Cecil Papers
December 1572

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Institute of Historical Research

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1888

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29-42

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'Cecil Papers: December 1572', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 2: 1572-1582. (1888), pp. 29-42. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=109819 Date accessed: 23 November 2014.


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December 1572

89. [Maisonfleur] to Don Lucidor [Duc d'Alençon].
1572, Dec. 3.“Seigneur Lucidor, this is the last of all my letters. By it you will learn that, after having given the most careful considerato everything, and having reported what happened on my arrival, so far as I could see and subsequently learn, I find that the best thing you can do is to follow your first resolution, and come over here. I may almost undertake that, when you are here, matters will have the result which you desire. For, in the first place, you must know, that the refusal given to me on the principal point by Madame de Lisle [Queen Elizabeth] was based merely on the distrust she had been made to conceive of me, and which increased from day to day in such a manner, that she would not have been well advised to promise so lightly a matter of such importance simply because of a letter signed by you. Secondly, according to what I can ascertain, the recent burning of their neighbours' house keeps them in some apprehension, inasmuch as this last massacre seems to menace Europe with a general convulsion, which cannot take place without endless seditions arising in each kingdom, and a world of open wars without. By means whereof, those who are of the same livery as the victims, rendered wiser by the example and hurt of others, desire so much more also to fortify themselves in every possible way against falling into a similar mishap and incurring a like fate. And as they are not so ill advised, as not to know well that what is presented to them by you will always be an admirable and very sure means of providing for their affairs and of saving themselves, seeing that under shadow of your retreat here, they will have a chief of such standing, that the rest of those who are eager to rise and defend themselves against the efforts of the Gospel's enemies will in reason be constrained to come to him and to march under his authority, I leave you to consider whether they have occasion to wish Seigneur Lucidor here. I believe for my part that they would now support him at the peril of their lives and fortunes. Besides and above all that, I can assure you (to return to my first point) that so far as I can tell by Madame de Lisle's language to me, and also by what I have learned for some time past, there is no Prince in the world, whom she desires as much as you, in the event of her wishing to marry; and this I know is her resolve, as I have written to you in my preceding letters. When she spoke to me of helping you, it was with a vehemence and affection so great, as to indicate to me that she would spare nothing that was in her power; as if by that proposal she wished it to be understood that she was disposed to try every fortune rather than permit or endure any attempt to wrong the person of him who might one day be most closely related to her. She did not wish to use the short word you desire, but her heart seemed to say to me through her eyes, 'Tell him to come, and to despair of nothing; if I marry any Prince in the world, it will be he.' And indeed, she thereupon wrote immediately to M. de Chevrian, to assure you from her, that you should never want all the help she could give you. I believe he will not have failed to tell you. So then my first letters (for I was still a new-comer at that time, and could not see so clearly as I now do into affairs here) ought not to take away, nor in the slightest degree diminish, your eagerness to follow your first resolution. For undoubtedly, the things I learn every day make me think that Madame de Lisle would not have acted as a clever woman, if at that time she had given me any other reply than the one I wrote to you she did give. You may then regard it as settled, that, if she wishes and desires a husband, as I know she does greatly, it can be only Seigneur Lucidor. And, further, that she will never treat at all touching this matter through the medium of an interview between her and Madlle de la Serpente. I am very strongly assured of this for reasons you yourself can well imagine. To think also of dealing in this matter by ordinary means, is fallacious. Believe me, I see no reason in so acting. For all that comes from that side is so suspected here, through the late massacre, that, although in this deed ours might peradventure have some good intention, (which it is difficult to believe) those here could never interpret it save entirely to the contrary. And they will always think that such a negotiation tends only to form a snare for entrapping them, and making them sit like the dead at the feast prepared at Paris on the 24th day of August. So then you have no means left, except your first resolution, for drawing you from among those who scarcely love you, & coming to take possession of the good, which is, as it were, assured to you here. But not to lie to you at all, and to speak freely, as I am bound, since you have been pleased to trust me in all this matter, I am strongly of opinion that, inasmuch as it can no longer be negotiated with the authority of your eldest brother, Madame de Lisle would desire before passing further, (since it would only be to satisfy the majority of people who are fed merely by appearance and judge no further than they see) that you should acquire some other rank than that which you have borne from your birth [du ventre de La Mère], which, being no longer sustained by the authority of your nearest relations (for this cannot be done, unless you separate yourself from them) will, as it were, be lessened, and not be esteemed at first sight, as if you were always near them, and as if this matter continued to be managed by them. So then, she would wish, in my opinion, and desire above everything, that, as much for the above reason, as to satisfy strangers by some evidence of your fidelity, you should be elected chief in some army. And this I believe she herself would effect for you, so that it could not also be cast in her teeth one day, that she had married you who were a fugitive, & unhonoured with any title, save that which you derived from your birth. Now it is very certain that such a thing could never be, until they see you separated from the company & counsel of your superiors. For, whilst they see you, as it were, joined to them, you must not think that any living man will be so bold as to make those overtures to you, and they will always be of opinion, whatever pains you take to act to the contrary, that you and they are but one, and hence, when they might indeed have the greatest eagerness in the world to confer with you on a like matter, the fear of being betrayed will put an end to it. But when they see that you have taken the bit in your teeth, and are sequestering yourself from the flock and conversation of the tyrants (that is the name given to them abroad), when they see that they can avail themselves of the virtue and courage God has given you, and of the greatness in which He has caused you to be born, then will they begin to rely on you, then shall there be sent to you from all parts special ambassadors to beg you to be chief in the cause of the Gospel, then England will be very glad to aid and succour you with all her power, and so many brave malcontent French knights, who have been outraged by the death of their brothers, kinsmen, and friends, and unjustly dispossessed of their goods, will come to your feet, there to hazard their property and their lives. Now you cannot, as I have told you, begin or end those matters save, firstly, by resolving to quit the company of your nearest relations, and, that done, by adopting another course than heretofore. Except that I know your affection will never allow you, this ought the more to induce and invite you thereunto, that the Germans are assuredly leagued with that nation. Hence you will kill two birds with one stone, justifying (authorisant) your arrival with the hope of a charge so great and magnificent, and giving by that act fresh means to Madame de Lisle and yourself for treating according to her desire those affairs which have been begun with the solemnities due to the rank of both parties. And, methinks, in speaking to her, I have entered so much into her meaning, that it has been easy for me to recognise that the end and aim of her intentions was that very matter. For supposing that the good will she has evidently shewn in regard to you up to the day of the massacre (that, to wit, of her most faithful friends) should have been changed and very much cooled by so faithless an act; and that, on that occasion, not one of her Council was of opinion that she should think any longer of you, nevertheless if they came to see (according to the assurance I have given them of your innocence in all that has happened, and of the danger you yourself have incurred thereby, and still incur every day) that you are on the point of being sought after from all sides, for the purpose of making and constituting you chief, and, so to speak, Emperor in command of so many great Princes and lords, do you think she will not then have just occasion to renew the first proposals of marriage, and to make an ample declaration of the honourable affection and good will she has always borne to you up till now? And if, in consequence, the friends she values most shall not consider themselves very happy to have you as their master, and in place of your having perchance in the past sought after and begged them, shall not themselves be constrained in the future to seek after and beg you, do not doubt, my lord, but that Madame de Lisle's having sent to offer you every succour with so great promptitude and affection was intended to bring you near her as soon as possible, assuring herself that immediately after your arrival, there would commence to be laid the basis of a brave and cheerful resolution for opposing the efforts and tyranny of the breakers of the public peace and the disturbers of the public repose, who should wish in the future to undertake a league against those who profess the Gospel. And before doing or undertaking anything for the carrying on of the war, seeing that you have come here so apropos, they will endeavour (in order to make things more assured in every way) to have the marriage consummated, as if by the indissoluble union and accord of the one, it was desired to establish a perpetual alliance and confederation in the other. This is unmistakeably the only reason that moves her so willingly to offer me help, and not to grant me as freely the principal point. The more I have pondered over it, the more I have found it true. For if she had no wish to marry you, there was no likelihood, things being as they are, of her offering you the rest so liberally, seeing the consequence involved in the offer so openly made of the former argues a secret consent to the latter. And this she must very prudently conceal, until she herself can tell it you by word of mouth. It is then very necessary in order to end those things which have been begun that you should come; it is not necessary that you should remain any longer there. For as to me, speaking as your servant, I regard the matters as if they were accomplished, inasmuch as this maxim must always be remembered, that Madame de Lisle wishes for you, and ought to wish for you. Come alone: put your person in safety, and leave the rest to God. You must not let this enterprise cool, for it has need of being warmly carried out. If your counsels are long, and your actions slow, see what will be their result. I hear every day that Germany is arming, and I know who are practising greatly and marvellously to that end. I have also been informed that it is not yet eight days since some of the Princes there asked leave of Madame de Lisle to do the same and collect arms, shewing in all their actions and proposals a very ardent desire for combat, and for opposing the pernicious designs of those who in their outrageous conceptions promise themselves that seas and mountains shall not be able to resist them after the brilliant beginning they have made. And I do not also ignore this, that if you were away from there, and in a place where one could speak to you freely, and show you that the living God calls you to an undertaking so high and glorious, you would let yourself be easily persuaded to reason, and would esteem nothing so much as the occasion offered you, of making yourself, with a just quarrel in hand, the greatest and most redoubtable prince in Christendon. Consider, I pray you, that an endless host of lords and gallant men, who are your slaves at heart, because they know you had no hand in that massacre, and also for the assurance they possess of your valour and integrity, have their eyes fixed on you. Look at a world of poor afflicted souls sighing and groaning for you. Besides, the occasion, which never presents itself a second time, invites you with smiling eyes, and summons you to hasten. There is danger that, if you neglect her overtures, and neither make your utmost endeavour at her call, nor labour to fly over here, that you may come and take possession of the favour your presence would obtain for you more than all the embassies you could send, she will bestow it on another, to whom she will give her hand. And this you will afterwards have occasion to regret all your life. It is I, your servant, who speaks to you, my lord, and who tells you finally that whilst you are seen surrounded by the delights of the court, under the wing and authority of those who have so unjustly shed the blood of so many worthy people, you need not think that they will ever be willing to trust you in an important matter, whatever assurance one may give, and whatever protestations one may make in your behalf. For, although you are considered an upright and conscientious prince, the shadow of the wicked is always regarded as contagious. Now I know very well that if there is a reason which could prevent you from coming, it would be the fear you would have of falling between two stools, if it happened that Madame de Lisle did not wish to marry you when you were here, as it seems to you appearances indicate, since she has not been pleased to give her word for it. But remember, Seigneur Lucidor, that you are of a house from which have come so many emperors, princes, & kings, that there is no land, country, or corner in the whole universe, where you will not always be very welcome, being what you are, and where you will not always find, a king, a prince, or a great lord, who has the honour of belonging to you, and who in consequence will not be bound to help you with a part of his power, when even England might wish to abandon you altogether after your arrival. This I am assured she will not do, for you have to deal with too brave and too generous a Princess, and as I have staked my life to her for you, I will also stake my life to you for her, for although she did not marry you, you ought to be assured that she has her heart fixed in so good a place that she would never allow you to need anything that was in her power. But since it would be so, tell me, I pray you, if you would for that reason think of remaining without means. If a petty Prince of Orange, a Count Ludovic, deprived of the favour of their master for a good cause, have had the power to gather so many thousand men, and very often to check the largest armies, and to give sufficient to think of to the bravest captains of Europe, what, in your opinion, should be done by a son & brother of a King, by a Duke d'Alençon, banished from his country for not having wished to take part in the most faithless massacre, the most unworthy act, the most infamous tyranny, and the most brutal and monstrous inhumanity, that has been perpetrated since the creation of the world. Assuredly you need not doubt, Seigneur Lucidor, that on such an occasion you would draw after you all Germany, all the Swiss, and the best and soundest part of all France; in short there would be no good mother's sen but would aid, succour, & serve you with all his power. Do not fear then, Seigneur Lucidor, that country or means will be awanting, I say even if it should happen that England should fail you, for God, who is Father of the just and Protector of the inno cent, will never abandon you. Now, if your resolve is to come, as I am sure it will be after having seen this letter, I pray you remember, when the day of your departure approaches, to show in all your actions and proposals, whether in public or private, an extreme desire to have a pleasant time of it throughout this winter, whether in hunting, in tennis among the ladies, and even in giving parties, and ordering different kinds of costumes for masquerades, as if you wished every one to know that your thoughts rose no higher than that, but that, on the contrary, you had determined to bury in all kinds of pastimes every occasion of trouble that had arisen during the past three months. Above all, begin now, if you have not already done so, to pay attention to the Queen your Mother, and to your brother, to a more than ordinary degree and with a more open countenance, so that one may read therein that you have every desire in the world to re-enter more than ever into their good graces, and to approve henceforward whatever they shall be pleased even to deprive you of with respect to your own wishes, in order that you may follow and accommodate yourself entirely to theirs. And therewith, when opportunity offers, you should converse shortly and apart, as if en passant, with those who you think will not conceal it from the Queen your Mother. The fair appearances and lengthened dissimulation they have used in our country for the execution of so evil an enterprise, will be a good school for us to learn these things from them, that we may make use of them in better matters. (A marginal note occurs here: “I shewed Lord Burleigh what follows, as soon as this letter was despatched to Lucidor.”] Now this is not all I have to say to you. For if, to accomplish a deed becoming a very brave man, and one that would be for ever spoken of, you could bring over here your brother-in-law and his cousin german, there would never be such nuptials. To which end I see no fitter means than a masked entertainment long ago resolved on. This would be to take coach one fine evening, and, pretending to go and wander through the town, as has been the custom every winter up to three and four o'clock in the morning, as soon as you were out of the gates of the château, to go away each one, with your most faithful servants, to a prepared lodging, mount horse in disguise, and with good guides travel all night, some this way, some that way, by different routes, which nevertheless would all lead to a certain rendezvous, as close to the sea as possible, where you would have given orders for post-horses, so that before they could have sure intelligence concerning you, you would already be at the roadstead, where we should be awaiting you. The thing seems to me to be so much more easy of accomplishment in this way, because it has been the custom to hold secret masked entertainments up to the very hour when it is to be put in execution, and because by this means no leisure is given to think that under cover of a masquerade there is another enterprise concealed. You can add to this plot whatever seems most suitable to you who are on the spot, just as war is waged by looking to every particular. It is very necessary to be assured of the fidelity of those whom each one takes with him, for you know what depends on it. This is my little advice; but however that may be, if you consider that it would not be well to discover it to them, I beg you very humbly to keep to your first resolution, and not to allow yourself for that to come accompanied only by six or seven good men of your household, of whom you were assured, as La Molle and myself. Above all, above all, take care to inform those who have much to lose, by bringing them into your household, if, perchance, they did not belong to Monsieur de Montmorency or some one of his brothers. For, as to the others, be assured either that through their not having such expectations of their fortune with you as they have already gained beyond them, or for maintaining and keeping themselves under pretext of making good valets, they will be traitors to you by means so subtle that there will seem to be no indication of their being at all concerned; and yet, the risk will be yours. Another point to be recommended to you is, not to tell a living creature, except the guide, the road you wish to take; moreover this must be done only at the departure from each lodging, as if you yourself were still uncertain about the place you were to go to. I know, Seigneur Lucidor, that there will be more difficulty for you in the execution of this, than there is trouble for me in writing it to you; but remember that great things cannot be gained without labour; remember that I myself have followed the path first for you, and have escaped from the hands of my enemies as it were in this way, only to do service to you who are my master, & to keep my conscience unspotted towards God. You, who ought to seek every occasion to do service to the most accomplished mistress who can be seen, and, in separating yourself from tyrants, to take care that your reputation be not stained by associating longer with them, could you find anything in this enterprise that might appear too difficult for you? Come then, I beg of you, without further delay, with the assurance that you were never more welcome in any place where you have been. I pray the Creator with all my soul, Seigneur Lucidor, to grant you His grace, and to keep me in yours.—This 3rd December 1572.”
Endorsed :—“Double d'une lettre escritte à don Lucidor du iijme Decembre 1572.”
French. 15 pp.
90. Wm. of Nassau, Prince of Orange, to the Queen.
1572, Dec. 8.Commending to her favour Captain Wm. Perse, who has been honourably employed in the common cause, and asking her permission that he may on his return from England bring back some companies of soldiers. The Queen will thereby confer an obligation on a multitude of poor Christians.—Delph, 8 December 1872.
Signed and sealed.
French. ½ p.
91. William Walker to Andrew Beton, Master of the Household to the Queen of Scots.
1572, Dec. 10.Desires him to make the writer's humble commendations to the Queen of Scots, and to show her how he has ever been in trouble since her Grace caused him to be put into the Castle of Edinburgh. And now lately in Scotland taken by the Laird of Minto riding to Edinburgh, and brought again to the Castle of Glasgow, and there held prisoner 23 nights, until relieved at the solicitation of my lord Duke's grace, Lord Argil [? Argyle], Lord Herries and others, with the restriction to depart the realm of Scotland instantly. Had done this and come to France to Beton's brother. Thanks God now as well of his poverty as ever he did of prosperity.—Paris, 10 December 1572.
Signed :—“Wilzem Walcar.”
½ p.
92. Lewes Larder to Mr. Lane.
1572, Dec. 19.I have received your letters and thereby understand your goodwill and good meaning during the time of my captivity. God send me well abroad, and your malice shall be soon answered in what place you list. And to that I bind me by this my letter, in as many words as you have uttered in your own letter, for the performance of your attempts towards me. But this is plain, I am not nor will not bear any way your knavish devices, yet was a soon matter (sic) for you to persuade me to bring unto the honourable and my good lord your letter, made with your own hand, the which I will justly approve. And I think not the best way for you to stand to the contrary, but to be plain with the lords as yet was. I have stood too much in your defence of it so far, that I had like to receive great damage; the truth is and shall be plainly known, and not by your light setting of me and my credit, but according to truth. For you I mean not to hang. And I think ere this matter be ended we may both seek our credits in the straw. And I wish that you will crave the combat of me, whereby that God may show before the world in whom the innocency remains; which, indeed, will be the best way, for that one of us may live in somewhat the better credit while we are in this world, otherwise it will be but a flourish. You shall not live rather to attempt me than I you, for the offering of me to be such an instrument in so vile a device of yours, to the loss and rebuke of which you have made me to have had in this your mischievous, seditious letter. To be short, the truth is well known, and openly it will be known, except you use other means. And then for your revenge. I pray to God to send unto the deviser of the letter and the first writer the plague thereof. Now, Sir, I must not forget the often knaving of me in your letter, you know my meaning. So I, thinking myself armed by your admonition, and in like case able I thank God.—Written the 19th of December.
Endorsed by Burghley :—19 Dec. 1572.
2 pp.
93. Leonardus Casembrotius to Lord Burghley.
1572, Dec. 25.The Prince of Orange has sent him and three other noblemen with letters and messages to the Queen. Desires to be informed when an interview will be convenient, and hopes that in the meantime they and the ship that has brought them may be unmolested.—London, Christmas Day, 1572.
Latin. 1 p.
94. William Glaseor to Lord Burghley.
1572, Dec. 28.Search has been made among the records remaining within the Exchequer at Chester, for finding out all tenures of lands within the County Palatine. Some records are in the Pipe Office at Westminster, for which he has made suit to the Exchequer to have the same restored hither. The Barons have deferred their resolution till the next term, when he hopes to accomplish his lordship's pleasure, and to cause the notes to be engrossed in a book. Hitherto Mr. Hurleston, the feodary here, had assisted in the work, but in Easter term last past, during the writer's absence, he took the loose book or paper leaves into his custody, and claimed them as appertaining to his office. Beseeches his lordship to order the restitution of the same.—Chester, 28 December 1572.
Seal. 1 p.
95. Maisonfleur to the Queen.
1572, Dec.Although the horrible inhumanities perpetrated in France may have caused the Queen to doubt the fidelity of the French, and the service formerly rendered by him to the House of Guise may have caused him to be suspected by her, yet he is compelled to seek an interview, to communicate that which has been commanded him by a personage who esteems and honours the Queen much. Complains of his unworthy treatment, and earnestly beseeches her to grant him an audience, or otherwise, to permit him to withdraw himself to London, so as to cheat the spies, and not to discover that which he wishes to hide from all excepting her Majesty. In the meantime he will remain quiet in the place where he is confined by the Queen's orders. On behalf of the personage who sends him, begs to remind her Majesty of the last words she said to Lamotte at his departure.—Undated.
Endorsed by Burghley :—December 1572.
French. 2 pp. [Murdin, p. 240. In extenso.]
96. Papists in Hampshire.
1572.“The names of certain persons which have been convented before the Queen's Majesty's Commissioners for causes ecclesiastical appointed, within the Diocese of Winchester, since the 24th day of August 1572, for matters respecting religion, chiefly for their neglecting the Divine Service and receiving the blessed Communion.” Among the names of the “obstinate” Papists appear,—Mistress Elizabeth Titchborne, Roger Titchborne, gent., and Nicholas and John Titchborne.
3 pp.
97. Thomas Allen to Lord Burghley.
1572.States that in the time of the restraint at Danske three years past, for Mr. Marten's causes, all their goods and especially the Queen's provision for the Navy were there restrained. Her Majesty having here great need thereof, the writer took upon himself to practice the making of great cables and all other cording, and had now brought it to perfection, and had never since fetched one pound of hemp from Danske for the Queen's service, but made it here with their own hemp and their own workmen; but is now compelled to leave off this enterprise, having no money to make provision of hemp, nor yet to pay his workmen their wages. Prays that he may not be delayed and kept back from the money disbursed a year and a half since, which is at least £1,800, as his credit is damaged thereby, and they in the city have given him over and appointed others to serve and take into the Queen's store-house such stuff and other provision which he may not dispraise, but yet not worthy to come into that house, delivered by Mr. Hawkyns and the Muscovia House. Trust that he may be better dealt with hereafter, or else his suit would be to be discharged of his said work, “far better I were to leave it with honesty, than to keep it to my utter undoing and shame.”—Undated.
Endorsed by Burghley :—1572.
1 p.
98. Trial of the Duke of Norfolk.
1572.A summary of the matters wherewith the Duke of Norfolk was charged at his arraignment.
The Queen's serjeant charged him in general with three points :— 1. Imagination and device to deprive the Queen of her crown and royal style, and so consequently of her life; 2. Comforting and relieving the English rebels that stirred the rebellion in the north, since they fled out of the realm; 3. Comforting and relieving the Queen's enemies in Scotland, that succoured and maintained the said English rebels.
Here follow the proofs of the first of these charges; as, the Duke's having secretly practised to marry the Queen of Scots, notwithstanding the Queen of England's commandment to the contrary given to him upon his allegiance, and his own promise in writing to her Majesty that he would not; his having conferred with Ledington at York in favour of the Queen of Scots, notwithstanding his oath taken before sitting on the commission there, and the “evil opinion” he then expressed regarding her; his having secretly dealt with the Regent at Hampton Court, notwithstanding the detestation in which he there told her Majesty he held the project of the marriage; his exchanging tokens with the Queen of Scots, and still proceeding in the matter of the marriage, notwithstanding her Majesty's displeasure at his concealing the motions made to him thereof, and his being charged on his allegiance not to deal any further therein; and, his having sought to obtain the marriage by force.
In Burghley's handwriting. Endorsed :—“1572.”
pp. [Murdin, pp. 178–180. In extenso.]
99. Information of John Osberne of Kell marsh, co. Northampton.
1572.The 13th day of January last at Northampton, John Osborne declared to me that about Easter last he being in the company of one Thomas Hesilrigge of Noseley, co. Leicester, gentleman, and Wm. Saunders of Harrington, co. Northampton, Esquire, the said Hesilrigge very sore railed on Lord Burghley. Amongst other things he affirmed that the Lord Treasurer had destroyed and spoiled three noble houses, viz., the Duke of Norfolk and the Earls that fled out of the North. And that now he had erected his pile at Burghley (he demanded) who should destroy that?
Item he declared unto me that the said Wm. Saunders and Fras. his brother in all their doings prefer Mr. Hatton above the Lord Treasurer, saying that one day they hoped to see wherein Mr. Hatton should have one step before him and give him the “glike.”
½ p.
100.—to the Queen.
[1572.]It is now plain to the world that which of long time hath been looked for; that France would omit no opportunity either covertly or openly to make themselves lords of Flanders. The writer humbly prays that her Majesty (as it were but winking at their doings) may be pleased to give him leave to use his endeavour with others such as himself, whom extreme need may otherwise make unhappy instruments of mischief here at home, to bring that part of Zeeland into her Majesty's hands which they call Walcheren, wherein standeth Middleburgh and Flushing. Possessed of this, she may use the same either as a bridle unto the greatness of France, by restraining of Antwerp from marine traffick, or otherwise keep the same out of their hands. The poor Flemings, presently oppressed with the Spaniards, and no less in time to come in fear of the French, their ancient enemies, do desire as their own life to be either in subjection or protection of the Queen, the example of whose sweet seignoury doth make them greedily aspire unto the same.—Undated.
No signature.
pp.
101. Robert Cooke's brother to Lord Burghley.
[1572.]Petition in favour of “a poor prisoner one Robert Cooke, a priest,” imprisoned for three years and more, that his lordship would grant him the liberty and benefit of the house wherein he lies imprisoned.—Undated.
½ p.
102. Petition of Francis Keyes of Snape, co. Suffolk.
[1572.]Seven years past he exhibited a supplication to the Queen against Michael Hare, Esq., of divers wrongs in spoiling his goods, killing his cattle, and taking away his lands with violence, and craved a commission for the trial of the said causes. The commission was granted, but through Hare's subtle means was made void. After this, Hare procured a Habeas Corpus out of the King's Bench and apprehended the petitioner, and used him in such manner as though he had been a heinous traitor; “and so imprisoned him, bound him with chains and fetters, and clogs upon his legs,” and removed him to the Queen's Bench Prison. Enters into further details as to wrongs committed by Hare, and prays that he may be allowed to come before his lordship to open what he can say against Hare.—Undated.
1 sheet.
103. “The Answer of Sir Henry Radcliffe, Knight, Captain of Portsmouth, to the Bill of James Guthrie of Leith, Scottishman.”
[1572.]According to their honours' letters and orders to him directed for the diligent searching for passengers that should pass in or from this realm to other places, the said ships were searched, who affirmed but one passenger amongst them, and that they were all bound into Scotland. But the apprehending and staying of some special persons having been nominated to him, and considering the former passage of the Lord Seton through this realm, he sent down with all possible speed to his deputy to make diligent search for the said persons and others. Whereupon his said deputy went aboard the ships to make a more diligent search than he had done before. The Scots perceiving a more secret search to be made (perhaps finding themselves to have somewhat aboard otherwise than well) suddenly weighed anchor and set sail, and having a strong wind and tide, refusing by any means to stay, had carried away the deputy and such as were with him, if he had not leapt out into the boat, not without great peril of drowning. And when he came ashore, he sent for the master-gunner, and willed him to hail them to stay, who shot, according to the accustomed order, a piece of ordnance or two before and ahead them, and certain other pieces over them, whereby they might know that they should stay. They, “contempning” this warning, did not only pack on more sails and set out their flags, but also, in despite and derision, drank drink and threw the cans overboard, crying and saying “Well shot, gunners!” Whereupon the said deputy caused the master-gunner to plant 5 or 6 pieces of ordnance upon some of the ships, and especially upon this man's ship which was nearest, and shot the ship through in sundry places; and the said James, fearing to be sunk, struck his sail and held a token, and came himself into his boat to come ashore, whereupon the shot ceased and he came ashore. Then follow the answers to the articles (nine in number) with reference to the detention of Guthrie in irons, setting out his design to escape, and how on his being permitted to send letters by some of the garrison to order his ship to come in, the crew of the ship entered the boat by force and carried two of the soldiers away with them to Dieppe.—Undated.
2 pp.
104. Andreas de Loo to Lord Burghley.
[1572.]Three years past he stood bound in recognizances, as other denizens did, for his appearance for an inventory to be given of his goods, not to “colour” or convey any goods belonging to the King of Spain's subjects. Since which time he was “convented” before her Majesty's Commissioners to declare upon oath what goods he had at the time of his arrest belonging to any of the King of Spain's subjects, he then desiring to be favourably excused. Prays that he may now, for his purgation, be allowed to answer any matter that may be objected unto him.—Undated.
Endorsed :—“Andreas de Loos, Spanish free-denizen, in the Fleet by the Commissioners for refusing to be examined upon his oath for colouring of goods.”
1 sheet.
105. “Articles whereunto every Captain sh[all agree].”
[1572.]Eight articles referring to the mustering of bands, signed by Francis Somerset; with marginal notes against each article. The last two articles are :—Item, I shall [? not] take into my band any householder of the town, except it be one to be a victualler unto every hundred, and that I shall not retain the servant or servants of any gentleman, officer, or inhabitants of their town or country. Item, I shall not take into my band any man that is in any other wages in this town, as brewers, bakers, butchers, millers, or any other appertaining to the office of the victuals; nor artificers, overseers, clerks, or any other person that is in the daily wages of the works, or elsewhere within this town.—Undated.
1 p.
106. Prorogations of Parliament.
[1572.]The Parliament begun and holden at Westminster on the 8th of May, 14 Eliz., and there continued until 30 June next following; then prorogued to 1 Nov. of the same year; further prorogued to 12 Jan., 15 Eliz.; then to 1 April next following, and again, to 12 Oct.; then prorogued to 4 Feb., 16 Eliz.; then to 19 April, 16 Eliz.; then to 20 Oct., 16 Eliz.; then to 10 March, 17 Eliz.; then to 7 Nov. 17 Eliz.; and then prorogued to 8 Feb. now next following.—Undated.
Latin. ½ p.
107. “Objections for the consultation of the United Provinces.”
[Form endorsement.]
[? 1572.]A paper headed :—“Whether it may stand with good policy for her Majesty to join with [symbol] in their enterprise of [symbol].”
Objections.—First, for that her Majesty being by sex fearful, cannot but be irresolute. Secondly, in respect her Majesty is not furnished with such store of treasure as were requisite for a prince that is to enter into wars (money being the sinews of the same). Thirdly, she is unfurnished of expert soldiers fit for the wars. And again—(1) The wars may seem unjust and to maintain rebels; (2) In respect of the
ancient league between [symbol] & [symbol]; (3) The greatness of the prince with whom she is to contend; (4) For that another may grow over great. Then follows a reply to these objections, and the paper continues :—“I leave to discuss whether the parties that are to be employed in the enterprise are rebels, referring those that are curious in that behalf to a supplication exhibited by them to the Emperor at the last Diet, since I am not only to shew that her Majesty may justly take profit of them (whatsoever they be), to be revenged of such injuries and indignities as she hath received, as also to prevent such dangerous practices as are intended against her, which have rather lacked opportunity than malice to execute them.
Indignities.—Were not the servants of her Majesty's ambassadors forced to be present at mass and, for that it might be done with more contempt and despite, his son and steward, the one to stand on the one side of the altar and the other on the other side of the altar, either of them having a torch in his hand during the said mass? Was there not a story published in the Spanish tongue four or five years past, wherein her Majesty was touched in honour, a thing generally known? Do they not ordinarily rail at her Majesty in Spain, using most dishonourable and villanous speeches? I leave to write the lewd reports that lately have been made here in France by that nation to impeach the marriage entreaty. I leave also to mention the most contentious speech and behaviour of the Duke of Alva towards her Majesty since his repair to Flanders, as also his lewd [letter ?] sent hither to impeach the said marriage.
Dangerous Practices.—Was not the late rebellion in the North kindled by the ambassador of Spain now resident in England? Was not the Bull lately set up in derogation of her Majesty's sovereignty printed at [ ] so vain a thing tried out by the printers of Paris, upon the setting up of the Bull there in March last?
Are not her Majesty's rebels of the North fostered in Flanders? Is not the King of S[pain] become protector of the Queen of S[cots], her Majesty's capital enemy, who laded out of Flanders a ship with certain munition into Scotland to her faction there, and would have sent more, if fear of home mischief had not stayed him? Is it not discovered that the enterprise of Stuckley tended to the execution of some enterprise in Ireland? And though it be secret, yet most true it is, that when the Pope sent the Duke of Alva the sword and the cap of honour, he sent him also donation of England, whereupon the Bulls printed at Douay were devised as a means to withdraw her Majesty's subjects' goodwill and devotion from her. The writer then deals with the reply to the objections, and continues :—“Having now set down the objections that may be made to dissuade her Majesty from embracing the enterprise, as also the answer and reply to the same, let us now shortly see the inconveniences that will follow if her Majesty do not join in the same, as also the commodities that will ensue if she do not join in it.” The Inconveniences—(1) The seeking of the suppression of this religion; (2) the House of Guise shall come in credit; (3) they of the religion with the Duke of Normandy, who wisheth amity with England, are to be repressed; lastly, the House of Guise being restored to credit, and they of the religion with the House of Montmorency quite out of credit, it will fall out that by the instigation of the House of Guise, that both the Pope, France, and Spain will join in the advancement of the Queen of Scots. The commodities—(1) By joining the enterprise her Majesty shall advance the cause of the religion; (2) her Majesty with her confederates shall give liberty to all Europe; (3) she shall remove an evil neighbour, whose tyranny will prejudice her and her subjects, during whose abode in Flanders no sure traffick came to us owing to the great impositions wherewith he tasketh the country; (4) she shall reduce [symbol] to his ancient estate, to depend upon our amity, and so shall the enterprise be profitable for both countries, newly re-established according to his ancient form, which otherwise will never take place so long as [symbol] continueth in his present greatness, whose pride is such as he thinketh he may give law to all Christendom; (5) they of the religion with the House of Montmorency shall continue in credit, who shall always be able to do good offices between the two crowns [symbol]; (6) the House of Guise, who seek nothing else but the general disturbance of all Christendom, and particularly of England shall bear no sway here; (7) her Majesty may take such order with the King of (cipher), and to establish the government of Scotland, as she shall not be disquieted as continually she is with the Scottish enterprises, which is not the least benefit; lastly, her Maty shall add increase of dominion unto her Crown, as much to her honour as the loss of Calais was dishonour to her sister.
The following notes at the end of the same paper are struck out :
“The opinions of the Lord Gray, Sir Fr. Knowles, Sir John Norris, Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, and others, what places are most meet for the enemy to land at, and what were most meet to be done to make head against them, with their answer to certain other propositions and heads set down by my lords of the Council.
Which are the places meetest to be suspected that the Spaniard intendeth to land?
Milford, Heylford (?), Falmouth, Plymouth, Torbay, Portland, Portsmouth, I. of Wight.These be the aptest for the enemy of Spain to land in.
Dyesk (?) in Sussex, the Downs and Margate in Kent. The River of Thames, Harwich, Yarmouth, Hull, and ScotlandThese are aptest for the enemy of Flanders to land in.
How many places of these may be put in strength to hinder the landing?
Milford for Wales; Plymouth for the West; Portland for the midder of the west ports; the Isle of Wight; Portsmouth; and the river of Thames.”
7 pp.
108. The English in Spain.
[1572.]“The certain note of such English gentlemen, which came into Spain, for entertainment at the King's hands there, and what the King gave them in money at times.”
3 pp. [Murdin, pp. 242–244. In extenso, excepting the case of Sir John Nevell.]
109. Gregory Habbord, of Feversham, to the Council.
[1572.]Complains of certain inhabitants of Flushing who made unjust stay of his goods in 1571 and 1572. Prays for restitution, either by staying some of the ships or goods of the inhabitants of Flushing, or by other means. —Undated.
1 p.
110. Twywell Manor.
[? 1572.]Memorandum as follows :—“Northampton.—The Manor of Twywell per annum, £16 1s., is thought to be worth £40 or £50 per ann.; and, as it [is] thought, the same should pass in Mr. Hatton's Letters Patent for the Master of the Rolls. This lieth nigh Pipwell.”—Undated.
¼ p.
111. The Duke of Norfolk.
[1572.]“A summary of the matters wherewith the Duke of Norfolk was charged at his arraignment. [See No. 98.]
In Burghley's handwriting, endorsed : “yet no determination.”
pp.