interim de ejus pru[dentia] ... Regiæ Majestatis in eum studio addentes, atque ita ... humaniter excepisset, seque ad aulam promisiss[e infra] bidnum venturum, Parisium perreximus, sed ad ... molestamque noctem. Die sequenti cum Domino ... omnia contulimus, quæ fidei nostræ credita [sunt]. Die autem xj. ad Poysy ivimus, quod Rex apud S. [Germanum] ageret, statimque de nostro adventu certiorem [feci]mus, atque ita nunciavit, ut postero die [ad aulam] accederemus, quo sub horam prandii, quum ... nec adhuc Rex sacro interfuisset, sol[itas Regis nostri] et vestræ reverendissimæ Dominationis commendationes fecim[us] ... credentiæ literas exhibuit, his lectis ... habere in mandatis quæ secum age ... * * * ... e gratulatus est, Regiæ M ... dinem et quantum fraterno illius ... ciæ Italiæque successibus, hæc postmodum ... et, Cæsarianos in regno Neapolitano ... [ci]vitate sævissima peste confici, prima ... is et viceregem gravissime laborare ... præsertim Germanos ad exiguum numer[um esse reduc]tos et dominum Renzium, in dies magis vene ... copiis exercitum augere, amissaque recuperare ... confidat, res illas felicissime gestas iri, e ... tani, tanto impensius Gallis favebant q[uanto] gravius in Cæsarianos odium conceperan[t] ... quorundam nobilium crudelem cædem, co[mitem] S. Pauli ad certa loca expugnanda proce[dere]. Retulit præterea fratrem Generalem qu[em] Italiam versus expedierat, ubi primum c[ognovit] Cæsar suos in Italia successus non tam [pros]peros esse ut animo conceperat, fuisse reu ... tum vel subsistere jussum. Rex vero Chr[istianissimus va]lidam suam classem tum navium tum triremi[um a] Marsilia jam præmiserat, eo quidem con[silio ut po]stquam Andream Doriam Genuæ conclusisset ... et in adventum usque fratris Gene[ralis] * * * ... [sum]ptibus aut periculis ... cum sua classe intercipiat ... perrexit; nos vero cum admira ... us, viro certe ut conjicere potuim[us] ... prudenti, tum probo et Ser^mi Domini [nostri] ... [d]evotissimo, tantaque humanitate nobiles ... [n]os excipiebant, ut sui in nos studii ... [f]acerent, mox statim a prandio acc ... adivimus, ac post unum aut alterum ver[bum hinc et] inde familiariter habitum, ego Petrus e ... cepi, nostri adventus causam, tanta quanta ... it, dexteritate adhibita, utque ejus animu[m] ... haberem faciliorem, nihil ab initio omisi [ejus quod] esset in instructionibus præ scriptum, vel ... rim excogitare de constantissimo Regiæ M[ajestatis] animo, de fraterno affectu nodoque amicitiæ [indissolu]bili; visusque est Rex Chr^mus ad hæc verb[a imis] præcordiis recreari. Dixi præterea tantum ... um quo Rex noster invictissimus illum proseq ... omnes actiones quæ publicam causam qu ... concernunt, cum eo velit habere communes ... ut suum semper his judicium quod mag ... Christianissimæ Majestatis causis expedire, dict ... s atque ita postquam nomine R ... * * * ... conatus de rebus pr ... rmavi, de spe pacis, quam ... Jacobus Salviatus scripserat de p[ræsidente] Rothomagensi, qui ad decem jam tran ... [e]x Urbe reversus est, de nostro etiam a ... effectum ad Urbem itinere, de mittend ... nibus maximeque necessarium esse et opt ... dignum ut nihil relinquatur, inexpertum u ... succedat. Hæc omnia incredibili cura ... audivit, subjunxique Regiæ Majestatis judicium es[se quod] interim dum de pace agitur, advertatur ... Cæsaris fallaciam, eoque in loco exposui ing ... Cæsare suspiciones, sub eo prætextu ... ferat per Pontificem de pace velle agi et ... retuli, quæ ejus Sanctitatem continere possint ne ... fallatur a mellitis Cæsaris ostentationibus ... mox ad contributionem illam communem ut n ... [te]neatur Pontifex et neutralis, donec viderit sp[em] aliquam conciliandæ pacis superesse, hic constiti Chr^mi Regis judicium et voluntatem expectans ... ubi paulisper secum cogitasset, in hæc verb[a respo]ndit: Vultisne ut ad articulos quos ... ad omnia vobis respondeamus h ... responsi genus ejus volun ... * * * ... omisisse. Primo de ... [con]stantia ac fide non minus cer ... so et sciebat futurum nunquam quod ab ... quod etiam si præsentibus oculis videret ... ere posset, et de hoc longiori nulla ... erat opus. Cetera vero summatim o ... probavit, sicque laudavit, ut dixerit p ... nihil aut amantius excogitari potuisse ... Regiæ Majestatis consilium atque judicium, sed a ... per Pontificem componendæ, exiguam ad ... spem videbat, redierat balivus Rothom[agensis] ... nil habebat, nisi quod allaturum sperabat ... generalem et generalibus verbis, tanquam o ... pater, solum hortatus est Regem Chr. ad ... monuitque ut interim suis rebus strenue p ... omnia se facturum obtulit, sed animo, consi[lio et] voluntate, quum vires ad cætera desint ad ... Pontifice nequeat, plura expectare, et ait ... semper fidelissima consilia dedisse, et ino ... Rex Chr. dixit quod in nostris obeundis ... primum expediens ac necessarium esse u ... ingenium accurate notetur quod ip ... modum descripsit. Pontifex in ... do perculso atque deject[o] * * ... gloria quoque pontifici proponatur q ... animo semper fuerit glorioso et quum ... antea putaverit prudentia se aliis pr ... Cui mox rerum eventus non respondit ... eo omnis existimatio et authoritas ap[ud] ... Italos et alios omnes imminuta et deje[cta] ... tune maxime putabit Pontifex se al ... et suum honorem instaurari, si viderit a [Regia] Majestate et Christianissimo se magnifieri, præterea ... Christianissimus quod ita ingenium pontificis explora ... ut quacunque contributione pro custodia qu ... præsidio et quibuscunque demonstratis periculis n ... obstantibus nunquam adducetur ut quicquam faciat ... contra Cæsarem, sed ad id opus est indirecto a ... [m]odo cum allicere, videlicet, Pontifex maxi ... ata rerum suarum cura atque ita paulati[m] ... persuaderi ut aliquam injuriam uleisc[atur contr]a Cæsarem, sed privatim con ... * * ... minus fideret, cogereturque quu[m] ... aret, ultro in nostrum arbitrium convo ... postea de rebus publicis ac priva[tis] ... [v]ellemus, nullo labore obtineremus ... autem Rex Chr^mus omnia communiter eff[ec]tus est quæ velit Regia Majestas, ea tamen [conditione] ne illius prætextu quicquam interim molia[tur] contra confœderatos utpote Venetos [ducem] Fer- rariæ, Florentinos, etc. et pro ejus S[anctitate] ... si nos et ejus Romæ agentes, præsentibus o ... dire viderimus, satis esse putat numerus ... peditum, de hac ideo re commissionem se ... promisit ad suos oratores ut nobiscum c[onsulant] prout expedire judicaverimus, porro ... one pacis Romæ tractanda, si sic eve ... illinc desperata et dolosa omnia eventura ... dat, omnia concessit que petiimus ut m ... cum Regiæ Majestatis voluntate concurrat ... sionem aliis secretis literis se restrict ... ut Regia Majestate et eo de omnibus ... inconsultis, nil concludatur ... [pon]tificem, aliam spem pacis * * * [re]cuperare quum stantibus termin[is] ... io bello nec precibus quicquam poss ... terum Rex Chr^mus, quamvis nec sper ... deatur ut res suæ ab alio compon ... a Regia Majestate vel R^ma D. V. conten ... in omnem eventum, omnia experiri ... verbatim, ut nostra est, commissionem mitte ... aliis vero literis commendatitiis omnia s ... [be]nignissime concessit, in eam sententiam ... voluimus, affirmans imprimis se cupere [si via] aliqua demonstrare possit tot vincula qu[ibus] ... Regiæ M^ti adstringitur, et super hoc m ... loquutus, adeo ut, quoad ex vultu ac ... conjicere potuimus, existimemus nihil a ... posse in optimo, amantissimo et prudentiss[imo] fratre desiderari.
	"[M]ox paucula interjecta pausa, ego Petr[us] ... literis a Regiæ Majestatis oratoribus ex Hispani[a] ... [a] Domino Silvestro ex Bajona allatis, et d[e respo]nso misso agere cepi, primoque co ... verbis et his potissi[mum] * * * [tranq]uillitatis gratia et ejus Chr^mi [Regis] ... itu res aliquando componantur et ta ... gnorumque destructio sedetur, proinde ... [S]il. ei forsan omnia antea exposuisset ... Majestas insequens illam fidem et constanti[am] ac perpetuo stabilitam, omnia secum cons ... in mandatis nobis dederat ut non solum ... ex Hispania allatum sed suum de eo judic[ium] Chr^mæ Majestati referremus. In initio itaque om[nem suspicio]nem quæ concipi potuisset abjeci, omnemque ... quæ potuisset subrepere, expurgavi, quod ... facillimum fuit quum Rex Chr. dixerit n ... Regia Majestate dubitare nec posse nec debere. Hoc in loco responsi exemplar priusquam ... derer legendum exhibui, quod ille aperui ... sed tunc non legit, dicens se antea acc ... vidisse, et ubi diluissem callidas susp[iciones] quæ primo aspectu ex Cæsaris responso ... rant, ad conditiones et qualification[es per Cancel]larium et Alemandum oblatas deveni ... culari componenda et distinct ... * * * ... ioni ad id deveniri posse, nisi i ... particulari pace sed bene quali ... retuli Regiæ Majestatis nomine tanquam ... d consultationis gratia ut pote qu ... maxime necessaria, Regia Majestas esse e ... et quamvis celeri consultatione et responso ... egerent, tamen absque unanimi consensu, R[ex Chr.] nihil decernere aut respondere volebat ... responsum, hic petii, quæ suæ Chr. Majestati ... his foret voluntas, atque sententia. Pri[mum] ... optimo meo fratri, quam ex corde possum gratias [ago] et tantum illi debeo, quantum nec ego, n[ec meum] regnum nec posteritas queat unquam exol[vere] et eam firmam spem de optimo meo fratre co[ncepi] ut credam me nunquam ab illo destitutum [fore], quam nos spem uno omnes ore multis ration[ibus] confirmavimus. Mox inquit Rex Chr^mus re[rum] omnium difficultas inter me et Cæsarem ad duo ... nctas redacta est. Primo an contentus ess[e ve]lit de tractatu Burgensi; secundo an oblat ... [Si]lvestrum articulos malit admittere * * * ... us ad nihil minus quam ad pacem in ... um id agens, ut ex generali demon[stratione] ... [a]pparatus impediat, suos, ut facit s ... eat et in anni initio dormientes n ... sperantes aggrediatur, necessarium profe ... huic rei mature invigiletur. De pace [particu]lari, si pacem Cæsar cuperet, non re[cusavi] ut nos etiam in ea comprehenderemur, q ... tates facile possent resolvi, verum tamen et si ... quod non auderemus libere remittere, ser[enissi]mi nostri fratris dispositioni, tamen in tra[ctatu] solemniter inito et confirmato, in fide s ... data et accepta cavetur, ne ulla parti[cularis] pax agatur; quem tractatum ac fidem pot[ius] moriar quam in aliquo unquam violem, sed si [aliquid] in ea parte derogare vellemus, si frat[er noster] de particulari pace vellet agere, posset ... extrema inde mea destructio, omnino ... etenim conatus est Cæsar miris o ... cum Pontifice seorsum tractare, cum ... Florentinis, cum duce Mediolani * * * ... tiones quæ in ejus et confœder[atorum] ... [ben]eficium, Regiam Majestatem movebant ut ... ce securis conditionibus qualifica ... [qua]s rationes Chr^mus laudavit, probavit ... e gratias egit, ita tamen ut nunquam dimove[retur] quin insisteret tractatuum vigori et co ... impedimento, atque conclusit quod super hac ... consultationem haberet, et statim post ... discessum, ad Regiam Majestatem mitteret Dominum d ... per quem animum suum significaret, tam super h[ac] quam super aliis omnibus. De commissione vero [mittenda] in Hispaniam, casu quo Cæsar ad aliquos ar[ticulos] per D. Silvestrum propositos deveniret, dixit ... neminem habere, sed iter non esse longum ac [si mini]mum ad id Cæsar venerit statim commission[em] mittet et oratores.
	"Distincte postea nobis enarravit res suas [in] Italia in optimo esse statu et res Neapolitana[s fe]liciter cedere, classem suam validissimam esse [et] indies fortius augeri; nam cum intelligat Cæ[sar] * * * In Italia a ... mediocrem velle alere exercitum ad ea ... conservanda quæ indies occupantur e .. Italiæ partem continendam in fide, nam ... fecit ex hostium numero, quantum copiarum ... sufficiat, ex animoque affirmat hæc duo st ... ut hoc anno in mari Cæsare omnino s ... deinde ut valido exercitu ipse personaliter [invaderet Hispa]niam, ut filios recuperet, pacem deferat ... tissima pace cum Hispanis agat, ita ut ... Hispaniæ manifestissimum sit futurum, pacem [desidera]ri ac peti, describit etiam Hispaniæ loca ... oppida munitiora, et morem gentium, qu ... præsentibus oculis antea examinasse, et a ... exploratissima habere dicit, narravit ... dum commode illuc per Baionam deduce ... et quibus militibus ad hanc expediti[onem] * * * [si di]gnetur Regia Majestas pro innata sua [benevolentia et fr]aterno affectu in filios accipere, p[osset] ... [co]nservator illis esse. Diximus opti[mum] esse et magnanimum res gerendi mod[um] ... judicabamus magnis nervis et opib[us] ... esse opus. Respondit de pecuniis pre ... provisiones ad Hispanicam solummodo expe[ditionem] sibi abunde esse provisum ad octo usque n ... menses, ante quem finitum terminum sperat ... Deo duce expeditionem posse finire, nec fo ... perpetuo fauturam Cæsaris ambitioni ... etiam hunc pugnandi modum longe diversum [esse] a Cæsaris expectatione vel apparatu, nam ... nus in Italiam misit milites rerum inexpertos ... quos multo labore colligere potuit, et quibus u ... prima stipendia persolvit, et quos dura necessi[tas ... e]t oblata spes rapinæ atque depopulationis, illic in ... [n]utrivit. In Hispania vero cogetur continue ... [stipen]dia militibus subministrare, non licebit in ... oppida, Hispanis dare videbunt * * * ... isceribus exercitum * * * [co]nsilia convertisse, nam ait paulatim ... nil aliud hactenus profuisse, quam sine fir ... pecuniam effudisse, et sperat quum Deu[s perspectum] habeat, ejus ad pacem animum futurum ... divina ope, ipsius conatibus faveat, r ... id rediit perniciosissimum esse, quum res in b ... sint, quicquam seorsum agere, nisi de con[cordia] universali, præsertim quod Caesar videtur ... rerum suarum fundamentum in confœderato[rum disjun]ctione constituisse. Interim Rex Chr^mus ... videt aliquos mercatores et subditos R[egis nostri] sic suis in Flandria commerciis esse dedi[tos ut] illis carere nolint, utque Regia Majestas ab i[psorum] clamoribus tuta sit, expedire judicat [quod] ... Domina Margareta prorogantur induciæ ... petente et instante illa, quamvis Dominus de Be[ures] dicat se etiam dicta Domina renitente [mandatum] habere ut initas inducias abrumpat ... petiissem, facile id futurum respond ... xerat hominem quendam m ... [d]e Islysten qui in * * * ... ut induciæ prorogare[ntur] ... recusaret Domina Margareta ... ducetur vel mediocri timore impu ... Rex Chr^mus nunc jam monuit suos ... [u]t Flandriæ confiniis invigilent collect ... intra biduum in Piccardiam mittet Du[cem] ... ad decem mille pedites recensendos et bo ... equitum, quod faciet tum ut Dominam Marg[aretam] adigat ad petendam induciarum prorogat[ionem] ... tum etiam ut res suas tueatur et percipiat ... illum in ejus doloris artibus neutiquam conqui ... nuper enim molitus est Dominus de Beures ... repentino quodam impetu per fraudem et d[olum] ... Moterolum, Corbyes et nescio quæ alia loca oc[cupare]; quibus rebus omnibus, Rex Chr^mus undique ... dit. Injecit etiam mentionem de Gravellino, [affirmans] illinc facile conjici quo tendant Cæsariani ... permittantur, et putat Rex Chr. si ita op[us] fuerit pro induciis prorogandis expedire ut ... [Re]gia Majestas etiam cum jactura quatuor aut [etiam qui]nque millium scutorum aliquam publica ostenta[tione] de conscribendis militibus, vel navibus ... sequestrandis, aliquid agat tu * * * ... are decem mille pedites, videlicet ... [e]x his qui sponte et amico pectore u ... eosque quorum robur expertissimum habet ... alis exercitus circa se constituere et ... tractare, ut illos non pœniteat itineris, et q ... abunde omnia providere et quorum sit ... præ cæteris præcipuam rationem, deinde etiam ... videtur stipendia, pro quattuor mille German[orum] ... se brevi de rebus omnibus cum Regia Majestate ... cum qua ubi omnia bene discusserit, id exeque ... communi consilio visum fuerit publicis acti[s] ... expedire. De his etiam rebus egimus c ... cum Domina Matre et magno magistro et ide[m responsum] ab eis reportavimus, quamvis ex verbis ... conjici potuerit, de particulari pace non ... magnam futuram in Rege Chr^mo difficultat[em] ... confœderatorum impedimentum, et suspicio ob ... quos Rex Chr^mus conatur omni industri[a] ... fide, hæc scripsimus ut Chr^mi Regis c ... nibus de illo v. R^ma D. sua i ... judicium faciat. Superest nunc ut ... nos Regiæ M^ti commendare. C ... r. Parisiis, die xvij. ..." * *
	Hol. Mutilated. Add.: To my lord Legate's good grace.
17 Dec. Vit. B. X. 172. B. M.	5042. FRANCIS BRYAN and PETER VANNES to [WOLSEY].
	The French king told them that since the death of Mons. [Lautrec] the Spaniards have behaved so cruelly in Naples that the men of the country are revolting, and have supplied senour Raunce with 7,000 or 8,000 men, so that the King thinks himself stronger there than the Emperor. The prince of Orange, the marquis De Guasto, Alarkyn and John Dwerbytt are ill and likely to die. The plague is as bad with them as it was in the French army. Some Spaniards, with the help of the Colonnese, plundered Matrya (Amatrice) in Labruske, but have been all [killed] by senor [Raunce]. Mountjohn, a captain of Almains under St. Poll, has taken Gowa (Gioja), and slain the garrison of 500 Genoese. Vandosme is setting garrisons in all the towns of Picardy. The King says there will be 800 men-at-arms there. He sends Mons. Dowarte as ambassador to England. Expect to be at Rome before the Friar Cardinal of the Observants.
	The son of the duke of Ferrara is made captain of the Florentines. Paris, 17 Dec. Signed.
	Pp. 2.
17 Dec. Vit. B. X. 171. B. M.	5043. Friar JOHN WESTE to [TUKé]
	"Right Worshipful Sir,"
	The father minister and father William Robinson, warden of Greenwich, went yesterday or today to complain of him to my lord's Grace, that my Lord should take away his commission. They will not let him come to London to inquire where Roy was when he was in England with his mother, and to do the rest of his commission. Many of them are guilty of Lutheranism, and they speak ill of the King and Wolsey, and do all they can to put him to trouble for reproving them. They have taken away his f[ellow who] came with him from beyond sea, and sent him in ... in a ship alone without a fellow, "and all because that I ... about none of my business, but they will know it ... will not obey the King's broad seal." Begs him to a[ssist] him with the dispensation as soon as possible, and if it cannot be done before Christmas, to get him a [letter] of an obedience under my Lord's broad seal for himself and his fellow Cornelius Hewtssam, a Dutchman, whom West intends to take, as he knows little English, so that West will be able to act with more secrecy. He can get the letter of obedience from Mr. Steward, master of my Lord's faculties. They will put him in prison, unless he helps him to see Wolsey at Greenwich. At our convent, 17 Dec. 1528.
	Asks him to send a letter of comfort by the bearer.
	Hol., pp. 2.
17 Dec. Cal. B. II. 129. B. M. St. P. IV. 541.	5044. MAGNUS to WOLSEY.
	Was directed in Wolsey's last letters, if he heard of any parliament in Scotland for sending ambassadors to the Emperor to treat of a marriage for James, to disappoint the same by suggesting that they need not despair of the Princess. The great Lords have been for some time assembled at Edinburgh, and have sent home their horses, expecting to make a long stay there. The archbishop of St. Andrew's has been brought back to court for his counsel in their differences. The parliament is put over for the time, but a number of Lords remain to keep Christmas at Edinburgh. Will. Hamilton has been in France for three causes,—to demand the French king's daughter in marriage, the renewal of the league with France, and to desire Francis to get Albany to deliver Dunbar Castle to James. Answer was made: 1, that the daughter of France was too young; 2, that Francis would not confer about the league without the consent of England; and, 3, that he cannot compel Albany to deliver Dunbar. This has alienated Scotland from France, and they now seek other friends.
	Soon after Angus's forfeiture, letters came from Flanders, addressed to Archibald Douglas his uncle, as the King's treasurer and provost of Edinburgh, offering him money to solicit the King's marriage with a sister or kinswoman of the Emperor. The matter has since been taken up by the council, and is being negociated by the lord of Ferre or Camfere in Flanders, and the master of the Scotch merchants in Middleburgh. Knowing, therefore, that a parliament is to be kept at Edinburgh on the 18 Jan., has written to Adam Otterburn. Sends a copy of the letter, and one from the Scotch king to himself, with a credence for Otterburn, by whom James sent him a gold ring for a token. It was to desire Magnus to move the King and Wolsey in James's behalf, expressing his wish to have their counsel in all things. Thinks the Scots would be very glad to have the marriage with my lady Princess, and that James will not contract marriage elsewhere without letting the King know.
	Hearing that the archbishop of St. Andrew's was with the King, and daily waited on by the Council as before, wrote him a letter, of which he sends a copy, with the Archbishop's answer. Hopes the King and Wolsey will declare their pleasure to the wardens how they are satisfied with the indentures for Liddesdaill concluded apart from the treaty. Sir Chr. Dacre should be consulted with, as he was privy to the whole matter. Sends a copy of the treaty passed with the Scotch commissioners. Will leave this immediately, and hopes to be with my lord of Richmond by Christmas eve. Berwick, 17 Dec. Signed.
	Add. Endd.
17 Dec. Cal. B. II. 91. B. M.	5045. MAGNUS, UGHTRED and TEMPEST to WOLSEY.
	Met the Scotch commissioners, Sir William Scotte, of Bawery, Mr. Adam Otterborne, the king of Scots' advocate, and Dan Karre, of Farnehirste, on the 9th,—sat for seven days,—concluded a peace for five years. Send the indentures. Have demanded redress, though there is no great inequality in that behalf between the two realms. Have obtained promise of redress for all the attempts committed by the thieves of Liddersdaill, since the peace concluded by Norfolk and Arran at the West ford of Norham, with a right to invade Liddersdaill, and utterly destroy it if redress be refused. Had hard work to obtain this concession, except the Scots had the same liberty upon Tyndale and Riddesdale. This they refused, but conceded the little country of Leven. Have had the advice of Sir Christopher Dacre with Sir William Evres and Roger Lasselles. As the Scotch commissioners had no power, except to treat for peace, they refused to hear the proposal for Angus. Gave it up after much debating. Enclose a proclamation sent by both sides throughout the Borders. The Scots will be sure to make redress for Liddesdale through dread of its extermination. Will meet again for interchange of communications. Think it will be well Henry should write to his nephew, expressing his satisfaction and hope that the peace will be duly observed. Magnus has written to James by Adam Otterborne. Have had communication with the Scots touching the molestation of the Edinburgh merchants by the town of Berwick, in conveying salmon to England, notwithstanding their letters of safe-conduct. This will drive their merchandise into France and Flanders, and enhance the price of salmon. Otterborne thinks Angus will not be reinstated except by Henry's influence. Berwick, 17 Dec. Signed by the above.
	Pp. 5. Add.: Un[to my] lord Legate's go[od g]race. Endd.
18 Dec. Cal. D. X. 269. B. M.	5046. _ to [WOLSEY].
	"[R^me et] Ill^me Domine, D. mi observandissime, post humillimas commendationes, &c. [Nihil magis cu]pio, R^me Domine, quam voluntatem meam erga Ser. Regem [et R. D.] V. quibus possum officiis declarare; quæ quidem animi ... tam mihi jucunda est, cum jucundissimum sit quam utriusque ... me meritis, debitam esse intelligo. Itaque ubi literis R^mæ D. V. [certior fac]tus sum, oratores Ser. Regis ad S. D. N. proficisci litera[s] ... [non] solum ad patrem meum diligentissime scriptas, sed etiam a ... Pont. tradidi, quarum exemplum hic addi jussi, non ut off[icium] apud R. D. V. osten tarem, sed ut ea perspiceret ... apud me, eo quo par fuit fuisse pondere, meque quod ... bam M. Ser. Regis et R^mæ D. V. studiosissimum e[sse] ... voluntatem, perpetuam fore de me, R^mæ D. V. pollice ... ita vero esse et quando volet et quibus in rebus vo[let] ... experiri poterit Rmæ D. V. Cui me studiosissime [commendo]. Ex Poissi, xviii. Dec. M.D. ..."
	Mutilated.
Cal. D. X. 270. B. M.	5047. _ to CLEMENT VII.
	"[Beatissime] pater, post pedum oscula beatorum, humillime commendationes etc. Ora[tores quos serenissimus An]gliæ Rex ad Sanctitatem tuam mittit attulerunt ad me proxim ... eodemque Ill^mo Card. Eboracense, quibus ille mecum agit uti ... [me]dium pacis amplectendum cohorter, et res ipsius regis dilig[entissime] commendem, quorum utrumque et si minus necessarium esse vid[etur] ... rea quod S^tis T. animus mihi minime obscurus esset, h ... tamen studiis amplissimi Regis et Ill. Cardinalis non ita mul ... quendum esse statui. Quid enim prolixius cum S. T. de pa[ce] ... agam, cujus voluntas nullius adhortationi locum relinquit ... nullius orationem requirit, qua pacis commoda ostendantu[r et] ... istius discordiæ incommoda proponantur. Videt enim tanquam e ... cernuntur incendium istud quo cuncta nunc ardent ac pleraque ... sunt, non alia ratione restingui posse; videt ac clarius quid ... teri, tam multa Sedis Apostolicæ et consilii publici membra nefa[rio cru]delissimi belli impetu disjecta, non nisi studiis pacis posse res[titui] ... contra communem hostem jam pridem discordiis nostris ita inva ... dum ut sit nisi res inter Principes conveniat, ne ad resis[tendum im]becilli futuri simus et si tantis Principum odiis nullus ... dus, non multis post annis fore ut rempublicam Christian[am] ... efferri videamus, atque hæc quidem cum apert ... lligit, nullius magis esse tam detestand ... * * * ... cum S. T. sponte sua facturam esse certo sciam no ... orationem ad inflammandam eam adhibeam, sed eam o ... res Clariss. Regis tibi commendandas potius conferam q ... S. T. nullius commendatione indigere plane video ... tia quadam amoris mei et sanctioris cujusdam observant[iæ] ... Ill. Cardinalem non committam ut debitum egregiæ ejus virtuti tes[timonium] reddam, cujus sane animus, cum nullo unquam tempore acommo[dis Sedis A]postolicæ augendis abhorruerit, tum his gravissimis temporibus ... enæ funestis magis se patefecit vel potius totum in S. T. se ... ullum enim clarissimus ille Princeps et Christianæ Religionis ... [propug]nator acerrimus, reliquit locum declarandæ voluntatis suæ et ... æ erga S. T. nullum est genus officii quo non cum aliis sed s ... [ce]rtaverit, cum pristinam pietatem suam et vetera in Apostolicam dign[itatem] merita, novis beneficiis superare contenderet. Itaque omnem operam [atque s]tudium, diligentiam, gratiam, autoritatem, opes denique Imperii su[i ad S.] T. vel conservandam vel juvandam antea contulit, et nunc ad amp ... dam conferre paratus est; quam sane optimi Regis voluntatem, qu ... [S. t]uæ notiorem esse existimo quam ut pluribus verbis a me commemoret[ur] ... to quin parem ad illius causam animum allatura sit et eximiæ eju[s] ... gratiam, quibus in rebus poterit, relatura; quod cum faciet ... re singularis humanitatis et illius meritorum" * * *
	Mutilated.
18 Dec. R. O.	5048. NORFOLK to WOLSEY.
	The customers of Ipswich and Yarmouth complain of the restraint on the exportation of grain and victuals, as lessening the King's customs and impoverishing his subjects, especially in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, where more butter and cheese is made than can be spent within the realm, and never more plenty than now, and the same of red herrings and sprats. Told them he thought Wolsey intended only grain to be stopped, and that he would write to ask for the restraint to be taken off butter, cheese, tallow, candle, sprats and herrings. Kennynghale, 18 Dec.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate. Endd.
19 Dec. R. O.	5049. THOS. WYNTER to WOLSEY.
	Seems to write too often, considering Wolsey's occupations, but his kindness compels him to do so. Hampton is now going to England, and will tell Wolsey everything about his life and the kindness of Brian [Tuke] and Vannes. The latter has given him good advice from Wolsey, which he will try to follow. Paris, 14 cal. Jan. Asks favor for Hampton's son.
	Lat., p. 1. Hol. Add.: R., &c., card. Ebor. Angliæ Primati, a latere Legato, &c. Endd.: Ex D. Decano Wellen., &c.
19 Dec. Vit. B. X. 173. B. M.	5050. WOLSEY to [BRIAN, VANNES and GREGORY CASSALIS].
	Since their departure, has been considering the King's causes committed to them. The troubles in Christendom, which give occasion to the spread of heresies, spring from lack of grace, by insolence, pertinacity, negligence a[nd] ..., rather than from any reasonable or lawful ground. If princes and people would study to promote unity, all this might easily be removed. In order to obtain peace the sooner, and to conduce the residue of the King's purpose, his Highness has considered between whom are the chief causes of the discord, what is the quality and moment of the quarrels, demands and pretences, and how and by whom they may be composed. As princes are so alienated from each other, some more special provision should be devised than by sending letters or ambassadors to and fro, who would continually have to consult their princes, so that the desired end would be probably frustrated by delay. They are charged, therefore, to speak to the Pope about negotiating a peace; and in order that he may not be comp[elled to put] himself, his power and states into the Emperor's hands, nor [accept the terms] set forth by the general of the Observants, they must offer him "a convenient presidy" for his person, to be paid by the kings of France and England; so that, remaining neutral till he knows what way the Emperor will take touching peace, he may assist and mediate it. In order to do this, he must be made independent of fair offers or threats, by which he might be drawn to the Emperor, in whom only is the fault that peace is not concluded.
	In these overtures they must proceed as follows:—First, in order that the Pope may listen more willingly to the rest of their desires, and to the proposals to be made by them, together with Mr. Secretary and Mr. Benet, when they come, and that he may be removed from any fear of the Emperor, and be a fitter mediator for the peace, they shall say, in that part of their former instructions which concerns the mediation of the peace by his Holiness, that the means devised by the King are, first, to render the Pope secure, as after these great troubles he is probably not able to do so himself. The King is moved by the affection which he bears to the Pope, and his zeal for peace, though he has little interest therein, and may have peace with the Emperor at his pleasure. He has induced the French king to consent to their jointly furnishing 1,500 or 2,000 picked men as a guard for the Pope's person, who will suffice to protect him and the College of Cardinals, and will give great authority to his decisions about the peace.
	They must notice how he takes this overture, and whether he is ready to undertake the conduct of the peace. The first step towards peace must be a cessation of arms, for as long as new injuries are continually being committed, the princes will be provoked to further rancor, and the one that finds himself superior will be intractable. The Pope, therefore, must command all Christian princes to accept a truce of twelve, ten or eight months, under pain of ecclesiastical censures, with power to prorogue it as he thinks fit; during which variances may be composed, peace made, and means found for the extirpation of heresy, and an expedition against the Infidels, who have spread during these dissensions in Christendom, and threaten its total ruin. The truce can be proclaimed through the legates and nuncios in various countries, without the delay of sending new personages. Though princes in times past have shown difficulty in obeying such indictions, the kings of France and England will conform thereto, and the Emperor would doubtless do the same, as the war was made against him for the liberation of the French king's children, whom he still retains. Their example would be followed by other princes. The general of the Observants could execute this commission in Spain, and thus be removed from the Pope, "in avoiding such impeachments as else he ... pursuits and causes." The truce being thus indicted, the King considering the Pope's offer to go to any place, even to Spain, to further peace, proposes that his Holiness should go to Nice, Avignon, or other convenient place, where both the Emperor and the French king might be near him, and Wolsey will repair to him as the King's lieutenant, fully [knowing] the King's mind, and not needing to send to and fro for instructions. The Emperor could come to Russynian or Papynyon, and the French king similarly to some place in his dominion near the Pope. The Venetians and other Italian potentates would send sufficiently instructed ambassadors. Any difficulties arising during the negotiations could be easily settled, the Princes being so near. When peace is established, the Princes could hold an honorable, friendly and loving convention to devise means for the extirpation of heresy and an expedition against the Infidels. This would be the most meritorious and virtuous thing that ever pope of Rome achieved, and would restore and perpetually secure the dignity of the Holy See. This would more increase the Pope's renown, and his merit toward God, than anything he ever did; but neglect of this opportunity will cause the destruction of Italy, continual war, and the subversion of Christendom.
	Though it is not convenient for the King to prescribe what is to be determined in this convention, yet it may be useful to show the Pope what are the demands and desires of the several powers, and what they reasonably ought to demand. As for himself, his Holiness knows best what he may justly demand. The Emperor wishes for the Crown Imperial, and ransom for the French king. The French king desires peace, and the liberation of his children on reasonable conditions. The Venetians wish for the preservation of their estate, and freedom from their fear of the Emperor's exterminating them if he come to Italy. The duke of Milan wishes to enjoy his duchy on reasonable terms, with the Emperor's favor. The duke of Ferrara, the marquis of Mantua, the Genoese and Florentines desire the preservation of their estates, with no danger of captivity from the Emperor. Germany needs to be freed from intestine discord, to be purged from the detestable sects now reigning there, and to remain in tranquillity. The king of Bohemia claims nothing, but would gladly see matters settled, that he might obtain his purpose against the Wayvode; which quarrel, with others in which the Emperor has no part, does not disturb the universal peace, but could easily be settled.
	The King's highness desires nothing that would be spoken of in this general convention, but universal peace, with the exception of such matters as cannot honorably be denied, as the payment of the Emperor's debts, "and so that the Pope's holiness, regarding the necessity and importance of the King's cause, with the infinite gratitudes and merits of his Highness, do at this time impart unto the same the treasure of Christ's church, with the plenty of his power, after such sort as his Grace, studying peace universal, may also purvey substantially to have and leave here at home peace particular, and in his realm good appearance of surety in his succession, with discharge of his conscience, and remedy of the great scruple now not without good ground resting in the same."
	Though there are not a few things which he might demand in a convention for general peace, he will not hinder it for any particular pretences, but further it by all means possible.
	The Pope's desire can be easily satisfied. If the Emperor takes his crown imperial at the convention, Italy will be left in sur[ety], and the difficulties arisen for ... revocation of armies, deliverance of hostages, and of ... pieces will be removed. "[The] King's highness also, by the Pope's favor and goodness ... afore consecuted all the things that so near toucheth [him] concerning his marriage, being for any particular th ... might hinder these matters, except the payment [of his] debts, wherein is no color of refusal, fully con[tent] ..."; the French king also well satisfied, by having his children on reasonable conditions; the Venetians put out of fear; the duke of Milan restored to the Emperor's favor; the duke of Ferrara and other Italian states brought to reason, and put out of danger. All these things may, without great difficulty, be brought about by these means; and the Pope should fix his whole intent thereupon. Bulls or other writings concerning the truce might be sent out before the spring, so that, if the Emperor refused it, or used crafty delays, the residue might facilely conclude amongst themselves ways to compel him not only to peace, but to much lower terms than are now offered to him. The Pope, being assured of all the rest, might establish a general league with an easy contribution, the Pope being excepted, who would assist with the spiritual sword, and not be further charged.
	A perpetual army should be maintained in Spain, drawing their supplies from France, which would so devastate and impoverish the country as to cause the Spaniards "to insurge ... ne also he perceiving the likelihood and habilit[y of] continuance, and that it will not be possible for him to ... his own after the same sort, which will not be may ... with spoil, prey and ruin, as his armies be in other parts, should or would longer demore in his pertinacity," but rather submit to reason, and, even if he did not do that, Italy would be freed from the war, the Emperor being occupied at home. However long the contribution endured, it would not be so great as to hinder the other affairs of the confederates. By attacking Spain alone, and providing substantially for the army, and [making] convenient order for keeping such pieces as they [might take] in Italy, they might live at home in prosperity, and, without great inconvenience to themselves, compel the Emperor to penitence in a short time, so that he would never again be able to bring them into trouble.
	What other advantages this scheme might produce for repressing the Emperor and benefiting Christendom cannot be determined; but, if well pondered, it will be seen to be so advantageous that it is rather brought to mind by God's provision than by man's invention. They must declare this to the Pope, either at their first access or soon after, urging him to adopt it, and must write to Wolsey how he seems minded towards it.
	While conferring about these matters with the Pope, they must suggest that it would give a great reputation to his affairs, if he appointed viscount Turayne and "you, Sir Gregory de Cassalys," captains of the presidy, as persons in whom he has great confidence. They must, however, be very careful to speak of this so as the Pope shall not conceive any suspicion or think evil of the device. The men chosen shall be such as he can put confidence in, whoever are their captains.
	The acceptance of these overtures by the Pope will much conduce to the particular causes committed to them and to Mr. Secretary and Bennet, who are going to Rome with ample instructions for the King's cause of matrimony, and full commission to conclude the before-mentioned matters. A similar commission is enclosed, that they may enter into the treaty for the presidy, and so gain the Pope that when the others arrive the King's desires may be granted without delay.
	For if the Pope will immediately send out the letters for the truce, there is no cause [why he] should not now, before the spring of the year, [conclude the] rest of the matter, exhorting the [princes] and others to repair to the place on which he determines, so that, by the beginning of summer, peace may take effect, or, if it is impossible, the other ways may be tried to bring the Emperor to reason. However the peace takes effect, if the Pope will immediately indict the truce, and, being furnished with the presidy, will go to Nice or Avignon, (whither he might sail in the galleys of the knights of St. John, the kings of England and France contributing to the expence), if then he finds that the [Emperor] is unwilling to come near, or to consent to peace, he can then conclude the perpetual league against the Emperor, and thus reintegrate his own estate, recover his pieces, bring Italy out of danger, and produce other good effects.
	They must handle this with great dexterity, for it is not to be doubted that the Pope, if he agrees thereto, will also grant the King's desire about his marriage, which is the thing to which their charge most tends, and, once brought about, it is not to be doubted that the rest will succeed. They must, therefore, compare these letters with their other instructions, and endeavor to gain the Pope before the coming of their colleagues.
	Sends instructions for the obtaining of bulls for the conversion of abbeys into bishoprics, and others concerning monasteries and such matters.
	The King hears that the Pope intends to create sundry cardinals, and recommends the bishop of Worcester. Letters in his behalf from the King, Wolsey and Campeggio to the Pope are enclosed.
	If John Matthew, bishop of Verona, whom, it is said, the Pope will create a cardinal, is returned to the court, they must so behave to him as to show him that the King has more confidence in him than in any other person in the court. Encloses loving letters to be delivered to him from the King and from himself. If he is away from the court, they must persuade him to return and further the King's causes. They may tell him that coming to the convention will be a thing highly honorable and meritorious, and that kindness to the King will be in the best wise coll[ocate] and employed. Desires them similarly to entertain ... and give him the enclosed letters.
	They are to tell the Pope, at their first audience or soon after, that the King, hearing that the Venetians had not restored Ravenna and Cervia, told the Venetian ambassador that he and the French king were no little surprised at their withholding the two cities so long, contrary to their promise, and to the frequent requisitions of the two Kings, and he peremptorily desired the ambassador to write to the Signory for the speedy delivery of the cities, which, if they delayed, both he and the French king would declare them to be enemies. The King himself writes to the duke of Venice, and to his ambassador there, copies of the letters being enclosed to be shown to the Pope. The French king also will do the like. They must send on the letters to the prothonotary De Cassalis.
	Desires them, if possible, to conclude with the French king's agents the contribution for the presidy, before the arrival of Mr. Secretary and Bennet, and to make payments, if necessary. They must discover whether the Pope can be kept in the devotion of the two Princes, and drawn from the Emperor, by merely talking of the contribution, leaving the conclusion of it till the coming of the Secretary and Bennet, for the French agents can scarcely receive their instructions until then. But if the Pope hesitates to proceed to the indiction of the truce without the presidy being concluded, they must then perfect it as above, which will be a good foundation for the treaty of peace, and a great "foredeal" for the King's matrimonial cause, for the bringing about of which chiefly all the foresaid things are devised. Desires them to use all diligence and to write often. Trusts that by their politic handling of these instructions they will attain some honorable way how the King may achieve his purpose, and be discharged of the great agony in which he is.
	Sends minutes of three bulls for the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and for the King's indulgence at Windsor, with a letter containing the causes of asking for them, to be shown to the Pope, the cardinal SS. Quatuor, and others. Westm., 19 Dec. Signed.
	Pp. 25, mutilated.
Ibid. f. 185*	P.S. to Vannes.—Wolsey desires him to translate into Italian the passages marked, concerning the presidy and the peace, and to give them to the Pope, that he may read and consider them at leisure. Signed.
	P. 1.
20 Dec. R. O.	5051. SIR ROB. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	On Wednesday last my lord Chamberlain and Sir Ric. Weston arrived. The King's solicitor has not come. They have surveyed the reparations made. The lieutenant of the Staple had not money in hand sufficient to pay the whole retinue belore Christmas. Money is greatly needed. A survey has been taken of provisions, which are very scant. Yesterday the ambassador of the wayvood of Hungary arrived. When he will leave is uncertain, for "the seas here seem to have in them such cruelty as hath not been oft seen." There is a report of a truce between the Emperor and the French. Others say that De Rewxe will not consent, and therefore the French king sends the duke of Vendome to the frontiers of Picardy. It is said De Rewxe's son shall marry the duchess of Vendome's daughter. Calais, 20 Dec. 1528.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. and sealed. Endd.
20 Dec. R. O.	5052. DR. WILLIAM CAPON to WOLSEY.
	Was informed by Cromwell, on 22 Nov., of Wolsey's pleasure that the farmers of the monasteries of Dodnes, Wykes, Typtree and Horkysley should repair to London to the dean of Wolsey's college, Oxford, to make their accounts before the auditor. They have all done so, except the farmers of Horkysley and Wykes, who would have made their accounts with Capon, but he thought it right to defer it till Wolsey's auditor came to Ipswich. Thirty-seven freemasons have been working here, and hewed a good sort of stone. Have bought a hoy of 30 tons for 25l. 10s., and have received from the chancellor of Durham 142 chalder of sea coal, after Newcastle measure = 166 Ipswich measure, for which they have paid 47l. 6s. 8d. All your marsh is fully ended, except a piece which Mr. Cavendish says must be deferred till March. The whole cost will be 93l., of which Capon has paid 80l. Has also paid Wolsey's priests, conducts, schoolmaster, and usher, and all other officers of his college, wages for one quarter, ending 5 December. We have a great loss by your Grace's sending for Mr. Lentall. He was the key of our choir, "and set everything in so good order, and made us very good children." Will bring the accounts of stone and timber to Wolsey soon after the holidays. Has received nothing of the revenues of Wolsey's college, but only the half-year's rent of the monastery of St. Peter's, amounting scarcely to 50 marks. The other half year's rent was received by Mr. Cromwell of the tenants before he came. Many of the farmers have old leases under convent seals. My lord Curson has come to Ipswich to spend Christmas at home, to whom we of your Grace's college are much beholden as he is always ready to assist us. Ipswich, 20 Dec. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate. Endd.
20 Dec. Le Grand, III. 245.	5053. DU BELLAY to MONTMORENCY.
	* * * "faire despense à ce voyaige, ou pour n'y veoir seureté de sa personne, mondict sieur le Legat est d'avis" that if any of these difficulties should appear, rather than that this enterprise should fail, an offer should be made to him (the Pope?), in diminution of the expence of his said voyage, by these two Kings, of 500 men out of the said 2,000, the rest remaining at Rome, with a legate for the surety of the town, if necessary; and for his passage the galleys of Rhodes should be at his command, or, at a pinch, even those of Andrea Doria, both for their mutual friendship, and because good truce subsists at present, and there should also be delivered to him by Francis every security that he could ask to return as often as he pleased. Nevertheless, as my lord Legate says, "que ce seroit le plus fort que de la tenir là, car au demourant on y adviseroit après." These are the difficulties I put to him, and thus he answered them.
	Afterwards, talking again about your letter, I said to him that I saw all this came to nothing, and that the general truce, whatever pains might be used, would be concluded in the middle of February; that already garrisons were laid in France, and that everybody cried alarm against the Emperor, and was impatient that the time had not come for fighting; that the Flemings seemed to do the same on their side, not only against us, but even against them (the English); and although it was arranged that the truce should endure till the contracting parties had signified to each other that they wished to break it, yet the fire once kindled there would be no means of putting it out; so that it seemed much better policy,—as the other way, for all he said, was very difficult to set about early,—to deliberate about giving a helping hand (de mectre la main à la paste), rather than to fall asleep in the hope of a doubtful thing, of which no certain answer could soon be had by reason of the distance between this and Rome. After some discussion, he said it was necessary that the surety of the said truce, and especially of the two months additional, should be re-confirmed somehow between the parties by verbal assurance, or in such wise as may be thought best, pending the general pacification (la generale) now in question. As I questioned somewhat whether this proposal were honorable, and said Francis would not consent to it, except to satisfy him, he bid me leave that to him, saying he had already for that purpose sent over the sea the Grand Chamberlain with a body of men and artillery to strike terror into the Flemings, and would see and bring this about by good means without its coming of our request. I mention this in accordance with your letters of the 3rd.
	In all these matters I took pains to get at the bottom of what was in his mind (ce qu'il avoit au ventre). He showed me a thousand reasons why this assembly which is spoken of will not separate until peace is made, saying, among other things, that when he regarded in detail the demands made by Francis, the Emperor, England, the Pope, the Venetians and Florentines, and others, he thought they could all be settled in an assembly of such authority, and that he will die if it be not so; but that if by envy, and by the arts of all the devils, the said peace is not made, recourse may still be had to the expedition at the common expence, as set forth in my letters, into which the Pope will have to enter, nolens volens, for he will be held by the feet. I asked him to tell me privately if he had any assurance that the Pope would approve of these overtures. He said he had no doubt of it, considering his necessity, and the conduct he has always exhibited, and the great arguments Wolsey himself and Campeggio have impressed upon him, together with the assurance given by Campeggio that the Pope would approve it. And though he acknowledges it is honorable that the proposals of truce towards the Pope come from him, and not from our side, he would like, after he has opened them, that your ambassadors should strive to give effect to them by all indirect and honorable ways, as a thing of very high importance.
	As to this truce, he is much gratified with the contents of Francis's letter of the 3rd, which are quite in accordance with his own views. To that letter I make no answer, the greater part being vuidée by my other letter, and by this, "n'estant principalement plus de nouvelle de proposer nouveaux articles de paix, ne faire par ceulx de deçà paix à part à l'Empereur pour myeulx pratiquer la vostre." For Wolsey, perceiving that we should never come by this route to the point we have set before us, matters being as they are, says nothing more about it, and talks only for the present of the overture above mentioned. He was glad to see what was said in the above letters of the affairs of Naples, and desired to have the letters to send to the King, who is at Richmond till Saturday, except the days and evenings when he comes to see how people are in this town (comment on se porte en cette ville). Although the King's letter was dated 3rd, I only received it on the 13th. Such delay has been usual, and will be, unless you quicken the posts with money. Du Biez does not allow them to pass at Boulogne without searching all their letters, which makes them all go through Flanders or Artois, and I know if he did not compel the rascals with blows of the halberd "et à bonne basse fousse" to come, they would long ago have ceased coming. As to Bayard (Neufville?) I have perceived nothing here. If anything is said about him I will do as you command me.
	When about to close these letters I was sent for by the King, and told that the Queen had brought forward some brief amplifying the dispensation of the marriage contained in the bulls, and dated the same day; which brief not being considered authentic by the Cardinals, she intends to send to the Emperor to ask for the original, and the King has consented that she should send a Spaniard in post, and wishes me to write to get him a safe-conduct through France. I expect he will set out soon. The King expects for many reasons that this brief will be found false; but in any case it must be seen before proceeding further. He has talked to me at great length about the matter, and I promise you he requires no advocate, he understands it so well; but he is very anxious that the opinions of which I spoke to you should be sent him, and if you cannot get them signed soon, I think it would be better to send them unsigned than not at all. He also spoke at great length of the common affairs, and of his regret that they are not now in better condition. I discussed the matter with him, showing all the reasons I could that it was not our fault; but he alleged such a number of things that I knew not how to answer;—among others, that, besides the bad provision for food and money before Naples, which led to the loss and ruin, and besides the error of alienating Andrea Doria at such a time, it appeared that Mons. de St. Pàl had been obliged to disband his army for want of pay, and that all the fine arrangements, which I had so often told Wolsey had been made for Savona, had gone off in smoke, simply for want of foresight. Hence the breaking off of the practice to regain Andrea Doria, which would certainly have succeeded. Also the army which was preparing in Normandy had been broken up for want of timely provision of money. Thus the common cause, which was on the point of triumphing, had fallen to the ground, and even the enemy's council said that they had nothing to do but await their opportunity, for the assurance they had that our own mistakes would undo us without their meddling. He wished me to press Francis to be a little more awake to these things, and abandon his pleasure only for one good year to see to his affairs himself, a thing which he would have hinted to him long ago, but for fear of displeasing him. He had hoped that the experience of so many losses, one on the top of another, would have made it unnecessary to warn him; but at last, seeing the state of things at present, and considering the indissoluble union between them, he could not avoid telling me what he thought necessary, and charging me to signify it to his good brother.
	I give you the substance of his conversation, which lasted two good hours, he keeping me alone in the room with him, and expressing great affection. I do not write to the King. I made all the excuses that I could invent; some of which he found good, but others he rejected, saying that I should do well to excuse my master towards strangers, but towards him, who was his second self, I ought to be more plain, for he knew well the truth how every thing had gone, and did not say those things to me to raise debate about things which he would excuse in strangers, and did excuse every day, as all his gentlemen could bear witness. London, 20 Dec.
	P.S.—It is not my fault that my letters are of so many pieces, for I had to wait the departure of the courier. I have been this day with Wolsey about the Spanish ships, about which the Imperial ambassador is in much alarm. I much fear that the Legate will not be able to do all that he would like to do. He says he has changed his purpose about the departure of my lord of Bath, chiefly because, being one of the principal counsel granted to the Queen, they cannot well do without him. For this reason he does not wish me to make mention of his despatch, or of Fitzwilliam's, although as to the latter there is no change, and they mean to send him shortly; nor that I should write to you again to send hither some one, he trusting in my abilities in matters of war as of peace, by reason of which, and of the friendship he bears me, he will speak to me more privately than to any other, thereupon praising me to my face, and recounting my excellent qualities. Not knowing, however, if he wanted to see what I would say, I praised his former purpose, and we remained in suspense. As he desired me not to write this conversation, please to hold it as not written, towards the English ambassadors. I suspect it was my lord of Bath himself who broke off his mission, and at this moment I have learned something of it from him.
	Fr. Add.
Le Grand, III. 263.	5054. DU BELLAY to MONTMORENCY.
	You must not be too angry with Wolsey for the remonstrances he has made to me; for, in the first place, he only spoke as he was told by my lord of Bath, (fn. 2) and others coming from France, as I know truly. Moreover, it is only one man he is displeased with; and I do not say it to excuse him, but to inform you of the truth of all things. I assure you they consider Francis the most gentle and honorable prince in the world, and of the best understanding, but they think he trusts too much to his Chancellor, who has been the cause of all his misfortunes, and will be his ruin by putting off everything; that Madame, though she is the most prudent woman in the world, is so blinded by him that she trusts no one else; and that you do all that a faithful servant can, but that the other takes the credit of what you do. It is quite true my lord of Bath said in high quarters (en bons lieux) that the loss of Naples had been owing to the want of timely provision of men and money for the late Mons. de Lautrec, which was in consequence of the Chancellor being continually asleep, or doing other things. That all ambassadors and others who had charge of affairs there were in despair; and for himself, since he had seen matters in this train, he had resolved never to go to him unless compelled, although you often sent to him, so that at last he was forced to tell you that he would go no longer, and that you should not send him there. I assure you all the ambassadors of the confederates here hold such language, even with Wolsey himself, who used continually to break my head with it, until one day I begged him to speak no more about it if he would not estrange me, for reasons which I alleged to him. Nor has he done so, except that in these remonstrances he repeated several times that he knew Francis was the wisest prince in the world, and the faults were not his, but it must be considered whence they arose. I think he was not ill pleased to have this opportunity to delay his thrust (pour delayer à fencer); but I assure you all he said came of perfect good will. I do not say it was founded on truth, but on what he hears from others. I think you will do well not to estrange him, for you have to do with Spaniards, and he is vindictive. Campeggio one day told him that if the divorce took place peace would never be made, the Emperor would be so enraged against them. "Never you mind," said he, "I know well what we shall do about that. He will not take the matter so much to heart as he pretends. I know how to dress up that the best way in the world, and you may trust it to me."
	You will see how the sum I have received has passed, and what I write about my condition. I know you wish me to be comfortable. I assure you I have much need. Francis has so many men of my estate, that if it be found that I serve him well, it will do you no discredit to help me.
	Fr.
20 Dec. R. O.	5055. H. EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND to BRIAN TUKE.
	Thanks him for the pains he has taken in his causes. After the capture of Quyntyn Armestrange, Sym Armestrange, otherwise Sym the laird, desired of the Earl's deputy of Tyndale, Sir Ralph Fenwike, that he would bring him to Alnwick to speak with the Earl for reformation of justice. Had a long conference with him by advice of my cousin Tempest, and taxed him severely with his demerits towards God and his king. He replied that "he thought in his time never to see king in Scotland, nor that realm to be kepit with justice without the King our sovereign lord had the governance thereof; for their King was all set upon viciousness," and his council of no stability; that his own coming was only to minister justice and obtain it from England, for he and his adherents had "endway laid waste" 60 miles of the Scotch territory, and not a man in Scotland durst remedy the same; and that whatever the Scotch commissioners should conclude at this diet "anenst Lyddersdaill," not an article would be performed. Sent these sayings to the English commissioners to show the Scotch. Finds by their letters that they have concluded a peace, and put in articles "that they will run upon Liddersdaill and destroy them." This is a mere brag, for the Armstrongs muster 3,000 horse. Caused Sym, however, to make such articles as he would be bound to; which he sends to know Wolsey's pleasure on them.
	Has been so sick of his old disease that he had all the rites of the Church administered to him, not expecting to live. Topclyf, 20 Dec. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: Master Bryan Tuke, treasurer of the King's most honorable chamber.