Edward II: October 1324 | British History Online

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

'Edward II: October 1324', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/october-1324 [accessed 19 April 2024]

1324 October

Introduction October 1324

London

20 October - 10 November

For the writs of summons see PW, II, ii, 317-25

There is no roll for this assembly which is not designated as a parliament in the writs of summons. Although representatives of the county knights were summoned, representatives of the burgesses and lower clergy were not summoned on this occasion. However in the speech delivered by Edward II, the king said he wanted his words entered on the roll of parliament, and he clearly regarded the meeting as a parliament. The speech, which is preserved in E 30/1582 and edited in R & S , 94-8, as belonging to the parliament of June 1325 is wrongly dated in that edition, and correctly belongs to the assembly of October 1324. The speech is also edited in Chaplais, The War of St-Sardos (1323-1325) , 95-8, with a note as to the correct date. E 30/1582 also includes the detailed replies of the magnates present to the king's questions. E 30/1582 consists of two membranes of disparate sizes: membrane 1 is 232 mm broad and 102 long, while membrane 2 is 253 mm broad and 350 long. The text on both is written in a neat official hand, on the recto only.

Events in 1324 were dominated by the rapidly worsening situation in Gascony. In April Charles IV issued a general proclamation of arms for 10 June 1324. During the Westminster parliament it was decided to send envoys to France to try to settle the St. Sardos dispute and to postpone further Charles IV's demand for homage. On 30 March the archbishop of Dublin and Edward II's half-brother, Edmund earl of Kent, were appointed as ambassadors. On their arrival in Paris, they at first agreed to surrender the castle of Montpezat, but then went back on their word. When they also asked for the postponement of the act of homage, Charles IV concluded that Edward II condoned the actions of his Gascon subjects and officials and did not intend to perform homage. The stage was now set for war. A meeting of the council was held in London on 6 May, as a result of which on 9 May 1324 fifteen royal judges and clerks were summoned to be at Westminster on 27 May 1324 to have a 'tractatum' on 'certain great and arduous affairs touching the king and the state of the kingdom in many ways'. Orders for the election of representatives of the knights of the shire (but not burgesses) were issued on the same date. The writs to the judges and clerks and to sheriffs say that the king had ordered the prelates and magnates to attend, but no such writs are recorded and PW has a note that the enrolment seems incomplete. However a memorandum on the Close Roll says that the king sent orders to the archbishops, prelates, earls and barons by letters of privy seal. These letters have clearly not survived. The council of 27 May decided that the earl of Pembroke should go to the French court to negotiate over the St. Sardos crisis and the question of Edward's homage. Apart from discussion of the situation in Gascony, the assembly was also the occasion for the approval of the Exchequer Ordinance of Westminster, of May 1324, which improved the procedures for accounting for household expenditure at the exchequer. (fn. f1324Oint-1)

Pembroke died in France on 23 June, without ever reaching Paris. But by then it was probably too late to avoid war. Charles of Valois, the French commander, invaded the duchy of Aquitaine in August. On 15 August the city of Agen surrendered, and by the end of the month La Réole came under siege. Most of Gascony, including the chief cities of Bordeaux and Bayonne, was still under English control and remained so, but the king's lieutenant in Aquitaine, his half-brother, Edmund earl of Kent, was closed up in La Réole. Reinforcements of men and money were slow in arriving: a fleet, which set out from Portsmouth on 18 September, was forced into Falmouth by unfavourable winds and did not set sail again until 4 October. After a five-week siege, the earl of Kent was forced to agree to terms on 22 September. He was however able to make a six-month truce, since the rest of English Gascony still held out and the French were also distracted by a revolt in the county of Flanders. But this only postponed the reckoning and made it all the more urgent for Edward II and his government to decide what to do next. (fn. f1324Oint-2)

Writs of summons were issued at Porchester on 13 September and again at Porchester on 20 September for an assembly to meet at Salisbury on 20 October; on 24 September (again at Porchester) the meeting place was changed to London. The writs state that the king wishes to have a 'colloquium' and 'tractatum' with those present. The meeting is not described as a parliament either in the writs of summons or in the marginal note on the Close Roll enrolment. As noted above, the king appears to have regarded the assembly as a parliament. The representatives of the knights were presumably present, as summoned. Representatives of the burgesses and the lower clergy were missing.

Writs of summons were issued on 13 September to nine earls (Chester, Norfolk, Atholl (from Scotland), Arundel, Angus (from Scotland), Winchester, Surrey, Oxford, Leicester (Henry of Lancaster, the earl of Leicester, who had been restored to this earldom formerly held by Thomas of Lancaster in March 1324, was listed after Hugh Despenser the Younger in the list of barons). The earl of Pembroke had died in June 1324; the earl of Kent was in France. The earl of Richmond was summoned on 24 September, making ten earls in all), forty-eight barons; to the two archbishops, seventeen bishops (including the four Welsh bishops); Walter of Norwich & William Bereford (councillors); and for the election of representatives of the knights of the shire. Nine abbots and Master Gilbert of Middleton, archdeacon of Northampton, were summoned on 24 September.

The writs of summons issued on 13 September give the purpose of the assembly as 'various arduous affairs touching the king and the state of the kingdom and especially touching the lands subject to the king and their peoples'.

The assembly was held to discuss the crisis in the duchy of Aquitaine, where it seemed that English rule might be on the point of collapse. News of the siege of La Réole had been received before the start of the assembly on 20 October and formed the subject of the king's opening speech. (fn. f1324Oint-3)

In his speech the king laid emphasis on his rights and duties as king, but claimed that he had always consulted the magnates. He then sought advice on the state of the duchy of Aquitaine, past, present and future, in the light of the situation at La Réole. The remainder of the document consisted of the magnates' answers to a series of specific points relating to the situation in Aquitaine. Knights had been summoned to the assembly, but the speech was clearly addressed to the magnates. Although there were certainly other occasions on which Edward II delivered speeches to important gatherings (such as the Westminster parliament of January 1320 and on the occasion of his performance of homage at Amiens in July 1320), this is the only one to be preserved. During the assembly it was decided that the king should lead an army to Gascony in person. On 30 October the earls, barons, and bishops of Ireland were ordered to gather the military service they owed the king and to be ready to depart on 2 February 1325. On 21 December a similar summons was addressed to the English tenants-in-chief of the crown, who were ordered to be at Portsmouth on 17 March 1325.

In the absence of a Parliament Roll for this assembly, it is not known whether formal arrangements were made for the receipt and answering of petitions during the parliament. There are however some surviving petitions for 1324-25, some of which may belong to this parliament. There is also a fragmentary set of grievances presented by the community, which appears to belong to this parliament. There appear to be eighteen petitions, whose headings are so badly damaged as to tell very little. One petition concerns fairs; another complains of forestallers, whose activities were the cause of high food prices; the fourth article was a complaint that uniform weights and measures were not being observed. (fn. f1324Oint-4)

Text and translation



[p. ix-95]
[memb. 1]
Seignurs, joe vous ai monstre ascunes choses qe appendent a la coroune qe cheent en debat, come celi qest vostre chief et qe en ad la sovereyne garde et come celi qe prest est a meintenir la coroune en touz ses dreitz, par conseil et eide de vous, et adeffendre le come un homme purra fere par la puissance de tutes voz forces, sur quele chose j'ai touz jours voz conseals demandez et rien en la dite busoigne sanz conseil n'ay fet, par qoi je entenqe avoir fait ce qe a moy apartient; et sur ce la vous ai maunde voz consalx, eides et poers, qe a vostre peril le me feissez, deissez et monstrissez, sicome vous le vousissez meismes avower ore et en temps avenir, et qe chescun de vous, severalment et aparly, me deist son conseil et son avis ce qe je endeverei faire; queu dit, je veul qe soit entree a perpetuele memoire en roule de parlement: par qoi uncore vous demaunde je, sur voz foys et voz ligeaunces, qe uncore le me diez par bouche, chescun de vous severalment et aparlui. Car tut seit ce qe vous me avez monstre en bille touz voz avis et resons en general, quele chose puist estre ordine et mys en bille par l'avis et consel de un ou deux de vous, qe mielz vous savereient a lur assenz attrere et mener, jadumeyns, je veul aver voz respouns severalment et de chescun aparly et qe chescun par my sa bouche die ce q'il sente, issint qe je puisse estre pleinement avise de la dite busoigne et de tutes les circumstances de point en point; et en tieu manere veul je estre respoundu aussibien de clerks come de lays, issint q'en temps avenir chescun puisse respoundre a sondit sanz coverture generale, et qe voz respouns soient entrez en escrit: et ce qe je vous ai monstree et ce qe vous respondrez. Car je ne veul entre nous asi haute busoigne nulle coverture ne nulle gaundissement sotile mes clerement et destinctement estre respounduz par bouche [p. ix-96] solom ce qe les choses vous sount destinctement et apertement monstrez. [editorial note: The dorse of m.1 is blank.]	[Speech delivered by the king.] Lords, I have shown you certain things which concern the crown which have come under debate, as one who is your chief and who has the sovereign keeping of it, and as one who is ready to maintain the crown in all its rights, with your counsel and aid, and to defend it as far as a man can, by the power of all your might, on which matter I have always asked for your counsel, and have done nothing in the said business without counsel, in which I believe that I have done my part; whereupon I have demanded your counsel, aid and might on this, which you should do, give, and show to me at your peril, exactly as you would wish to acknowledge it, now and in the future, and that each of you, individually and independently, should give me his counsel and his advice on what I ought to do; which given, I wish it to be entered for perpetuity in the roll of parliament: because of which I again ask you, on your faith and your allegiance, to give it to me again orally, each of you individually and independently. For although you have shown me in a bill all your advice and arguments in general, this could be drawn up and put in a bill on the advice and counsel of one or two of you, who know best how to lead and win you over to their opinion, so I nevertheless wish to have your answers individually and from each one independently, and for each one to tell me orally what he thinks, so that I may be fully advised on the said business and on all the circumstances in detail: and I wish to be answered in such a manner, both by clerks and by laymen, that in future each one can answer in his own words without a general cover, and that your answers should be put down in writing: both what I have shown you and what you answer. For I do not want any concealment or sly evasion between us on such an important matter but to be answered orally, clearly and distinctly, [p. ix-96] just as the matters are distinctly and openly shown to you. [editorial note: The dorse of m.1 is blank.]
[memb. 2]
Au comencement d'avisement doner sur l'estat de la duchee, selonc ce qe ad este et selonc ce qest a venir, dioms qe les choses come sont alees, a vous dit par creance veraiment et loialment et baille par escrite, et pur le temps avenir, a vous baille nostre consail par escripte, as touz jours sumes prest plus conseiller selonc qe plus saveroms.	[Replies given by the lords.] To begin to give advice on the state of the duchy, past and future, we will tell you how things have happened, telling you this on trust, truly and loyally, and delivered in writing, and our counsel for the future is delivered to you in writing, on which we are always ready to give more advice to the best of our knowledge.
Au primer point: si Angleis ou Gascoun eit este de covyne etc. Dioms qe li sire de Lebret, le counte d'Armanhac, sire Bernard Durford' et touz les autres Gascouns qe furent au siege furent de covyne, consail et eide ovesqe les Fraunceys encountre nous, ja soit ce qe auscuns d'eux disoient q'il ce fesoient pur poour plus qe pur mal de nous, cest a savoir le counte de Comenge, le sire de Lidle e leur partie, e ensi < le > disoit l'om entre nous. Qant a touz ceux qe furent deintz la Ryole od mon soignur le counte, dioms qe nous ne veismes, ne seumes, ne aparceusmes qe nul feist chose forsqe bien, sauve qe murmure de poeple fu contre Vidau de Cons et Raymon del Avison, borgeys de la Riolle, q'il avoient eu parlaunce od le sire de Lebret, pur quoi il furent arestu en chastel, mais riens de certein ne fu trove contre eux, e sauve qe, pur ce qe l'om diseit a la Riole qe ascunes parlaunces se fesoient entre serjauntz dedeintz et dehors, fuit pris conseil qe les portes fussent murrees, non pur qant qe nous seumes qe ascunes parlaunces se feissent a damage de nous ne du roi, eintz feusmes ascune foitz garniz par ceux dehors quant il nous entendent assaillir.	To the first point: if any Englishman or Gascon has been in collusion etc. We say that the lord of Albret, the count of Armagnac, Sir Bernard Durfort and all the other Gascons who were at the siege colluded with, counselled and aided the French against us, although some of them said that they did this for fear rather than from ill-will against us: that is the count of Comminges, the lord de l'Isle and their party, and this is what was said among us. As for all those who were in La Réole with my lord the earl, we say that we did not see, or know or notice any of them doing anything but good, except that there was a rumour among the people against Vidal de Cons and Raymond de Lavison, burgesses of La Réole, that they had spoken with the lord of Albret, because of which they were held in the castle, but nothing certain was found against them, and except that, because people said at La Réole that certain parleys had been held between serjeants within and outside, advice was taken that the gates were to be walled up, not because we knew that any parleys had taken place to our harm or that of the king, but it was rather that we were sometimes warned by those outside when they intended to attack us.
Item au second point: come la parlance de rendre le chastel comencea etc. Dioms qe en trettant la trewe furent moltz des choses demandees par les Fraunceis. Primes tote la duchee, et nous demandasmes tot ce q'il avoient pris e tendismes pleges pur faire droit selonc la costume du paiis. Puis nous tendirent tot ce qe fu en nostre obeissaunce, forspris la Riole od ses partenaunces, ensint qe nous leur baillissioms en gage pur prendre droit, Bordeux, Bayone, Seint Maqari, Peine et Puymirol, a quei nous desacordasmes. Finablement a pres [sic: read 'apres'] y celes et molt dautres voies traitees, nous tendirent tot ce qe fu en nostre obeissaunce forspris la Riole od ses apartenaunces, en queles entendent le chastel, sur lequel chastel assez fu debatu. Item dioms qe en celes parlaunces furont moltz des messagers et tretesons esluz, toutes foiz par commun [editorial note: There is one minim too few here.] conseil de la garneson et de les gentz de la ville, et baillez a lour certeins [p. ix-97] pointz qe deivent dire et faire, le quiels il ne poeient passer. A la parfyn, oies les tretementz et le regardez touz noz meschiefs sicome autre foiz l'avoms dit, feust acorde par commun conseil de touz qe autre chose ne purrioms faire a sauver la terre et l'estre de monsire le counte.	Also, to the second point: how the parley about the surrender of the castle began etc. We say that in negotiating the truce many things were demanded by the French. Firstly the whole duchy, and we demanded all that they had taken, and offered pledges to do justice according to the custom of the country. Then they offered us everyting that was in our allegiance, except for La Réole with its appurtenances, provided that we would deliver to them, as a pledge to accept justice, Bordeaux, Bayonne, St Macaire, Penne and Puymirol, to which we did not agree. Finally, after these and may other means had been discussed, they offered us all that was in our allegiance except for La Réole with its appurtenances, among which they included the castle, and there was a lengthy discussion about that castle. Also, we say that in those parleys many messengers and negotiators were chosen, always by the common decision of the garrison and the people of the town, and certain things were given to them [p. ix-97] which they ought to say and do, beyond which they could not go. In the end, when we had heard the negotiations and considered all our misfortunes, as we have said before, it was agreed by common counsel of all that we could do nothing else to save the land and the estate of my lord the earl.
Item au tiercz. Dioms par nostre serement qe riens ne savoms fors ceo qe nous avoms dit du murmur de voz burgeis qe furont arestuz.	Also, to the third. We say on our oath that we know nothing except what we have said about the rumour concerning your burgesses who were arrested.
Item au quart: si nul prist riens des Franceis etc. Dioms qe nous ne savoms riens, fors qe tant qe quant les choses furont acordees, qe Alphons de Spenha e sire Antoigne envoierent au counte raysns, pesshoun et pullail.	Also, to the fourth: if anyone took anything from the French etc. We say that we know nothing, except for when matters were agreed, as to whether Alphons de Spenha and Sir Anthony sent the earl grapes, fish, and poultry.
Item au quint. Dioms qe riens ne savoms, forpris qe une femme diseit l'em qe avoit trove lettres en la rue de la ville de la Ryole et les leva et les bailla a auscuns des jurez, et conteneient solonc ce qe feust dit, tiele fourme:	Also, to the fifth. We say that we do not know anything, except that a woman said that she had found letters in the street of the town of La Réole, and she picked them up and delivered them to some of the jurats, and they contained, according to what was said, such a form:
'As sages esqeins de la Roiole saluz. Sachez qe nous vous avoms touz jours ame et vous avoms et vodrioms vostre bien a nostre poair, et savoms bien qe vous estes sages, si vous prioms et vous conselloms qore fetes sagement voz busoignes, car vous avez pluis grant busoigne qe vous ne eustes et especialment dymeinche preschein venaunt, et ce feust le qe nous devereoms partir.'	'To the wise eschevins of La Réole, greetings. Know that we have always loved you, and that we have and would wish for your welfare, to our power, and we know well that you are wise, so we pray and counsel you now to go about your business wisely, for you are in greater need than you were, and especially next Sunday.' And this was that we ought to leave.
Item au sisme. Dioms qe moltz des messagers par jour et par nuyt vindrent plusours foiz a monsire le counte de part noz villes et de ceux qe se tenent ovesqes nous, et auxint nostre seignur le counte lour rescriveit et les conseilleit au meiltz quil poait, mes qe auscun message alast ny venist au damage du roi, nous nel aparceumes unqes.	Also, to the sixth. We say that many messengers often came by day and by night to my lord the earl on behalf of our towns and of those who support us, and that our lord the earl also wrote back to them and counselled them to the best of his ability, but we were never aware of any message coming or going to the king's harm.
Item au setisme: de queu volunte etc. Dioms < qe duraunt > le sege les gentz de Burdeux, de Sentonge et des autres villes moustrerent fieble covyne, auxi come hom nous reporta et sembla par fait, car quant nous les demandasmes eide et socours, il ne nous en firount nul, einz demaunderont eide de nous en cas qe nous ne poioms eider a leur ne a nous, et auxint nous reporterent . . l'ercevesqe de Dyvelyn et sire William de Weston' et tout le conseil de Burdeux, et ceo feust un de noz resons pur prendre la trewe; et quidoms q'ore et touz jours serront il de bone volunte, [p. ix-98] s'il sentent le seignur fort et bien arraie de eux garentir et deffendre. Et en ceu cas du [nombre] de eux qe le seignur s'en purra eider, creoms qe lui tenant le chargea qu'il s'en eidera de .d. hommes en chevaux et de .xx. et .xxv. mille hommes de pie. En autre manere creoms qe chescun a garder sa ville.	Also, to the seventh: concerning what will etc. We say that during the siege the people of Bordeaux, of Saintonge and of other towns showed poor co-operation, as was reported to us, and as appeared from their actions, for when we asked for aid and succour from them, they gave us none, but rather demanded aid from us at a time when we could help neither them nor ourselves, and this was also reported to us by . ., archbishop of Dublin and Sir William of Weston and the whole council of Bordeaux, and this was one of our reasons for accepting the truce; and we believe that now and always they will be of good will, [p. ix-98] if they feel that their lord is strong and well equipped to protect and defend them. And in this case, with regard to the number of them whom the lord could have to aid him, we believe that the lieutenant ordered him to take for his support 500 horsemen and 20 to 25 thousand footsoldiers. Otherwise we think that everyone should guard his own town.
Item al oitisme: qe les alliaunces etc. Ly sire de Lescu et monsire Pierre de Galicien, qe sont envenaunt et ont parle de cella, ont a respondre depart nous; quant en nous est, pur noz parentz et pur noz amis, enduiroms, allierons et attreroms a la part le roi touz ceux qe nous purroms, et creoms qe nous y ferroms auscun bien.	Also, to the eighth: that the alliances etc. The lord of Lescun and Sir Peter Galicien, who are coming and who have discussed that, are to answer on our behalf; insofar as it is our power, for our kin and our friends, we will persuade, ally and attract to the king's party all whom we can, and we believe that we can do some good in this.
Item au nevisme. Si nostre seignur le roi vient ove pouer covenable, creoms certeinement qe oil.	Also, to the ninth. If our lord the king comes with a suitable power, we certainly think so.
Item au disme. Creoms desus prescheinement, en ceo qe nous et les autres de nostre seignur le roi entre tant avoms trete et parle.	Also, to the tenth. We think as immediately above, in that we and our lord the king's other people have discussed and spoken on it in the meantime.
Item < al unzisme. > Le noumbre nous < semble > assez petit. Des alliaunces ne savoms riens. Le pouer du pais nous vous avoms signifie. Par quei nous ne l'oseroms conseiller par nous, et semble qe fet a entendre les messagers d'Espaigne, et adenqes, lour resons oys, prendre bon < collacion. >	Also, to the eleventh. The number seems rather small to us. We know nothing about any alliances. We have told you the strength of the country. Because of which we shall not dare to counsel you on this ourselves, and it seems that it will be necessary to listen to the messengers from Spain and then, when their arguments have been heard, to hold a thorough discussion on this.
Item au douzisme: si la guerre durra etc. Creoms qe par grant diligence, bon < afforcement > et pur [sic: read 'par'] sen et pur [sic: read 'par'] < despendre bien et largement: > et sur ceo qe est molt general est bon aver avisement.	Also, to the twelfth: if the war lasts etc. We think that through great diligence, good reinforcement, and with sense and spending well and generously: and on this good advice should generally be sought.
Item au treszisme: qe mester William de Cases jurra etc. Il ad jurre autre foiz, et loialment l'ad meintenuz a son poer, et le meintendra a son vivaunt, et lui plest faire le comaundement le roi. [editorial note: The dorse of m.2 is blank.] (fn. ix-95-33-1)	Also, to the thirteenth: that Master William de Cases will swear etc. He has sworn before, and has kept his oath loyally to the best of his ability, and he will keep it all his life, and it pleases him to obey the king's command. [editorial note: The dorse of m.2 is blank.] (fn. ix-95-33-1)