Additional Material For the History of the Grey Friars, London. Originally published by Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1922.
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The principal part of the additional material for the history of the Grey Friars of London comes from the wills of persons who were buried in the Church and its precincts. Most of these wills were proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, but a considerable number come from the Registers of the Commissary of London and the Archdeacon of London, and a few from other sources. (fn. 1) The wills from the Prerogative Court of Canterbury it is believed include all the wills of persons buried at Grey Friars, together with a few others which, for one reason or another, appeared to be of sufficient interest to be noticed here. There are, in addition, a great number of wills in which the testators made bequests to the Friars for masses; but to trace and notice all these latter wills would have entailed labour entirely out of proportion to the value of any probable result; in "Rous" alone Mr. A. G. Little has noted more than twenty instances, and the total number between 1390 and 1540 would probably be several hundred. It is not possible in the absence of a printed calendar to be certain whether the selection of wills from the Registers of the Commissary of London and the Archdeacon of London is equally exhaustive. But those from the Commissary's Register are probably complete, whilst the Register of the Archdeacon for 1393 to 1415 is the only one before the Reformation which has been preserved.
Of the names here recorded nearly one half do not appear in the Grey Friars Register. Of these the greater number are of early date, and are of persons of little social importance whose tombs had probably been destroyed before the Register was compiled. (fn. 2) Other names—like that of Sir Henry Heydon in 1504—are probably those of persons whose intention to be buried here was not fulfilled. A few names are of later date than the compilation of the Register. In a few cases where the Register gave no date the date can now be supplied. Some of these, like John Portland in 1490, were additions, and so conjecturally of later date than 1529. (fn. 3) They now become evidence of the care bestowed on the perfection of the Register.
The completion of the Register might be regarded as the primary purpose of such a list as that here given. But, however interesting from one point of view the completion of the Register might be, the real value of these extracts lies in other directions. One may naturally give the first place to the information which they afford as to the actual burials and the attendant services. There was no doubt a fixed charge for a burial, and Thomas Huddylston, in 1506, directed that "such certain duty as is accustomed should be paid." The minimum charge would seem to have been 6s. 8d., as in the cases of William Battisford in 1430, Gilbert Belamy in 1498, and Rowland Hevysonne in 1493; the last-named left 6s. 8d. "for my pit to be had." This seems to have been the common fee in other London churches during the fifteenth century. But, of course, larger sums were often paid to secure the prayers of the Friars, ranging from 20s. upwards, to include the actual burial; twenty shillings was perhaps the normal payment for burial, dirige and mass of requiem. (fn. 4) Persons of rank and wealth left much larger sums. Thus Edward Burnell, who was buried in the choir in 1386, left the Friars 40l.; Sir John Devereux in 1393 directed that 40 marks should be paid "pur mon sepulture"; William Chamberleyn in 1470 left 5l. for the work of S. Mary's Chapel, where he was buried; Sir John Clerk in 1481 left the Friars 4l.; and Sir John Blount in 1485 left 20l., besides a chalice and a vestment. All these seem to have been bequests without any special condition. Other large bequests were to secure the prayers of the Friars, like those of John Wydeslade in 1468 for 500 masses (5l. in all), of John Wardall in 1472, whose bequest of 10l. apparently secured a perpetual chantry, and of Richard Godfrey, who in 1500 bequeathed 20 marks for an obit by note yearly during twenty years. Of the actual funerals one of the most stately was that of Sir John Devereux in 1393, with its provision for tapers and torchbearers. In contrast to this was the direction of Sir John Blount in 1485 that there was to be "no grete pompyous herse about my body." The funeral of Sir Stephen Jenyns in 1523, for which 40 tapers were to be provided, must have been a costly one. The expenditure on torches and wax tapers was often considerable, but some or all of them were commonly left to be burnt afterwards during mass as long as they lasted. It was, however, on masses and religious services that money was chiefly expended. The most elaborate, though not the most costly, provision is perhaps that contained in the will of William Kebyll in 1510. Other interesting wills of this kind are those of John Fernandes in 1484, who was to be buried in "an abite of the most poorest frere," and made provision for month-mind and twelve-month mind; of Elizabeth Uvedale in 1488, who left 100l. for a perpetual mass and obit; of John Talley, who left 10l. in 1509 for special services during three years after his death; and of Stephen Lynne in 1529, whose obit was to be kept for eight years. Though different in character, mention must be made of the direction of John Att Woode in 1489, that the costly mortuary cloth which he ordered to be provided for his Fraternity at S. Sepulchre's should be brought every year to the Grey Friars and laid on his herse at his year's mind. Nor can reference be omitted to the provision which James Wylford made in 1527 for a sermon to be preached annually by one of the Friars at the Church of S. Bartholomew the Little on Good Friday.
It is noteworthy that there is no sign in the wills of any decay in religious observance up to the very eve of the Reformation. Indeed, the two latest wills, those of Elizabeth Copley and Ann Lego, which were not proved till after the Surrender, are amongst the most careful; but in Elizabeth Copley's direction that she was to be prayed for "according to the laudable custome and use" there is perhaps a conscious echo of change. One feature in the wills which grows more common towards the latter part of the period is the direction that the Friars were to fetch the body to burial, either from the home of the dead or from the parish church where a previous service was held. The earliest instance seems to be that of John Babande in 1457, who was to be fetched from his parish church. Others are those of Joan Golding in 1464, Roger Spencer in 1492, and William Gage and Thomas Butside in 1497. The will of John Robynson in 1511 is an interesting and exceptional instance, since his home was at Battersea and the corpse was to be brought by water to Broken Wharf, where it was to be met by the four orders of Friars and the priests of Pappey. The ordinary payment to include "fetching" seems to have been 40s.; though Richard Parys in 1483 paid only 6s. 8d. for burial, and 6s. 8d. for fetching, dirige and requiem; and Thomas Hewett in 1533 paid 6s. 8d. for fetching. The attendance of Friars at funerals was, of course, usual. Thomas Cornton in 1410 left each of the Friars that bore him to the church 12d. John Pette in 1522 willed that the Grey Friars and Black Friars should be at his burying, "for I am a brother of either religion." James Wylford in 1527, though, like Pette, he was not buried at Grey Friars, left 40s. to the Friars to come to his burying and to say placebo, dirige, and mass in their own church. Similar instances are those of Richard Triplarde in 1498 and Richard Hanchett in 1526. The priests of Pappey are often associated with the Friars in this service. (fn. 5) It is remarkable that no reference to the Third Order occurs in these wills.
The provision for tombs and tombstones is, of course, a feature in some wills. The earliest is that of Thomas Cornton in 1410, who directed a marble stone with scripture to be put on his tomb at a cost of not more than 26s. 8d. The same amount was paid by Stephen Kelk in 1501 for a marble stone. John Wardall in 1472, and Robert Orchard in 1473, both left directions for memorial tablets to be put on the wall near their tombs. Thomas Butside in 1497 directed a plate with scripture to be put on the wall or a pillar. Thomas Dagworthe in 1474 had a stone with images of himself, his two wives, and seventeen children. Thomas Grayson in 1502 ordered a stone graven with an image a yard long, closed in a sheet knit at both ends. Instances of brasses are those of John Robynson in 1511 and George Barett in 1525. Sir Thomas Lucy's monument in 1527 also had pictures of himself, his wife and children, and was probably a brass. John Tresawell in 1520 gave directions for a graven stone. More elaborate tombs were those of Thomas Gloucester in 1447, John Talley in 1509, who directed 10l. to be spent, and William Kebyll in 1510. The directions in Kebyll's will show that provision for a tomb was sometimes made beforehand, and this also appears from the wills of William Maryner in 1512, Richard, Lord Willoughby, in 1513, and Sir Stephen Jenyns in 1523.
Incidentally the wills throw a good deal of light on the fittings and ornaments of the Friars Church. Our knowledge of the actual plan was so complete that we should not expect to add anything material. John Bailley in 1420 refers to Hatton Auter, which was apparently at the west end of S. Francis Chapel, and had perhaps been endowed through Friar Thomas Hatton. (fn. 6) The All-hallows Chapel is called the Vestry Chapel in the will of Richard, Lord Willoughby, in 1513, and the Chapel of S. Mary is described by Roger Spencer in 1492 as the Chapel of S. Barnardyne; there may have been a second altar in this chapel, as in that of S. Francis, but perhaps the direction given by Thomas Battell in 1468 that he should be buried before the image of S. Bernardine in the chapel on the north part of the choir furnishes a sufficient explanation of the alternative name. In 1478 John Lethum, a baker, directed that he should be buried before the Altar of S. Clement, which was apparently in the same enclosure as S. Mary Altar; Nicholas Bray another baker, whose will was proved in 1449, also refers to the Altar of S. Clement; both Lethum and Bray made bequests to the Fraternity of S. Clement of the Craft of Bakers; Bray specifically associates the Fraternity with Greyfriars—this appears to be the only Fraternity in connection with the Grey Friars Church of which we have record. (fn. 7) In the will of Anne Lucas in 1524 the Altar of S. Mary is described as the morrowmass altar; perhaps the mass of requiem was commonly celebrated there. The screen between the Altars and the Nave proper is several times referred to as the Valence, (fn. 8) and is probably intended by the "bars" in the will of William Asshe in 1406.
In the Nave we are able to fix exactly the position of the Pulpit, which, from the wills of Thomas Roos and William Robynson in 1529, appears to have been against the first pillar of the Nave proper on the north side; on the south side of that pillar Mr. Shepherd's plan of the tombs shows a void space, where it is probable that the Pulpit stood. It is no doubt this pillar that Alice Lucas in 1524 described as standing within "burdes and pykes"; she may have meant either the Pulpit itself or a railing round it; supposing that the Pulpit was only a boarded platform with a rail round about the pillar, the description would be reasonable enough.
The position of the Organ is given in the will of Nicholas Pembyrton in 1519, who was to be buried on the north side of the Choir in our Lady Chapel by the Organs. We know that Pembyrton's tomb was towards the west end of the Chapel of S. Mary.
In two wills we get two references to a window Richard Hallam in 1419 directed that he should be buried opposite the window of S. Christopher, which is fixed by the position of his tomb to be the 5th window from the east in the north aisle of the Nave. The same window is described in 1473, by Robert Orchard, as having been set up by his grandfather, Thomas Cavendish, who appears as the donor in the Grey Friars Register.
The wills contain mention of a variety of ornaments in the Church. Alexander Crayke in 1465 desired to be buried before the Cross in the body of the Church. In fifteen wills there are references to Images of the Virgin, of which there must have been at least five. In six instances the reference is clearly to Our Lady of Pity, which from the Register would seem to have been set up by John Arnold, who died in 1492 and was buried under the wall against the first part of the 3rd window in the north aisle of the Nave. (fn. 9) From the position of his tomb it would be natural to conjecture that the image was against the wall between the 2nd and 3rd windows. But the will of Alice Lucas in 1524 makes it clear that the Image of Our Lady of Pity stood on the right hand of the entry to the Altar of S. Mary. This is confirmed by the wills of Gilbert Belamy in 1498, Robert White in 1521, and William Thomas in 1530. Lucas, Belamy, White, and Thomas all lay within a short distance of this point, and Ralph Hudson was buried in 1494 on the south side of this bay. (fn. 10) The sixth will which makes mention of Our Lady of Pity is that of John a Cleton in 1505; but in his case we do not know the position of the tomb. There was another Image of the Virgin in the north aisle, which is mentioned in the will of William Hoton in 1447; Hoton is probably the person of that name who was buried in the 3rd bay of the north aisle towards the southwest corner. In the same bay but a little further east lay William Gee, who was buried in 1485. Both Hoton and Gee were to be buried "coram imagine beate Marie" the position of this Image may possibly have been on the east side of the 3rd column. Baldwin Payne in 1463 directed that he should be buried in the north part of the church "coram imagine beate Marie de Graciis" the position of his tomb is unknown—the Image may perhaps be the one referred to by Hoton. In 1411 David Bardevyle directed that he should be buried before the Image of the Virgin in the south part of the church; the position of the tomb is again unknown, but the Image is clearly distinct from Hoton's. Joan Golding, who died in 1464, desired to be buried before the Image of Our Lady, and George Belton in 1473 was to be buried in the Nave before the Image of Blessed Mary commonly called of Maurice Poyns. The positions of the tombs are again unknown, but the Images may perhaps be identified with either Hoton's or Bardevyle's. Margaret Yonge in 1501 was to be buried "afore the ymage of our Lady within the valens"; she lay immediately within the screen before the Jesus Altar; this Image might be the same as Bardevyle's or Golding's, though Bardevyle's was more probably in the Nave proper. The fifth Image was in the Chapel of S. Mary; Joan Elveden in 1421 left a circlet of silver-gilt set with gems to be placed on the head of the Virgin, where her body lay buried; her tomb was in the 5th bay of the Choir in S. Mary's Chapel. In 1464 Maud Lawrence directed that she should be buried near the High Altar before the Image of Blessed Mary; the position of her tomb is not known, but it is unlikely that it was in the high choir, and the reference is probably to Joan Elveden's Image.
There was an Image of S. Francis near the High Altar, to which reference is made in the will of the Duchess of Buckingham in 1531. The Image of S. Bernardine in the Lady Chapel has already been mentioned. (fn. 11) An Image of S. Christopher is mentioned in the wills of Richard Covyntre in 1406 and James Gyfford in 1473; in neither case is the position of the tomb known; possibly the Image was in the same bay of the North Aisle as the window of S. Christopher. William Hoton in 1447 directed that he should be buried in the North Aisle before the Images of the Blessed Mary and S. James; his tomb was in the 3rd bay. Hugh Acton in 1530 directed that he should be buried before the picture of S. Mary Magdalen in the South Aisle of the Choir; his tomb was in the 6th bay in S. Francis Chapel. In 1474 Thomas Dagworthe directed that he should be buried "on the north side . . . before the Image of S. Erasmus"; in 1533 Thomas Hewett was to be buried in the Nave, where there was "a tablet of S. Erasmus on the north side as you come out of the west door." In both the reference was probably to the same object, which from Hewett's description would seem to be one of the alabaster tablets which were so noteworthy a product of English art in the fifteenth century; the martyrdom of S. Erasmus was a favourite subject for these tablets. (fn. 12)
Bequests of vestments or of the material for vestments are, of course, not infrequent. Instances are those of Alice Fitz Rauff in 1471, Richard Kesteyn in 1473, Walter, Lord Mountjoy, in 1474, his son, Sir John Blount, in 1485, and Elizabeth Uvedale in 1488. John Crowland in 1485 left a banner cloth for the Cross, and William Brereton in 1488 an altar cloth for the Common Altar. The most noteworthy bequests of jewels are those by Joan Elveden in 1421 of a circlet for the Image of the Virgin, and by Lawrence Fyncham of a jewel worth 6l. 13s. 4d. in 1481. Alice Fitz Rauff in 1471 left her silver candlesticks, Elizabeth Uvedale in 1488 a chalice and two cruets of silver for the Altar of S. Mary, and William Kebyll in 1510 a mazer, the last-named being in part payment for his tomb.
References to buildings other than the church are, perhaps naturally, not very frequent. There are several bequests for repairs or the work of the church, (fn. 13) but the only specific ones are those of William Maryner in 1512 of 10l. for the reparation and paving (the pavement is known to have been repaired about this time), and of Nicholas Newton in 1537 of 10s. for the reparation of the Library, as in glazing. The will of Margaret Yonge in 1501 contains a bequest of a garnish of pewter and other articles to the Ostrye, which is perhaps the only specific mention of the Guest-house that we have; she also bequeathed a number of utensils to the kitchen. Amongst the early burials there are a few which were to be outside the church: William Conyngrove in 1410, Alice Northfolke in 1412, and William Michell in 1446 were to be buried in the cloister. Three burials were to be in the cemetery, viz., Richard Barton 1406, Walter Elys 1409, and Lawrence Gorlefen 1417; presumably these were in the churchyard, but the similar direction by Robert Houghton in 1493 apparently referred to the Nave. Barton's will is noteworthy, since his burial was to be in the cemetery before the image of S. Francis this we may, perhaps, feel assured refers to a statue in the churchyard outside the west door. John Bayle in 1446 was buried in the cemetery at the west end of the church. Thomas Dolphyn in 1521 specifically directed that he should be buried in the green churchyard; and Alice Baynton in 1527, that she was to be buried in the green cloister.
The mention of individual Friars as spiritual advisers, or as executors or witnesses of wills, or as ones whose prayers are specially desired, furnishes us with a number of new names. Five wills are also of importance for the information they contain as to the succession of Guardians. But these matters will be better dealt with later on.
In addition to the extracts from wills, four other documents bearing on the history of Greyfriars, London, are here printed. The first (fn. 14) is a Petition in Chancery seeking redress for a robbery from Friar Geoffrey Torre, who when at Royston on 20 May, 1394 (apparently collecting some payments due to his house), was set on, beaten, and robbed of 20s. in money. The incident may perhaps illustrate the unpopularity of the mendicant friars at the close of the fourteenth century.
The second document (fn. 15) is also a Petition in Chancery, the date of which can be fixed to 1433–6. Apart from its immediate purpose, which was to recover money left to the Convent by a penitent ex-friar, the document has a little interest as containing a reference to the occupation of the Friars' Houses by the Queen, probably Joan of Navarre.
The third document (fn. 16) is the Notarial Instrument certifying the Agreement for Masses made with William Cantelowe in 1458. (fn. 17) In itself it is of little importance, but it is of great interest as giving a complete list of the Friars present in the London House on 27 March, 1460. The total number is 34; this is a great falling off from the fourteenth century, when the numbers ranged between 60 and 90. With the exception of the Deed of Surrender it is the only instance of a complete list of the Friars that we possess. It adds a number of new names, and in several instances gives dates where previously we had only the names. It shows also that John Kyrye was Guardian as late as 1460, and adds William Goddard to the list of known "Custodes Londonie."
The fourth document (fn. 18) is a Petition in Chancery by Eryk de Vedica, a physician and a Friar of the London house, and James Walle, the Warden or Guardian. The main interest of the document is for other than Franciscan history. But for us it is of value as showing that a Friar might practise medicine and take a fee, and as fixing approximately the date at which Walle was Guardian.
Before turning to the additions which can be made to the list of Friars of the London House (fn. 19) I will deal with certain corrections which can be made in the List of Guardians. (fn. 20) We now know that John Kyrye was Guardian as late as 1460. We are told that he was Guardian "interpellatim per viginti annos." Perhaps the most likely meaning of this is that he actually held the office for twenty years, but with one or more intervals. (fn. 21) He was certainly Guardian in 1440, and perhaps a year or two earlier. Kyrye may have retained the office for some little time after 1460; he is referred to in the will of John Aleyn on 4 August, 1463, simply as "magistrum Johannem Kyrry, sacre theologie doctorem"; but neither this nor the reference by William Gregory in 1465 to "frere kiry, frere menour" is conclusive that he was not Guardian in 1463 or 1465. However, it is not likely that he retained the office till his death in 1474.
In the list of Guardians I conjectured that James Walle might have succeeded Kyrye. Walle was consecrated Bishop of Kildare on 5 April, 1475, and his tenure of office as Guardian must no doubt be put either before or after that date. We now know that he was Guardian at some time between 1475 and 1480, the period during which Thomas Rotherham was Bishop of Lincoln and Chancellor, with a possible alternative for 1483–5, when John Russell was Bishop of Lincoln and Chancellor. (fn. 22) Since Walle held various livings from 1483 onwards, and was suffragan of London in 1491, it is probable that the extreme limits of his term were 1476 and 1483. Thus, however, there must have been a Guardian between Kyrye and Walle. John Allen is referred to in his father's will in 1463 as "in sacra theologia inceptorem," and by John Baldewyne in 1469 as "Magister doctor Johannes Aleyn." It is possible that he may have preceded Walle, though having regard to his standing in 1463 it is more likely that he was not Guardian till after 1480. He had probably vacated his office before his death, since he is described as "quondam gardianus" in the Register, which no doubt quotes the inscription. If Shrewsbury is accepted as Guardian, Allen may have succeeded him in 1487. William Goddard the younger, who died in 1485, is described as "gardianus loci"; this may mean that he was Guardian at the time of his death, in which case he succeeded Walle. On the other hand, it is possible that Goddard succeeded Kyrye; it is to be noted that he is senior to Walle in the list of 1460. Allen might then have held office for the whole term between Walle or Shrewsbury and Bavard. Bavard's name appears in the list of 1460, and also in the will of George Belton in 1473; these references have, however, no bearing on his office as Guardian. Bavard is described in the Register as "gardianus loci," which may possibly mean that he held the office till his death.
From a reference to him in 1514 it had been supposed that Standish was at that time Guardian, but from the wills of John Talley and William Kebyll it is now clear that Standish was Provincial as early as 15 October, 1509, and Cutler Guardian of London as early as 9 August, 1509. It is, therefore, possible that Cutler succeeded Bavard in or before 1508. There is now no evidence that Standish was ever Guardian of London, though if Bavard resigned before his death Standish might have succeeded him. From the wills of Raffe Massey and Robert White we know that Cutler was Guardian on 6 April and 12 June, 1521. He is known also to have been Guardian in 1509, 1514, 1515, and 1518. In the will of Julyan Maryner, which is dated 21 Oct., 1516, Cutler is described as "late Wardayn of the Gray ffreers of London." It seems probable that he had two terms of office: the first from 1509 (or earlier) to 1515, and the second from 1518 to 1521 or 1524. He survived till 1530, and is described as "quondam gardianus." Walter Goodfield, who died on 27 Dec., 1521, is described in the Register as "gardianus loci"; if this is to be interpreted as meaning that he was Guardian at the time of his death he cannot have held the office for more than a very few months. More probably he was Guardian from 1515 to 1518. From what we know of his previous history it is very unlikely that he was Guardian before Cutler's first term. From about 1440 onwards (and possibly earlier) the Guardians would seem to have held office for extended periods, and it is probable that the list of the later Guardians is complete, with the exception of the one between Kyrye's two terms (fn. 23) and perhaps his immediate successor.
As regards Friars of the London House the List of 1460 furnishes us with 22 new names and a date for four others for whom we had only the names. The wills and other documents supply 19 new names and the dates for two undated. For a number of other Friars there are additional dates, which are sometimes of interest or importance.
The new names, in alphabetical order, are as follows:
Antony of Cologne, 1460.
John Billyk, 1460; Thomas Bolton, 1460; John Boosgawyn (Boscawen), 1460; William Browe, 1385 (fn. 24); Robert Brown, 1460.
William Carpenter, 1460; Gerald de Crugiacha, (fn. 25) 1413.
Richard Elderden, 1460; John Eversham, 1460.
William Fabri, (fn. 26) 1390.
William Jonson, 1460.
William Kemys, 1460.
John Leghes, (fn. 31) 1393; John Litley, 1460.
John Nicholas, 1460.
John Olyver, (fn. 34) c. 1435.
Stephen Raaff, S.T.P., 1460; Edmund Rous, (fn. 37) 1406.
Eryk de Vedica, (fn. 41) c. 1480.
John Weston, 1460; Henry Whithede, 1460; Thomas Wolor, (fn. 42) 1413.
The following additional dates are of interest: Robert Chamberleyn occurs as late as 1408 (fn. 45); there is no evidence whether he was still Guardian. William Wolfe occurs in 1436, 1450, 1452, and 1456 (fn. 46); this may confirm the description of him in the Register as "doctor egregius, apud principes et nobiles magnifice acceptus." (fn. 47) He is styled doctor in 1452 and 1456; as William Wolfe priest, S.F.M., he had a dispensation to hold a benefice in 1454; (fn. 48) he was apparently—omitting Kyrye and William Goddard the elder—the senior friar of the London house in 1460. William Smyth, who died in 1496, and William Toly or Tholy, who died in 1500, go back to 1460. (fn. 49) Nicholas Newman, who was one of the friars who signed the Deed of Surrender in 1538, occurs in 1521. (fn. 50) The significance of new dates in the cases of Allen, Bavard, Cutler, Kyrye, and Standish has already been noted.
On 14 August, 1572, there was buried at Christchurch, Newgate Street, one "John Baker, an old priest who died in S. Bartholomew's." (fn. 51) There is no difficulty in identifying him with "John Bartilmewe, clerk and bachelor in divinite," who two years before, on 10 August, 1570, had made his will "sigillatum et subscriptum per me Johannem Baker." (fn. 52) Bartilmewe gave direction that he should be "buried in the Gray ffreres Cloyster in the parishe of Christ Churche, over against the Scoolehouse dore ther," and in order that the Treasurer or Master of Christ's Hospital might consent to give licence for his burial in that place left 20s. to the children of the Hospital. This leaves no room for doubt that the old priest was the Friar John Baker who had signed the Deed of Surrender in 1538. (fn. 53) Clearly he had kept his love for his ancient home, and though we cannot tell whether his wish was fulfilled he certainly found his last resting-place within its precincts. From the position of his name in the list of 1538 Baker was probably not a very young man at that time, and was no doubt old when he died. Some of his brethren might easily have survived him, but so far he is the last of the Grey Friars of London of whom we have knowledge. It is possible that for some reason he had found it prudent to change his name, though Bartilmewe may have been only an alternative derived from his place of residence.