Journal of the House of Lords: Volume 62, 1830. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London.
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Die Martis, 23 Martii 1830.
Will you turn to No. 40 of the printed Paper laid before Parliament relating to the Finances of India? You will find there a Statement of Commerce of British India with Great Britain and other Countries. Will you state what was the Amount of Import into Bengal from Great Britain in the Year 1826-27, stating it in Pounds Sterling?
I understand the Excess of Exports from Bengal to arise from the Necessity under which The East India Company are placed, of bringing Home from India Produce the Proceeds of which are required to repay the Advances made in this Country on account of the Territorial Charges.
The Cost of the Surplus of the Company's Exports from India beyond their Imports into India is credited to the Territorial by the Commercial Branch as so much repaid of the Advances made out of the Commercial Funds in England on the Territorial Account.
When you use the Expression, Surplus of the Exports from India, you mean that Sum applied in India in any One Year to the Purpose of Investments for Europe, beyond the Sum that would have been produced by the Proceeds of the Commercial Exports to India in that Year?
In your Statement of the Annual Deficiency of the Territorial Revenue this Sum of Fourteen or Fifteen hundred thousand Pounds is brought to the Credit of the Territory before that Deficiency is made out?
The Transactions between the Territorial and Commercial Branches do not enter into the Statement of the Revenues and Charges of India. I will explain the Principle upon which the Statement which shews the Deficiency is made up. We credit every thing that can be considered as Territorial Revenue, and we debit every thing that can be considered as Charge, including all Charges which have been incurred and paid in England, as well as those incurred and paid in India; and the Balance of the Account so made out shews either the Surplus or the Deficiency.
Have you had an Opportunity, since you were here last, of referring to a Paper to which you alluded, respecting the Amounts of Salaries and Emoluments received by Officers of His Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature at Fort William and other Settlements?
I have One of the Papers ordered to be printed by the House of Commons on the 5th of February in the present Year, which contains the exact Account of all the Returns made by the Officers of the Court: it is the most authentic Document of the actual Receipts of Salaries and Fees.
Have you had Occasion to refer to the Paper you formerly delivered in, respecting the British Population within the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court at Calcutta, and the other Matters connected with the Judicial System, and with respect to Laws and Usages?
I have. I have brought into the Text many of the Marginal Notes I had made from Time to Time, as my Experience grew on those Subjects; and I have also made a few small explanatory Additions. I cannot present the Third Set of Papers, relating to the proposed Reforms of the Mofussil Laws, Courts and Practice, as containing a perfect System, but only as pointing out the several Respects in which I think the present System is capable of Amendment.
With reference to the Paper of Fees to which you have adverted, printed by the House of Commons; when the principal Settlement took place in 1803, were they increased or diminished as compared with Fees formerly received?
I believe that in every Instance where any Alteration has taken place at all, within my Knowledge, they have been diminished. I cannot answer for every Particular, for the Mass of them were framed long before I went to India; but in every Instance that I am aware of, where any Alteration was made in the Fees, I believe they have been diminished: I am sure the Alteration was never undertaken with a view to increasing them.
I cannot. I should observe that there are several of the Offices in the Supreme Court at Calcutta that in point of Emolument are very much better than the Situation of the Judges themselves; but that has arisen in a very great degree from the Increase of Business from Time to Time. When the Business originally was much more contracted, perhaps the Fees altogether did not amount to more than under Circumstances might have been thought proper; but as the Business increased, with the Amount of the Fees originally settled, those Offices became certainly very much overpaid. I should imagine, that with respect to several of the Offices mentioned in the Paper referred to, as the Fees amount to so much as they do, there would be no Reason at all for retaining the Salaries in addition to the Fees.
Stealing from the Person and a Variety of other Offences have been lately reduced into One Act, the Act of the 9th of George 4th, by which the Criminal Statute Law of India has been mainly assimilated to the present State of the Criminal Law in England; and therefore a great many of the Anomalies and Inconsistencies that before existed in the King's Courts in India have been done away, and the greater Part of the Criminal Law of India now, at least in the Supreme Courts, is the same as in this Country; and where there is still any Difference in the Mode of dealing with the same Offence, it is in mitigation of the Punishment rather than in aggravation of it.
Yes; the Act called Lord Ellenborough's Act has now been extended to India. I have mentioned, in one of the Papers now delivered in by me, an Instance which occurred before myself, of having Two Offenders tried in the same Sessions, one who came under the Black Act, and the other under Lord Ellenborough's Act, before the Provisions of that Act were extended to India, when I was obliged to pass a much milder Sentence on the most atrocious Offender of the Two, at the same Time that I was under the Necessity of passing Sentence of Death on the other, whose Offence, though coming within the Black Act, was of a much less atrocious Character, in point of Moral Guilt, than that of the former.
It is not yet so. That is one of the Recommendations which I have made in the Papers I have presented. And especially in the Interior of the Country. The transporting a Man who is to go a Thousand Miles over Land before he is transported across the Seas is quite incongruous, and must add greatly to the Expence. There is another Recommendation I should advise in the Treatment of Offenders adjudged to Imprisonment that exists in the Mofussil Courts. It is a Practice with them, where Offenders, except of a very atrocious kind, are adjudged to be imprisoned, to direct that they shall be worked out of Doors in the Day-time; and I think that is a very important and necessary Alteration to be made in the Law there, as administered by the Supreme Courts; for in that Climate, and with Natives of the Description who are usually subjected to Imprisonment in our Gaols for Larcenies and such like Offences, the mere Confinement within a Gaol is really of little Effect to the Individual; very often it is a Physical Advantage to him, though a Moral Disadvantage, for he often gets better fed and better housed than in his own House. In point of Health, also, it is very desirable, that in all Cases where Imprisonment is awarded as a Punishment for Offences, the Court or the Government should have an Opportunity of directing the Offenders to be employed in Works out of doors. They can rarely be employed in Works within the Gaols; and being kept there without any Employment at all engenders bad Habits. It would be a great Improvement if such an Alteration were to take place.
Certainly they are, in respect of all Proceedings in Causes in Court; but I am not sure whether there are not some Fees regulated by Act of Parliament in particular Cases. If I recollect rightly, (but it is now several Years since these Subjects have been passing from my Recollection,) the Act which imposed the Duty of taking out Administration to deceased Persons who had no legal Representatives on the Spot, on the Registrar of the Supreme Court, mentioned what Fees he was to receive for such Service. But however this may be in particular Cases, I may say generally, that all the Fees of the Officers of the Court are under the Controul of the Court.
The Fees ordered to be taken are settled in the Table of Fees, and I believe are regularly taken accordingly; and occasionally, from Time to Time, as the Business has increased, or the Attention of the Court has been particularly called to the Subject, they have been looked at; but I cannot say that they have been looked at very frequently.
I never heard, before I saw the Return lately printed by Order of the House of Commons, that certain Officers had taken Fees without having express Authority to do so. No Fees, of course, could be legally taken without the Authority of the Court.
It is rather difficult to describe its general Nature and Character in a few Words, otherwise than by saying it was originally a Military Government, but that its Principles were in some measure modified by the Circumstance of the Rajah having himself risen from the cultivating Class. He was also checked in his Court by the Opinions and Influence of his Chiefs; and generally his Government was as mild as could be expected under those Circumstances; but the chief Object of Government was to collect Revenue, and there was very little Attention paid to the Judicature or the Police of the Country, which were left very much in the Hands of the Subjects themselves.
The System was a System of Village Settlement principally. The immediate Demand of Government was on Villages. The Potail was the Middle Man. He was both Agent of Government in collecting the Rents, and the chief Farmer of the Village, to whom the Ryots looked up for any pecuniary Assistance on all Occasions on which they required it.
He had; but the Government so far interfered as to insist on his Engagements with the Ryots being recorded in a Rent Roll, which specified the Name of each Ryot, the Field he occupied, and the Circumstances which changed every Year, in order to be on the one Hand a Check upon the Potail that he did not oppress the People, and that they might on the other Hand see what he collected, he himself receiving a nominal Sixth, I think, of the Rents which were collected from the Village altogether; that was his Remuneration.
Yes, if the Ryot was content, under all Circumstances; but it must be said that the Demand on the Potail was regulated by the Government, without immediate Reference perhaps to the State of his Collections. They demanded certain Sums according to the Necessity of Government, and the Potail was bound to provide for realizing that Sum, in Proportions of course from each Ryot according to what they had paid in the previous Year.
In the Nagpoor Territory, the greater Part of it, there were in fact no Rights to the Soil either in the Potails or in the Ryots; the Potails were generally Ijarahdar Potails; they held their Office at the Will of the Government.
As long as the Wants of the Government were not pressing, the Effect seems to have been very good. The Country was originally conquered by the Mahrattas from a very poor Race, and they, by means of Cowls and other Encouragements, brought it into Cultivation, and it advanced to a certain degree of Prosperity, which is spoken of very advantageously in general.
That was generally considered sufficient for bringing a Village into that State under which the Government Agent would pronounce a fair Rent ought to be paid for the Lands according to the general Rates of the Country.
The System of Civil and Criminal Justice scarcely can be said to be any System at all. Justice was administered in petty Criminal Cases by the Potails, or the Heads of the Pergunnahs; or, if they amounted to any serious Offence, they were generally brought before the Rajah himself; or, where there was a Subahdar under the Rajah, who had charge of the Province, he decided those superior Causes. It was the same in Civil Cases. The Potail would decide the smaller ones, either personally or by Punchayet, and the Collector of the Pergunnah in the same Way. The higher ones went to the Rajah or the Subahdar.
There was an Agreement taken from the Parties which bound them to abide by the Decision of the Punchayet; and the general Feeling of the Country was very strongly in favour of the Punchayet. They considered its Award almost as a Decision from Heaven, according to the Proverb they applied to it.
There were no established Laws; it was generally a Thing left entirely to their Discretion, according to the local Circumstances of the Country, which every Person of the Village was supposed to understand more or less. If it was a Case of Inheritance or a Partition of Property, it was decided according to the Hindoo Law. They called in the Assistance of a Shaster to expound it; but usually it was a very summary kind of Proceeding, with no fixed Law.
There was always a Petition open to the Rajah or the different local Authorities, as a Matter of Course; but it depended very much upon the Circumstances of the Parties whether the Person to whom the Petition was made would pay any Attention to it.
There were none at all. Every Situation under Government was to a certain degree hereditary. Though the Emolument might pass to another, the Name always remained, and perhaps Part of the fixed Salaries would remain to the old Incumbent.
The Potail and the Village Officers were the general moving Power in the Country, and the Village Community were all more or less bound to assist; but there was one Officer in particular, called a Cutwal, in each Village, One or Two, according to the Size of the Village, whose peculiar Duty it was to keep the Peace.
Latterly there was very little Security of Person or of Property. The Country was overrun by Pindarrees; and the Rajah himself, being reduced to Distress by keeping up larger Bodies of Troops than his Finances could sustain, turned Plunderer himself, and employed Robbers to take away the Property of every Person who had any; and this was not only all over the Country where it might be unobserved, but in the City of Nagpoor itself.
The Country was very large in proportion to its Produce and Population; it was never regularly measured, but it was estimated at about Seventy thousand Square Miles. The Population was about Two and a Half Millions, excluding some of the more wild Districts, of which we could not ascertain the Population.
We left every thing almost as we found it, as far as the Forms and the Names of the Officers went; but European Officers were placed in Situations where Subahdars had been before, to exercise a general Superintendence over the Country. They managed the Revenue through Native Collectors of the Subdivisions.
There was no Alteration in the Mode; they still made their Settlements through the Potails. The Village Rent Rolls, which had been very much corrupted, they endeavoured to reduce to their original Purpose; viz. to express faithfully the Engagements between the Potails and the Ryots, and to make them Records by which both Sides should be bound, instead of obliging the Potail to grant Leases, which was not the Custom of the Country.
They were in general very well satisfied. Some of the higher Classes probably, whose oppressive Exactions were put a stop to, and whose Importance was in consequence under a Cloud, were not so well satisfied as the general Mass of the Inhabitants were.
With regard to their Efficiency, we always found Officers sufficiently qualified to perform the Duties assigned to them. We took the Officers, generally speaking, as we found them. We were careful not to exact too much from them in the way of Probity, hoping that in the course of Time, seeing we were resolute that they should be as pure as we could make them, they would improve; but we feared that if at first we evinced a Disposition to exact more than we were authorized to do, all Improvement would be completely checked; and at last, I believe, there was very little Peculation or Misbehaviour generally among them.
In the first instance a few were dismissed; but, as I observed before, the Orders to the Superintendents were not to be over severe with them in that respect, but to endeavour to reform rather than to punish.
All our Arrangements were completed with that View. We wished rather to bring the Country back to what it had been in its best Times, than to introduce any European Principles into the general Administration. With the Exception of that, we adhered to the System we found in force, which System seemed of itself to be sufficiently well calculated for all the Purposes of good Government.
In the Judicial Department we insisted on having regular Records of Decisions, both in Criminal and Civil Cases, to a certain Extent. Of the smaller Causes only, which were decided by the Potails and Punchayets, we had no Record; but when the Government Officers, the Native Collectors, were employed in the Administration of Justice, they were obliged to record their Decisions, and the Grounds of them. The Superintendents also, who decided the Civil Causes, regularly recorded their Decisions, and the whole Evidence.
A very large Proportion of the Country is in the Possession of wild Zemindars, who pay nothing but a Quit Rent to Government. They are in great measure independent in the Exercise of their Authority over the Country.
If the whole Land Territory taken from Nagpoor under your Management had been placed under a Management similar to that which has been established in other Parts, do you think the Country would have been in a greater State of Improvement?
I cannot think it would have improved much more than it did under the Government which existed. It is open to compare the State of the Country so managed with that of other Parts ceded at the same Time to the British Government.
I imagine it was. The Country was very poor. The regular Establishments, as they existed in the Company's Country, would have been more burthensome than the Finances of the Country would have afforded.
Yes, in the Infantry; in the Cavalry there was one at the Head of it who had been an Officer of high Rank under the Mahratta Government, who kept his Situation with a British Commandant, although the effective Command rested with the British Commandant. Each Rosalla of Horse, or each Regiment, as it might be called, had a British Officer at the Head of it, and a Native Officer who got as much as 600 Rupees a Month.
It was generally a Foreign Army. Their Grades of Rank were much the same as we kept up in the Horse. We did not make many Alterations in the Treatment and Command of the Horse, except by having European Officers over them.
Very few indeed were Natives of Nagpoor, either of the Infantry or Cavalry, except the irregular Infantry, the Sibundee or Militia Force, as it may be called, of the Country. Most of the Nagpoor Horse were Foreign, both Officers and Men.
For a short Time the Government divided a considerable Portion of this Territory among the Military Commanders, in order to remove from itself the Burthen of Payment, allowing them to collect themselves in the same Way and with the same Authority as the Subahdars exercised in those Parts of the Country managed by them.
There were in fact no Law Officers, except probably a few Men of Learning in Nagpoor and elsewhere who were employed as Occasion required when called upon to give their Opinion on Points of Hindoo Law, but those were very few.
As far as we could ascertain, there were none. Our Wish was to fix every Right that had been invaded in the Time of the former Government. We wished to restore Things to their original Footing; but we found that no such Rights were claimed by the Inhabitants.
The Principle of Hereditary Succession appeared to be very generally entertained. And even with regard to Landed Property it was not customary to remove a Potail or a Ryot from the Lands he occupied, as long as he paid the Assessment, whatever it might be, that was demanded of him.
The Times referred to are those of the second Rajah after the Mahratta Conquest of the Country. The Rajah's Name was Jenajee. He lived in about 1760. The Country was then said to be in a better State than it ever was before or afterwards.
A Rent Roll. In each Village there was a Paper which was a Record of the Lands of the Village, including the Name of each Field, (every Field had a Name,) the Name of the Occupant, and the Rent he was to pay. This was altered according to the Circumstances of the Case, each Year, as the Amount of the Rent on any Field might alter. There was a new one made out every Year. The Occupancy might alter, and another Ryot might have the Occupation of that Field. This Change took place constantly in the Nagpoor Country. If the Ryot did not pay the Rent demanded, the Potail had Power to remove him; in the same Way a Ryot, if he did not chuse to pay, would go to another Village.
I had scarcely arrived at Nagpoor, in the Beginning of 1807, before I saw the whole Country in a Blaze, and almost every Village burning, within a few Miles of the City of Nagpoor, and this going on from Year to Year.
The Potail was the lowest; above that the Native Collector of the Pergunnah; and above that, if it was a District at a Distance from the Capital, the Subahdar of the District; or, if nearer the Capital, the Rajah.
Generally in both. He decided in Person, or ordered a Punchayet, as he thought proper. I do not mean to say that the Rajah sat in a regular Court; it was transacted as any other Business would be before him, with the Assistance of his Ministers for the Time being. It was seldom, however, that Civil Causes came before him at all, for the Expences of any Litigation before the Officers of Government were so great that the People usually preferred to settle their Disputes among themselves.
Chiefly. If the Sum was a Sum of consequence, the Rajah rather wished it to be tried before him, that he might fleece both Parties; for a Portion, a Fourth I think, went to him as a Fine on the Loser, and another Fourth was taken from the Person who gained the Cause, as a Douceur for the Trouble of deciding it.
Those Cases were left very much to Discretion; the Potail might almost do what he liked; of course he was so far checked by the Public Opinion of the Villagers, that probably he was thence less likely to do an oppressive Act than an Officer of Government, and they would sooner suffer a little than appeal.
That alludes to the latter Period, when we had the Administration of the Country. I alluded, indeed, to an early Period, in which the People say that they were satisfied with the Government of the Country generally; that the Government took no more from the Country than was consistent with leaving the Inhabitants in good Circumstances.
Far from it; for they had little Protection from Foreign Invasion; the Pindarrees were constantly ravaging the Country; and the Rajah's Troops, if they were sent to suppress them, plundered them; and the Zemindars plundered the Ryots in the Districts immediately near them.
I think the general Complaint was, that in the City, where the Business of Punchayets fell into the Hands of professional Persons, I mean a Set of People who, having scarcely any thing to do, were generally called for the Purpose, there was both great Procrastination and great Corruption. At a Distance from the Capital the same Complaint did not exist.
Where the Government seemed to pay so very little Attention to the Maxims of Justice and good Faith, it was very unlikely that we should find that the Officers under them would do so. Eve y Person who held a Situation under the Nagpoor Government at that Time paid for it, consequently they were allowed to take every Means in their Power to reimburse themselves.
The Assistants I spoke of were with me at the Residency in order to assist me in my general Duties. There was only One Superintendent at a Distance, who had an Assistant to take Part of the Judicial Duties off his Hands, the Revenue and Political Duties of the Superintendent with the petty Tributaries occupying too much of his Time.
He was actually engaged in the Administration of it, in both Civil and Criminal Cases; in Civil Cases and in Criminal Cases of a certain Amount; and he received Appeals in all Cases from the Decisions of the Native Authorities under him, and had Power to revise their Proceedings.
I had every Confidence in the Natives, generally speaking, so far as they were strictly superintended and looked after. We could not expect to find, after a total Want of all Government which had taken place before we took charge of the Country, that there would be great Probity or great Honesty in the Natives. I attribute that to the loose State in which they were.
I have scarcely had any Experience of that kind. I have been almost stationary in the Nagpoor Territory. Every Part of that I visited over and over again; but, with the exception of an occasional Visit to Hydrabad, or once or twice to Bombay, I have been in that Country for Twenty Years.
I mean to say, there was a large Portion of Country which had been out of Cultivation brought into Cultivation during the Time we held the Country, and that under rather unfavourable Circumstances; because, from the Destruction of the Pindarrees, every Country round was reviving at the Time, and the Prices of Grain fell very much from what they had been.
It is a very coarse sort of Implement, a crooked Thing, with a little Bit of Iron at the End of it; it costs but Three or Four Rupees; the Material is of the coarsest Wood; sufficient rather to scratch the Ground than to plough it up, according to our Ideas of ploughing.
I have no doubt that European Implements might be constructed to suit the different Soils in India, and much better than they have now; but the Expence of them would be greater, I fear, than the Ryots could afford.
They do use Manure in the better Articles of Cultivation, to a great Amount, particularly in the Cultivation of Sugar, and the Cultivation of the Betel Leaf, which is in much Request among the Natives. Tobacco is also manured.
I think, looking at the Capital of the Cultivator, there was an Improvement. Still the Implements were the same; but the Difference was, that they could afford probably an additional Expence of irrigating the Land, of additional Bullocks, or keeping up Wells formerly dug. They had better Crops of course.
You stated that the Amount of Revenue depended much on the Seasons; did you not find that those Lands in a superior State of Cultivation were more independent of the Effect of the Seasons than others?
When you mentioned that you did not think the Territory of Nagpoor had suffered since it had come into the Possession of the Company, as compared with other Territories that also came into their Possession at that Time, did you make any Allusion to other Territories in which Indigo has been introduced?
Have you observed, in those Cases in which the Collector was raised to the Situation of Judge, that more Suspicion was entertained of him by the Natives than in the Case of a Judge who had not been previously Collector?
Not having resided in the Company's Territory, I have not had the Means of ascertaining that; but as far as I could observe, from our own Practice, in which the Superintendent was Collector and Judge, I think there was no Reason to suppose the Natives felt any Incompatibility in the Two Characters; on the contrary, it was according to their own Practice - the Union of Powers.
The Hindoo, as far as any Code of Laws is administered, in the Cases of Inheritance or Partition of Property; in other respects it is completely discretionary, the Judgments that are given, or were, at least.
We recommended that there might be some fixed Rule. We took from the Bengal Regulations the general Punishments for the principal Crimes, and recommended their Adoption to the Nagpoor Authorities, which was adopted rather to have some System than to leave it discretionary.
According to the Custom of the Country. In the Case of Punchayets, they are satisfied from their own Knowledge of it; and the Judges can ascertain it from the Officers about them. It is done in a rude but in a summary kind of way.
There is a degree of Slavery which has existed in the City of Nagpoor particularly, but to a very small Extent. It is that, in Seasons of Famine, which have unhappily not been uncommon in that Part of the Country, as in others under the Scourge of the Pindarrees, it has been the Practice for the People to purchase the Children of the Poor, who, in order to subsist themselves, are compelled to part with them. Those are brought up in their Families, and Instances I believe occur in which they are not particular in retaining them; if the Parents or Relations claim them, they are generally willing to give them up; otherwise they use them as Domestic Slaves.
None, I think, except in this Way, that there might be in a Family of a Cultivator Slaves acquired in the Manner I have mentioned; but they are not connected with Agriculture more than any other Employment.
You stated that a good deal of unproductive Land had been brought into Cultivation by means of what are called Cowls, Promises not to raise the Rent; can you state at all what Quantity of unproductive Land during the Time you resided in Nagpoor was brought into Cultivation by those Means?
It was at first more than afterwards, when the Prices of Grain were so low that it was extremely difficult to introduce satisfactorily, without throwing other Lands out of Cultivation, the further Improvement of the waste Lands.
Generally to make an Improvement on their Capital, expecting to pay at the End of the Period of Time, or Seven Years, for those Lands that were brought into Cultivation the Rents paid for other Lands in the Country.
I am not exactly prepared to say; but Rice, for instance, could not be produced at all without constant Irrigation. Wheat is very much improved by Irrigation, as they know very well; and where they can they employ Wells, or any Water they can get hold of, to increase the Produce.
I think the Revenue was about Forty-seven Lacs of Rupees, and the Expenditure about Forty-four, subsequently reduced to about Forty-two before I gave over the Country to the Rajah, producing a Surplus of near Five Lacs of Rupees.
Constantly progressive. There was a little Check in the firs instance, by a dreadful Famine which took place, arising from the Ravages of the Pindarrie, and the Armies which had been moving over it and plundering it, and also by had Seasons. The first Two or Three Years were consequently very unfavourable for any Improvement.
I should say there was rather an Improvement; except perhaps that a Number of the Military Class had Wealth, and who went off during the Disturbances. We know, for example, in the City of Nagpoor there were Twelve or Fourteen additional Mercantile and Banking Houses established in the Eight or Nine Years that the Country was under our Management; and in the Agricultural Class, to every Appearance, there was more Wealth than there had been before.
The last Improvement of the Country was a Decrease of Charge, but the general Improvement was an Increase of Production. The original Revenue was 36 or 37 Lacs of Rupees, and it had increased to 47, the Produce of the Land Revenue and the Produce of Customs and Excise, and that after giving up the Transit Duties on Grain, amounting to a Lac and a Half of Rupees, which were abolished as being considered a Burthen on Agriculture. In the course of Two or Three Years not only this Sum was made up, but further Increase took place.
I am sorry to say, that as to the Roads, with the Exception of those we have constructed in the immediate Vicinity of the Capital extending from the different Cantonments to the City, there were very few in the Country. An Attempt was made to form a Road to extend to Calcutta, but I believe it was found advisable to discontinue it.
The Rivers are not navigable sufficiently high up. There is one River called the Wineganga, and another the Wurda, which join the Gordaveray; some Attempts have been made to open a Communication with the Coast by means of them, but there are a Variety of Obstacles in the Way from Rapids and Rocks. A Third River is the Mahanuddy; for a certain Number of Months in the Year it is practicable to navigate it from Cuttack into the Eastern Districts of the Nagpoor Territory, probably from July to January. They might no doubt be more than at present used with Advantage to the Country.
I do not know that it is in that Part of the Country, for there is a great deal scattered through the Country which they can have for cutting. I believe the Hindoos use it from the Respect they have for the Article.
By Bullocks and by Carts in the dry Season. In the Period of Rains it is almost impossible to carry on any Communication. Buffaloes and small Horses of the Country are not uncommonly used, as well as Bullocks and Carts.