Edward III: March 1332

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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'Edward III: March 1332', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/march-1332 [accessed 23 April 2024]

In this section

1332 March

Introduction March 1332

Westminster

16 March - 21 March (the prelates, earls and barons stayed at least until 23 March)

For the writs of summons see RDP , iv, 408-11; CCR 1330-33 , 551-2.

(Records of the parliament: Parliament Roll, C 65/2, m.3; previously edited in RP , II, 64-6.)

C 65/2 is a composite parliament roll, containing the records of the six parliaments which met in 4, 5, and 6 Edward III, between November 1330 and January 1333. The parliament of March 1332 is recorded on the recto of membrane 3, with contemporary endorsements at both the head and foot. A note at the end of the record of the parliament states that Henry of Edwinstowe, the clerk of the parliament, delivered the roll of the Westminster parliament of 16 March 1332 into chancery. For a detailed description of C 65/2 see the Introduction to the Parliament of November 1330.

The parliament of March 1332 was preceded by an assembly held at Westminster on 20 January 1332, which had been summoned from Guildford on 20 November 1331( RDP , iv, 406-7). The meeting was not designated as a parliament but as a 'colloquium et tractatum'. The reason for the summons was given as 'various arduous affairs touching the king and the state of the realm and the king's other lands', which had happened since the previous parliament (September-October 1331). Writs of summons were sent to the two archbishops, nineteen bishops (including the four Welsh bishops), seventeen abbots and one prior; to nine earls (Cornwall, Norfolk, Lancaster, Surrey, Warwick, Hereford, Arundel, Oxford, and Atholl (from Scotland)), thirty-nine barons; and nine royal judges and clerks. No elected representatives of the knights, burgesses, or lower clergy were summoned.

During the previous parliament, in October 1331, relations with France had been one of the most important items of business. It had been agreed by the prelates, earls, and barons who were present that it was essential to try to make peace with France rather than go to war. The king then appointed the archbishop of Canterbury, the chancellor (the bishop of Winchester) and treasurer (the bishop of Norwich), the bishops of Ely and of Worcester, the earl of Norfolk, the earl of Surrey, Sir Henry de Beaumont, Sir Henry de Percy, Sir Hugh de Courtenay, and royal judges and clerks to negotiate with the French over outstanding problems. The envoys were also to propose a marriage alliance between Edward III's newly born son Edward and the daughter of Philip VI, to plan the joint crusade agreed on earlier in the year, and to try to obtain the restoration of the Agenais. The embassy departed in early December. The bishop of Winchester met the French king at Vincennes and then returned to England, where he met Edward III on 15 January. Although the bishop had little to report, it appears that he had been well received in France. On the other hand Philip VI was not disposed to deal with ambassadors and suggested that Edward III might make another personal visit to France. Shortly afterwards, on 20 January, the assembly of prelates and magnates summoned on 20 November 1331 met at Westminster, when it was decided to hold a parliament at Westminster on 16 March. (fn. M1332int-1)

Writs of summons were issued at Westminster on 27 January 1332 for the holding of a parliament at Westminster on 16 March 1332. The writs stated that the king had ordained the holding of a parliament (there is no mention of others assenting). The writs stated that the king wished to have a 'colloquium et tractatum' with those in attendance; the proposed assembly was described as a parliament both in the writs and in the marginal note on the Close Roll.

Writs of summons were issued to the two archbishops, nineteen bishops (including the four Welsh bishops), twenty-eight abbots, and three priors; to eleven earls (Norfolk, Cornwall, Lancaster, Surrey, Richmond, Arundel, Oxford, Hereford, Warwick, Atholl and Angus (both from Scotland)), sixty-seven barons; ten judges and royal clerks; and for the election of representatives of the knights, burgesses, and lower clergy

The writs gave the purpose of the parliament as the discussion of the king's going to the Holy Land with the king of France and other Catholic kings and princes, and other matters touching the king and the state of the realm.

On 16 March, the opening day of the parliament, articles forbidding anyone to come armed to the place where parliament was to be held or to play games in the vicinity of parliament were read aloud before the king, the prelates and the magnates who had assembled for the parliament. The articles were then read in Westminster Hall (i.e. before the knights and burgesses and lower clergy), and in the city of London. It was not however the king's intention to prevent any earl of baron from carrying his sword with him anywhere other than in the king's presence or the place of council. No further business was done that day because of the absence of the archbishop of Canterbury and some other great men. On the following day the reasons for the summoning of parliament were given in full parliament in sermons delivered by the archbishop and the bishop of Winchester the chancellor, in the presence of the king and of all the prelates and other great men. The bishop of Winchester explained that the king of France had declared his intention to travel to the Holy Land in March two years hence, and that it would please him greatly if the king of England could accompany him on this journey, in the hope that greater exploits might thereby be accomplished against the enemies of God. He had asked the king of England by letters and by messengers to do this. This was the reason for the summons of the parliament. On behalf of the king, the bishop asked the prelates, earls, barons, and all the other great men in full parliament for their counsel and advice on the matter. Sir Geoffrey le Scrope, the Chief Justice, then addressed the parliament on behalf of the king, saying that, as they all knew, bands of malefactors had been roaming the land disturbing the peace. This was a reference to the activities of the notorious Folvilles of Ashby-Folville and other such outlaws. He asked the prelates, earls and magnates how the peace could be better kept and also to give their opinion on whether the king should go to the Holy Land. The earls and barons replied that in every county keepers of the peace should be appointed. These arrangements were also agreeable to the knights and commons, who also agreed that the bishops should order sentence of excommunication upon all who broke the peace. As for the king's plan to go to the Holy Land, the prelates, earls and barons commended the king's desire to go on crusade, but considered that the proposed date of departure, March 1334, was too soon for various reasons, and that the date should be postponed until February 1335. The king was advised that he should travel in the company of the king of France. Some reservations were apparently felt, if not openly expressed, because of the taxation that would be needed to finance a crusading expedition. Sir Geoffrey le Scrope then reported on the progress of negotiations with France and asked the prelates, earls and barons whether the king should go in person to France, as the king of France had requested. They replied that if the king considered that it would be to his advantage to go to France, then he should do so. It was also decided that the king's proposed expedition to Ireland, due to begin on 29 September 1332, should be postponed, but that some men-at-arms should be sent as reinforcements. On 21 March 1332 the knights of the counties, citizens and burgesses, and also the clergy, were dismissed, while the prelates, earls, barons and other men of the king's council remained at Westminster. On the same day it was announced that, since the parliament had been summoned to consider the business already mentioned, petitions from the people had not been received or answered. Accordingly the king would hold another parliament before long. On 23 March the commission of the keepers of the peace was read before the king, earls and barons. On the same date there was discussion of how to treat Sir John de Grey of Rotherfield and Sir William la Zouche of Ashby who had almost come to blows in the king's presence during the previous parliament. The earl and barons asked the king, through their spokesman Sir Henry de Beaumont, to pardon the two men, but the king replied that he would take counsel on the proper decision. (fn. M1332int-2)

As indicated in the Parliament Roll, no petitions were received or answered during this parliament.

Text and translation

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MEMORANDA DE PARLIAMENTO SUMMONITO APUD WESTM' DIE LUNE PROXIMO POST FESTUM SANCTI GREGORII ANNO REGNI REGIS EDWARDI TERTII A CONQUESTU SEXTO. (fn. ii-64-3-1) MEMORANDA OF THE PARLIAMENT SUMMONED AT WESTMINSTER ON MONDAY NEXT AFTER THE FEAST OF ST GREGORY IN THE SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE THIRD SINCE THE CONQUEST [16 March 1332]. (fn. ii-64-3-1)
1. CES SONT LES REMEMBRAUNCES DU PARLEMENT SOMONS A WESTM' LE LUNDI PROCHEIN APRES LA FESTE DE SEINT GREGOIR, L'AN DU REGNE LE ROI EDWARD < LE > TIERZ LE CONQUESTE SISME. 1. THESE ARE THE REMEMBRANCES [i.e., the official record] OF THE PARLIAMENT SUMMONED AT WESTMINSTER ON MONDAY NEXT AFTER THE FEAST OF ST GREGORY IN THE SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE THIRD [SINCE] THE CONQUEST [16 MARCH 1332].
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2. A queu jour de lundi, si furent les deus articles procheins suantz luez devant nostre seignur le roi, et touz les prelatz et autres grantz adonqes au dit parlement venuz, et puis criez en la sale de Westm', et auxint en la citee de Loundres. Et pur ce qe l'ercevesqe de Canterbirs, et plusours autres grantz du roialme somons a mesme le parlement n'estoient adonqes venuz, si n'y avoit il plus fait a la journe. 2. On which Monday the two articles next following were read before our lord the king and all the prelates and other great men who had then come to the said parliament, and were then read aloud in Westminster Hall, and also in the city of London. And because the archbishop of Canterbury and some other great men of the realm, who had been summoned to the said parliament, had not yet come no more was done that day.
3. Por ce qe avant ces houres, as parlementz et as consealx nostre seignur le roi, debatz, riotz, et conteks ont este sourtz et meuz, par tant qe gentz se sont alez es lieuz ou les parlementz et consealx ont este somons et assemblez, armez d'aketouns, desplates, desespeyes, des longes cotelx, et des autres maneres des armes, et par tiele cause les busoignes nostre seignur le roi et de son roialme ont este empeschez, et les grantz et autres qe lui sont venuz par son comandement effraiez: nostre seignur le roi, voillant purveer de remedie contre tielx malx, defend qe nul, sur peyne de forfaiture de quant q'il purra forfaire devers le roi, de quel estat ou condition q'il soit, ne voise arme d'aketone, ne de plate, ne de hauberjoun, ne a espeye, ne a long cotel, ne od autre arme suspect, en la citee de Loundres, n'en les suburbes, n'en les autres lieux entre la dite citee et le paleys de Westm', ne nul part en le paleys, par terre ne par ewe, sur la peyne avantdite; forpris les gentz nostre seignur le roi queux il voldra deputer, ou par son comandement serront deputez, pur la garde de sa pees es ditz lieus; et auxint forpris les ministres < le roi > solonc la fourme de lestatut fait a Northt'. (fn. ii-64-8-1) Et n'est pas l'entention de nostre seignur le roi, qe chescun counte et baroun ne puisse aver sa espeye porte od lui, aillurs q'en la presence le roi, ou place du conseil. 3. Because in the past at the parliaments and councils of our lord the king debates, riots and quarrels have been caused and moved because people have gone to places where parliaments and councils have been summoned and assembled armed with padded jerkins, plate armour, swords and long knives and other kinds of arms, and because the business of our lord the king and of his realm has been impeded, and the great men and others who have come there by his command have been intimidated, our lord the king, wishing to provide remedy against such wrongs, forbids anyone, on pain of forfeiture of as much as he can forfeit to the king, of whatever estate or condition he be, to come armed with padded jerkins or plate, habergeon, sword, long knife, or with any other suspicious weapon, in the city of London, or in the suburbs, or in other places between the said city and the palace of Westminster, or any part of the palace, by land or by water, on the aforesaid penalty; saving those of our lord the king's people whom he wishes to appoint, or who shall be appointed by his instruction, to keep the peace in the said places; and also saving the king's officials according to the form of the statute made at Northampton. (fn. ii-64-8-1) And it is not the intention of our lord the king that any earl of baron should be prevented from carrying his sword with him anywhere other than in the king's presence or the place of council.
4. Nostre seignur le roi defend sur peyne d'enprisonement qe nul enfaunt ne autres ne jue en nul lieu du paleys de Westm', durant le parlement qe y est somons, a bares ne as autres jues, ne a ouster chaperouns des gentz, ne mettre mayn en eux, ne autre empeschement faire par qoi chescun ne puisse peysiblement sure ses busoignes. 4. Our lord the king forbids on pain of imprisonment that any child or other person should play at bars or at other games, or remove people's hoods, or lay hands on them in any part of the palace of Westminster during the parliament which is summoned there, or cause any other trouble by which anyone may not peacefully pursue his business.
5. Et puis en pleyn parlement si feust pronuncie par le dit ercevesqe en fourme de predication, en la presence nostre seignur le roi et des touz les prelatz et autres grantz, la cause pur quele le parlement estoit somons; et auxint par l'evesqe de Wyncestr', chaunceller, en fourme de predication, coment le roi de France avoit ordine son aler devers la terre seinte ore en marcz en deus anz procheins avenir; et qe molt < lui > plerroit d'aver la compaignie nostre seignur le roi d'Engleterre en ce veiage, entendant par tant a faire meiloure exploite sur les enemis Dieu. Et a ce faire avoit il requis nostre seignur le roi d'Engleterre par ses lettres, et auxint par ses messages, et ce feust l'encheson pur qoi le parlement feust somons; et sur ce demanda il depar nostre seignur le roi les consealx et avis des prelatz, countes, barouns, et de touz les autres grantz en pleyn parlement. 5. And then in full parliament the reason why the parliament had been summoned was declared by the said archbishop in the form of a sermon, in the presence of our lord the king and of all the prelates and other great men, and the bishop of Winchester, the chancellor, also explained in the form of a sermon how the king of France had declared his intention to travel to the Holy Land in March two years hence, and that it would please him greatly if our lord the king of England could accompany him on this journey, in the hope that greater exploits might thereby be accomplished against the enemies of God. And he had asked our lord the king of England by his letters, as well as by his messengers, to do this, and this was the reason why the parliament was summoned; and, on behalf of our lord the king, he asked the prelates, earls, barons, and all the other great men in full parliament for their counsel and advice thereupon.
Cestes choses issint pronunciez par les ditz ercevesqe et evesqe, si pronuncia Monsir Geffrei L'escrope, par le comandement nostre seignur le roi, et en sa presence et des touz les autres prelatz, countes, barons, et autres grantz, coment le roi avoit entendu, et si feust ce chose conue as touz, qe divers gentz, diffuantz la lei, feurent levez en grant compaignies en destruantz les liges gentz nostre seignur le roi, auxibien les gentz de seinte esglise, les justices le roi, come autres; prenantz acuns de eux et detenauntz en prisone, tant q'ils avoient receu pur lur vies sauver greves fyns et raunceouns a la volunte des ditz mesfesours, et acuns mettantz a la mort, acuns desrobeaunz de lur biens et chatelx, et fesant plusours autres malx et felonies, en despit du roi et en affrai de sa pees, et destructioun de son poeple. Et sur ce chargea le dit Monsir Geffrei depar nostre seignur le roi touz les ditz prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grantz, en les fois et ligeaunces queux ils devoient a nostre seignur le roi, de lui conseiller, auxibien de son aler devers la terre seinte, quel il desira sovereynement a faire par lur bons consealx, come coment sa pees poet mielz estre garde, et les ditz malveis issint levez, chastiez et refreintz de lur malice. Et pur ce qe avis feust a les ditz prelatz, q'il ne atteneit pas proprement a eux de conseiler du garde de la pees, ne de chastiement des tielx malveis, si alerent mesmes les prelatz et les procuratours de la clergie par eux mesmes a conseiler des choses susdites; et les ditz countes, barouns, et autres grantz, par eux mesmes. Les queux countes, barouns, et autres grantz puis revindrent, et respondirent touz au roi par la bouche Monsir Henry de Beaumount, qe totes autres choses lessez, homme ordinast adeprimes de la garde de la pees, et qe l'empeschement des ditz malveis feust ouste par lei, par force, et par totes les autres bones voies qe avis serroit a nostre seignur le roi, et a son bon conseil. Et ordinerent les ditz countes, barouns, et autres grantz en ceste manere; q'en chescun counte d'Engleterre soient des plus grantz de mesme le counte assignez gardeins de mesme le counte par commission le roi, et qe les gardeins de la pees einz ces houres assignez, viscountes, et touz les gentz des countez ou ils en serrount assignez, soient entendauntz a les ditz grantz pur la dite pees garder, auxi avant come au corps nostre seignur le roi mesmes s'il y feust. Et qe les ditz grantz facent venir devant eux quatre hommes, et le provost de chescune ville, et facent arraier les gentz de mesmes les villes, issint qe si gentz armez, ou autres de qi homme eit suspecioun de mal, passent par mesmes les villes en compaignies, ou autrement; qe les ditz gentz des villes facent lever hu et crie, et les pursuent de ville en ville, de hundrede en hundrede, et de counte en counte, et les arestetent, preignent, et sauvement gardent; et de lur fait ent certifient les ditz grantz. Et s'il aveigne qe les gentz des dites villes ne puissent arester tielx passantz, qe adonqes meyntenant certifient les ditz grantz ou ils serront trovez; et mesmes les grantz, od tot le poer du counte, les pursuent du counte en counte, tantq'ils soient pris. Et eient les ditz grantz poer d'oier et terminer < auxibien felonies faites < par ceux > qe sont issint a arester et > prendre, come par ceux qe serront enditez devant eux: et auxint de punir ceux q'ils troveront desobeisantz a [p. ii-65][col. a] eux, ou favorauntz, aidantz, ou receitantz tielx malveys, auxi avant come le roi mesmes s'il y feust. Et qe nostre seignur le roi chivauche en sa terre du counte en counte, et doigne es tout coment les ditz grantz et autres se portent entour le chastiement des tielx mesfesours, et face punir ceux q'il en trovera coupables ou desobeisantz. Et s'il busoigne qe les ditz grantz nulle part soient afforcez, qe nostre seignur le roi mande des soens dont il s'affie de les afforcer, ou autrement ordeyne, issint totefoiz qe les ditz malveys soient chastiez. Les queles choses issint ordinez par les ditz countes, barouns, et autres grantz, luez devant nostre seignur le roi, et les prelatz, chivalers des countez, et les gentz du commun, furent pleisantz a eux touz, et par nostre seignur le roi, prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grantz, et auxint par les chivalers des countez, et gentz du commun, furent pleynement assentuz et acordez. Et auxint feust acorde et assentu par nostre seignur le roi, prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grantz, chivalers des countez, gentz du commun, qe une sentence ordine par les prelatz et la clergie feust pronuncie en l'eglise de Seint Poul de Loundres, et mande en totes les evesches d'Engleterre a pronuncier, la fourme de quele sentence a pronuncier s'ensuyt: These things having been declared by the said archbishop and bishop, an announcement was then made by Sir Geoffrey le Scrope, by the command of our lord the king, and in his presence and that of all the other prelates, earls, barons, and other great men, how the king had heard - and this was something known to all - that various men had risen up in large companies in contravention of the law, destroying the liegemen of our lord the king, as well as the men of holy church, the king's justices, and others; seizing some of them and keeping them in prison until, in return for sparing their lives, they had received large fines and ransoms at the will of the said malefactors, and putting some to death, despoiling some of their goods and chattels, and committing many other evils and felonies in contempt of the king and in violation of his peace, and to the destruction of his people. Whereupon the said Sir Geoffrey, on behalf of our lord the king, charged all the said prelates, earls, barons and the other great men, on the faith and allegiance which they owed to our lord the king, to give him their advice, both in respect of his journey to the Holy Land, which, by their good advice, he earnestly desired to undertake, and as to how the peace might be better kept, and the aforesaid malefactors who had risen up might be punished and restrained from their evil. And because the said prelates were of the opinion that it it did not properly pertain to them to give advice concerning the keeping of the peace or the punishment of such evil men, the same prelates and the proctors for the clergy departed in order to discuss the aforesaid matters by themselves; and the said earls, barons and other great men did the same by themselves. Which earls, barons and other great men then returned and they all replied to the king through the person of Sir Henry de Beaumont that, all other matters being set aside, provision should first be made for the keeping of the peace, and for the transgressions of the said evil men to be suppressed by law, by force and by all other suitable means which our lord the king and his good council might be advised. And the said earls, barons and other great men ordained as follows: that in every county of England some of the greater men of the same county should be appointed keepers of the same county by the commission of the king, and that the keepers of the peace appointed in the past, the sheriffs, and all the men of the counties where they are appointed, should be attendant upon the said great men for the said keeping of the peace, just as they would have been attendant upon the body of our same lord the king if he were there. And that the said great men should cause to come before them four men, and the provost of each town, and cause the men of the same towns to be arrayed, so that if armed men, or others who are suspected of wrongdong, pass through the same towns in companies, or otherwise, then the said men of the towns shall cause the hue and cry to be raised, and pursue them from town to town, from hundred to hundred, and from county to county, and arrest, hold and keep them securely; and notify the said great men as to what they have done. And if it happens that the men of the said towns cannot arrest such persons as they pass through, that they should then immediately notify the said great men where they can be found; and the same great men, with all the power of the county, should pursue them from county to county until they are taken. And let the said great men have the power to hear and determine felonies committed both by those who are thus arrested and taken and by those who shall be indicted before them: and also to punish those whom they find to be disobedient to [p. ii-65][col. a] them, or those who favour, support or receive such evil men, as the king himself did in the past when he was there. And that our lord the king ride around his realm from county to county, and learn from each one how the said great men and others are conducting themselves with regard to the punishment of such malefactors, and cause those who he will find culpable or disobedient to be punished. And if it is necessary that the said great men in any region need to be reinforced, that our lord the king command some of his own men in whom he has confidence to reinforce them, or ordain in make some other way, bearing in mind always the need for the said evil men to be punished. Which things having been thus ordained by the said earls, barons and other great men having been read before our lord the king and the prelates, the knights of the counties, and the commons were agreeable to them all, and were fully accepted and agreed by our lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and other great men, and also by the knights of the counties and the commons. And it was also accepted and agreed by our lord the king, the prelates, earls, barons and other great men, the knights of the counties [and] the commons that a sentence decreed by the prelates and the clergy be declared in St Paul's church in London and sent to all the bishops in England to be declared, the form of which sentence to be declared follows here:
6. Il semble qe les prelatz de seinte eglise se deyvent molt aforcer qe bone pees et quiete fuit en roialme d'Engleterre, en totes les maneres q'ils purront par vertu de lur office, a ce qe nostre seignur puist le seint veiage q'il ad si grantment a cuer acomplir, et ses autres busoignes faire, a l'honur de Dieux. 6. It appears that the prelates of holy church are duty bound to ensure by any means they can, by virtue of their office, that there should be good peace and quiet in the realm of England so that our lord may undertake the holy journey which is so dear to his heart, and perform his other business, to the honour of God.
Primerment escumeyngeantz et demoerantz ecumeyngeez touz y ceux qe destourbent la pees et la quiete de seinte eglise et du roialme, et meement ceux qe fount alliaunces par covenantz, obligaciouns, confederaciouns, ou par quecumqe autre manere par malice, en destourbance de la pees, et queux a cel s'afforcent maliciousement, en prive ou en apert. First, let all those who disturb the peace and quiet of holy church and of the realm, and especially those who make alliances by covenants, obligations, confederacies, or in any other way, out of malice, to disturb the peace, or who maliciously give their support to them, whether secretly or openly, be excommunicated and remain excommunicated.
7. Item, qe les receptours des tielx desturbours de la pees qi le fount asientirs et par malice, et lur fautours, et lur defensours, et ceux qe lur fount aide ou consail en lur malice, en prive ou en apert, soient en mesme la manere escumeyngez, et denunciez sicome desus est dit. 7. Also, that the receivers of such disturbers of the peace, if they do it willingly and out of malice, and their abettors and their defenders, and those who give them help or advice in their malice, whether secretly or openly, be excommunicated in the same fashion, and denounced in the manner described above.
8. Item, qe touz les covenantz, obligaciouns, confederaciouns, et alliaunces faites par les causes susdites soient anyentis et repellez par les avantditz prelatz, quantq'en eux est. Et si nul serment soit fait pur afforcer les covenantz, obligaciouns, confederaciouns, ou autres alliances queles qe se soient, en desturbance de la pees de seinte esglise ou du roialme, qe tiel serment soit repelle et anenti par mesmes les prelatz. 8. Also, that all the covenants, obligations, confederacies and alliances made for the aforesaid reasons be annulled and repealed by the aforesaid prelates, insofar as it is in them to do so. And if any oath be taken to enforce these covenants, obligations, confederacies or other alliances of any kind which disturb the peace of holy church or of the realm, that such an oath be repealed and annulled by the same prelates.
9. Et quant a l'aler de nostre seignur le roi en la terre seinte, les prelatz, countes, barouns, et touz les autres somons a mesme le parlement, loerunt molt le bon purpos et la bone volunte quele nostre seignur le roi ad d'y aler: mes il lur sembloit, qe le temps d'y aler ore en Marz a dieus anz si est [trop court] , pur plusours resons. Et est assentu et acorde en pleyn parlement, q'il preigne son aler a la Purificacion prochein avenir en trois anz. Mes [purce qe] avis est as touz qe si les deus [rois] preignent lur veiage ensemble qe par tant le dit veiage serroit le plus honurable et plus profitable, [ove] l'eide de Dieux; si est acorde et assentu par touz en pleyn parlement, qe si avis soit a nostre seignur le roi par son bon conseil, et [q'il] soit purveu d'y aler et enstat, et q'il le pust bonement faire et par trete od le roi de France, homme puisse esloigner ou encourter le temps q'ome le preigne. 9. And as to the journey of our lord the king to the Holy Land, the prelates, earls, barons, and all the others summoned to the same parliament greatly commended the good intentions and genuine wish which our lord the king has to go there; but it seemed to them that the proposed journey in March two years hence [1334] was too soon for various reasons. And it was accepted and agreed in full parliament that he should undertake his journey at the Purification next following in three years time [2 February 1335/1336: it is not clear how to interpret this date]. But since it was advised by all that if the two kings undertook their journey together, then the said journey would, with the help of God, be the more honourable and more profitable; so it was accepted and agreed by all in full parliament that if our lord the king were to be so advised by his good council, and if whatever was appropriate and necessary could be prepared for his journey, and if he could do it successfully and with the agreement of the king of France, then it would be possible either to postpone or to bring forward the date when he should depart.
10. Item, feust, pronuncie depar nostre seignur le roi par la bouche Monsir Geffrei L'escrope, coment autrefoiz au darrein parlement somons a Westm' l'an quynt, acorde feu, que sur les debatz muez parentre nostre < seignur > le roi et le roi de France, endroit des terres par dela, qe continuance se feit par trete, par voie de mariage, ou en autre covenable manere. Et sur ce nostre seignur le roi d'Engleterre avoit mande ses messages au roi de Fraunce, les queux ont trete ovesqe le < dit > roi de France, et ont reporte a nostre seignur le roi, que le roi de France ad dit, qe s'il pleist a nostre seignur le roi d'Engleterre de venir od lui personalment, q'il ferra plus de grace a lui qe a nul autre. Par qoi il busoigne de mander par temps messages a l'avantdit roi de France; et sur ce demanda le dit Monsir Geffrei depar nostre seignur le roi les consealx et avis des ditz prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grantz en pleyn parlement, q'en cas qe les ditz messages, ore a mander au dit roi de France, remandent a nostre dit seignur le roi d'Engleterre, qe par sa venue les busoignes se puissent amender, s'il en doit prendre le dit veiage vers le dit roi de France, ou ne mie? A qoi touz les prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grantz susditz ont responduz, q'ils se assentent bien qe l'empeschement ouste des susditz malveis issint ore levez, et le roi d'Engleterre ent puisse aver profist par son aler en propre persone au roi de France, come sus est dit, et qe par tant la busoigne se puisse amender, q'il < y > aille. Et auxint est assentuz, par aucunes enchesons qe le aler nostre seignur le roi en Irland, nadgaires assentu au prochein parlement, preigne delay tant qe a la feste de Seint Michel prochein a venir; et qe endementiers nostre seignur le roi mande aucuns gentz d'armes, et autres qi legiers sont, en parnantz et travaillantz a les parties susdites en aide de ses bons gentz illoeqes. 10. Also, an announcement was made on behalf of our lord the king by Sir Geoffrey le Scrope, how previously at the last parliament summoned at Westminster in the fifth year [30 September 1331], it was agreed that, concerning the dispute which had arisen between our lord the king and the king of France concerning the lands overseas, progress might be made by a treaty, by way of marriage or in some other acceptable fashion. Whereupon our lord the king of England had sent his messengers to the king of France and they had discussed the matter with the said king of France and had reported to our lord the king that the king of France had said that, if it should please our lord the king of England to come to him in person, then he would show more grace to him than to any other person. For which reason it would be necessary in time to send messengers to the said king of France. Whereupon the said Sir Geoffrey, on behalf of our lord the king, asked for the counsel and advice of the said prelates, earls, barons and other great men in full parliament as to whether, if it were the case that the said messengers should return to our lord the king of England and tell him that by his going there these matters can be resolved, he should then undertake this journey to the king off France, or not? To which all the aforesaid prelates, earls, barons and other great men replied that they were in full agreement that, once the transgressions of the aforementioned evil men who have recently risen up had been suppressed, if the king could derive profit from going in person to the king of France, as is said above, then, inasmuch as it would help to resolve the matter, he should go there. And it was also agreed, for various reasons, that the journey of our lord the king to Ireland, previously agreed to at the last parliament, be delayed until Michaelmas next following [29 September 1332]; and that meanwhile our lord the king should send some man-at-arms and others who are loyal to make their way and journey to the said regions to help the good men there.
11. Fait auxint a remembre, qe le samedi prochein apres le < primer > jour du parlement avoient les chivalers des countes, citeins, et burgeys au dit parlement somons, et auxint la clergie, conge d'aler vers lur pays, issint qe les prelatz, countes, barouns, et gentz du conseil le roi, y demorassent. Et mesme le jour feust pronuncie, pur ce qe parlement feust somons par les causes susdites, et peticions du poeple ne feurent pas receux ne respondues a mesme le parlement, qe nostre seignur le roi voleit aver autre parlement par temps. 11. Be it also remembered that on the Saturday following the first day of parliament [21 March 1332] the knights of the counties, citizens and burgesses, and also the clergy, summoned to the said parliament were given permission to return to their regions, while the prelates, earls, barons and other men of the king's council remained there. And on the same day it was announced, since the parliament was summoned for the aforesaid reasons, and petitions from the people were not received or answered at the same parliament, that before long our lord the king would hold another parliament.
Fait auxint a remembre, qe le lundi prochein suant apres le dit samedi, si estoit la fourme de la commission affaire a les gardeins des countees, pur la pees garder et l'empeschement des malveys refreindre, et les nouns des ditz gardeins ordinez, luez devant nostre seignur le roi, countes, barouns, et autres grantz, en dit parlement. Et qe mesme le lundi, a la pleynte l'abbe de Croiland sur aucunes grevances faites a lui a ce q'il dit par le Seignur Wake et les soens, si estoit par nostre seignur le roi defendu d'une part et d'autre, qe sur les greves forfaitures le roi, nul ferroit a autre mal, moleste, ne grevance, par lui ne par les soens, ne ne feust en ageyt de faire: einz lur feust dit q'ils feussent obeisantz a la lei, et se aidassent par la lei d'une part et d'autre, si mal ou moleste lur feust fait. Et dit feust, qe certeins < gentz > serreient assignez d'enquere et d'oier et terminer les debatz. Be it also remembered that, on the Monday next following the said Saturday [23 March 1332], the form of the commission to be drawn up for the keepers of the counties, to keep the peace and to curb the transgressions of evil men, together with the names of the appointed keepers, was read before our lord the king, the earls, barons and other great men in the said parliament. And that on the same Monday, following a complaint by the abbot of Crowland concerning certain wrongs committed against him by Lord Wake and his men, as he alleges, the king ordered both parties, on pain of heavy forfeitures to the king, not to commit any wrong, molestation, or crime against each other, either in person or by their followers, nor to devise any ruse for doing so; they were also told to obey the law, and that it was to the law that each party should have recourse if any wrong or molestation was done to them. And it was agreed that certain men be assigned to hear and determine the dispute.
12. Item, mesme le jour de lundi, si feust reherce par le dit Monsir Geffrei en pleyn parlement, coment sur aucunes debatz muez par entre Monsir Johan de Grey de Rotherfeld, et Monsir William la Zouche de Assheby, feust defendu a l'une part et l'autre au darrein parlement, qe nul ne feist a autre mal, moleste, ne grevance. Et puis, devant nostre seignur le roi et son conseil, en la presence le dit nostre seignur le roi et contre mesme cel defens, si furent chaudes paroles entre les ditz Monsir Johan et Monsir William: et apres les chaudes paroles si [p. ii-66][col. a] mist le dit Monsir Johan mayn au cotel, et treit en partie, mesne mie tut hors de gayne. Par qoi ils estoient comandez a la prisone, et sur ce feust le dit Monsir William lesse a meynprise tant qe au prochein parlement, c'est assaver qe ore est, ou il estoit par sa meynprise: et le dit Monsir Johan baille en garde a Monsir William de Clynton', ou il estoit en garde du dit Monsir William de Clynton'. Et sur ce, nostre seignur le roi chargea depar la bouche < le dit > Monsir Geffrei L'escrope, touz les countes, barouns, et autres grantz, en les foies et ligeaunces queux ils devoient [col. b] au roi, de lui conseiller ce q'il en devoit faire de si grant excesse faite en sa presence. Les queux grantz revindrent et respondirent par la bouche Monsir Henry de Beaumount, q'endroit de Monsir William la Zouche, qe eux lui tyndrent sanz coupe; et endroit du dit Monsir Johan, q'il avoit deservy a demoerer en prisone a la volunte nostre seignurle roi. Mes les ditz grantz prierent au roi, q'il vousist faire grace au dit Monsir Johan, de ce q'il avoit issint trespasse: de la quele grace < le roi > respondi q'il se voleit aviser. 12. Also, on the same Monday, it was reported by the said Sir Geoffrey in full parliament how, following certain disputes which had arisen between Sir John de Grey of Rotherfield and Sir William la Zouche of Ashby, each party was ordered at the last parliament not to commit any wrong, molestation or crime against the other. And then, heated words were exchanged between the said Sir John and Sir William before our lord the king and his council, in the presence of our said lord the king, and contrary to this prohibition; and after these heated words, [p. ii-66][col. a] the said Sir John placed his hand upon his dagger and began to draw it, though he did not entirely remove it from its sheath. As a result of which they were ordered to prison, and then the said Sir William was released under mainprize until the following parliament, that is to say the present one, where he was present in accordance with his mainprize; and the said Sir John was committed to the custody of the said Sir William of Clinton, where he was in the custody of the said Sir William of Clinton. And thereupon, our lord the king, through Sir Geoffrey le Scrope, charged all the earls, barons and other great men, by the faith and allegiance which they owed [col. b] to the king, to advise him what he ought to do about such a great outrage committed in his presence. Which great men returned and replied through my lord Henry de Beaumont that, with regard to Sir William la Zouche, they held him to be blameless; and with regard to Sir John, that he deserved to remain in prison at the will of our lord the king. But the said great men prayed the king that he might pardon the said Sir John for the trespass he had committed in this affair: the king replied that he would take counsel concerning this pardon.
Rotulus de parliamento tento apud Westm' in crastino [sic: read 'die Lune post festum'] Sancti Gregorii anno regni regis Edwardi tertii post conquestum sexto liberatus in cancellaria regis per Henricum de Eden' clericum de parliamento. The roll of the parliament held at Westminster [on Monday after the feast] of St Gregory in the sixth year of the reign of King Edward the third since the conquest [16 March 1332] was delivered into chancery by Henry of Edwin[stowe], clerk of parliament.

Footnotes

  • M1332int-1. Haines, Archbishop John Stratford , 220-1; Sumption, The Hundred Years' War , I, 121-2.
  • M1332int-2. C 65/2, m.3; Haines, Archbishop John Stratford , 221-2; Sumption, The Hundred Years' War , I, 121. On the activities of various malefactors see E.L.G. Stones, 'The Folvilles of Ashby-Folville, Leicestershire, and their Associates in Crime, 1326-47'.
  • ii-64-3-1. C 65/2 is a composite parliament roll, containing the records of the parliaments which met in 4, 5, and 6 Edward III, between November 1330 and January 1333. The third of the six parliaments held during these years, the Westminster Parliament of 16 March 1332 (Lent Parliament), 6 Edward III, is recorded in C 65/2, m.3.
  • ii-64-8-1. Statute of Northampton, 1328: SR , i, 257-61.