Cecil Papers
June 1584

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Institute of Historical Research

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1889

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35-43

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'Cecil Papers: June 1584', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 3: 1583-1589 (1889), pp. 35-43. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=111467 Date accessed: 24 July 2014.


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June 1584

86. Export of Bullion.
1584, June 9.Warrant under the Privy Signet for the exportation to Russia of fifteen hundred pounds weight of bullion. Richmond. 9 June 1584.
1 p.
87. [Sir Francis knollys] to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
1584, June 20.Has received his answer, dated June 8, to the writer's simple letter of request in behalf of the Queen's safety, in which he accuses the preachers refusing to subscribe of being impugners of law, depravers of her Government, and condemners of the Book of Common Prayer. These faults, being proved against any of them, they are worthy to be as severely punished as the law will bear to be extended, though uncharitable wresting and wringing of laws is not to be allowed. But no man that is free born in England, neither temporal nor spiritual, can justly be taken as guilty of any of these faults, until he shall be so proved and pronounced by lawful order in some judicial court temporal, because these faults are triable by the temporal laws. Takes it that the law of premunire was made to that end, lest any under colour of any authority should prejudice the laws of the realm. It was specially made against insolent or sinister practice of spiritual authority. Does not know that any preacher has been found guilty by order of any law in any of these faults.
As touching canon laws, though he knows them not, yet has he heard that no man is justly condemned by them, but by a form of justice to be taken judicially in the Spiritual Court. What law or authority has the Archbishop to urge his brethren to subscribe to any tradition of man, to heave it up to be thoroughly agreeable with the most pure and holy Word of God? But that preachers, zealous in religion and sound in doctrine, should be barred from preaching the Gospel until they subscribe his Grace's Articles, whereunto they are not compellable by law, is, in the writer's conscience, utterly against the Queen's safety. If he seeks an absolute power to be obeyed therein, then his conscience drives him to say it is popish, and the more absolute, the more it treadeth and openeth the highway to the Pope, to her Majesty's utter overthrow. The first erection of Popery came in this way only. Since this stopping the mouths of preachers (sound in doctrine) concerns Her Majesty so nearly, he thinks his Grace should require her chief counsellors to weigh and consider whether her safety may not be endangered thereby. Not authority, but its use, makes or mars all. Let him consider how much the Queen's safety imports the writer, both in conscience and in the strong bonds of nature, and bear with this his plain writing; otherwise he must bear his Grace's displeasure, how heavily soever it light upon him by any other means.—20 June 1584.
Endorsed :—“Myn to the Bishop of Canterbury.”
Unsigned.
[The last sentence and the endorsement are in the handwriting of Sir Francis Knollys, whose letter, dated June 13, 1584, addressed to Lord Burghley concludes with this P.S. : “I dare not reply to the Archbishop without your Lordship's encouragement.” See State Papers (Domestic). Vol. CLXXI., No. 23.]
1 p.
88. Sir Edward Stafford to Sir Francis Walsingham.
1584, June 21.As afore Monsieur's death I was of opinion that Espernon's commission was limited by Monsieur's life, so now I durst assure you his treaty with the King of Navarre, and upon that his return to the King will make us wise to look what effects, good or bad, that death will bring us. We find already here great practices made and great councils kept daily of the contrary party, great outward shows that they mean somewhat, and great desires by spreading false bruits of underhand practising to stir some dissension, coloured by a beginning of some of the Religion. For they have made a bruit come here from Entragues, governor of Orleans, that at Orleans they of the Religion had bewrayed the place where they put holy water; that, since Monsieur's death, whereas there were almost none that had been heretofore known Protestants, but were content to go to mass and to profess themselves of another religion, now fourteen hundred to their knowledge openly refused it, and went to sermons.
To the first, it is openly thought they themselves have done that to the holy water to lay it upon them of the Religion, and so to make stir, and bring the King at this beginning to a fear and doubt of the Protestants; the other is certainly proved that in Orleans there are not twelve that dare come to sermons. Another bruit, that they of Chasteauneuf, by Orleans, at a procession pulled the pix out of the priest's hand, and trampled it under their feet, is also found to be false, to animate the King, the author Entragues, and his followers, who are altogether Guisians in their hearts.
Another special token that they mean something is, the Duke of Guise and Cardinal Bouillon never being one from another, whom they make the ass to bear their whole burthen; and they themselves do seek and haunt out openly all Monsieur's servants to flatter them all they can, &c. Besides this they make a counterfeit letter of the King of Navarre to a Prince of Germany, wherein he writeth that he prayeth him suspend his judgment of his taking his wife, being a thing of constraint, and that ere long he will provide well enough for it; and all to make the Queen-Mother and the King come into a hatred with him.
I end still that Espernon's treaty and return will make us wise in many things. Meantime I find, since two or three days after Monsieur's death and now, a great alteration in men's faces, countenances, and speeches of the King of Navarre, and that his folk find the same changes towards them; for at the first everybody had a respect, a good countenance and eye towards them, now they are changed in statu quo prius, and they that afore spake and looked gently do now plainly say the King of Navarre can never be King without a change of religion, and look as big as they were wont to do.
The Queen-Mother (God hold her !) is the most venomed woman against the Spaniard that ever I heard of, for she thinketh that the beginning of her son's sickness hath begun by these matters of the Low Countries. She sweareth, by no small oaths, that she will be revenged, and for that intent would fain animate her son, but as yet he is not stirred. She would fain go lie upon the frontier herself and have the King grant some forces under colour of the preservation of it. New changes of counsel every day.
A bruit came yesterday that Cambray is invested, and that the malcontents and Spaniards have spoiled a great way in France about Peronne. I would to God they had taken that and two or three places more, for the King will never have any feeling till he be bitten by the buttock at the least. News is come that the King of Spain is dead, but he hath been so often dead that I will never believe that he be dead till he be rotten. If that did happen, and at this time, I think there never came such a peril to the Pope's crown.
I think the secret du Cabinet (as they call it) of Marshal de Retz's going, is to see if he be cunning enough to get Balagny out of the citadel of Cambray, out of whose hands they would fain draw it, having little confidence in the man.
The Bishop of Glasgow received three days ago a pacquet from Mauvissière. Though they have no great opinion of Mauvissière's sufficiency, they keep in with him and serve their turns of him, and in my opinion they have their intelligence.to and from the Queen of Scots by his means. There is a resolution that very shortly all shall retire to their governments, so the House of Guise under colour thereof mean to retire too. The King mistrustful and jealous of everybody. He will retire to Touraine, and remain, as Louis XI. did, at Plessis-les-Tours. Since his brother's death he is a marvellously altered man in face, and men think that he thinketh more of it than he maketh show. The Queen-Mother also is never out of great dumps and studies, which nobody hath seen her subject to afore. She told my wife the last day, that time might wear this grief away to the show of the world, but out of her heart never. She requested me very earnestly to keep her in her Majesty's favour, which she now desired more than ever. It were, in my opinion, good for her Majesty to show her great kindness, and to use her while she may serve her turn, for I think she will not live long to do it.
It is thought all Princes will send expressly to condole with the King somebody of purpose, and that they will all make an obsequy for him.— Paris, this 21st of June 1584.
Copy by Sir Edward Stafford. 4 pp. [Murdin, pp. 409–411. In extenso. The original is in State Papers (France), Vol. LXXX.]
89. Sir Edward Stafford to Sir Francis Walsingham.
1584, June 21.To make your honour, as I did in my last, answer about Vaughan, I found him in so many tales at his first coming, and, as God would have it, was so well advertized of every step he made, from the time of his lighting till he came to me, which was a whole day, that finding of him so false he could not deceive me. Yet, afterwards, having given him liberty to go here abroad in what company he would, he had almost deceived me with trusting to some notes he gave me, which I sent you to try them withal. For they that he haunted withal I knew could tell enough, and those things that he gave carried likelihood. But since I discerned him throughly, and kept him in my house close, and made him so afraid that he confessed all his knavery, and that he went about to cozen me, and brought me such naughty matter of everybody and so untrue, I thought to send him into England, but that he was not worth the taking of such a thing in hand, which I reserve for somebody whose sending may do better service. Therefore upon a letter of submission of his, which I have sent you, and so many entreating for him, I was contented to let my folk let him ship, and I think he be gone again into Ireland or toward Rome. I marvel much he had so favourable a passport from the State there. Letters of commendation and much kindness pass between him and Captain Lee, as by your letters about him appeareth.
I have delivered the counsel I received from you about the merchants that sought the letter of marque, but they here think that I feign that answer of myself, and that you would not make that answer to a thing that carrieth so much justice with it. For, as they say, if the parties were not taken, it is a thing they could say nothing to; but the parties being taken and the judgment given on their side, the offender is retired out of prison in the name of the Queen's service, and not restored, and his sureties are become the Queen's servants, and they can have no law against them. They desire nothing but to have the party, and the sureties, or as many of them as be alive, delivered to them, to have that which law will constrain them to, which they greatly here complain upon and think great injustice, and make that a matter almost to stop my mouth for any justice I ask here for anybody. And therefore they have desired me to send your honour the whole matter again, and the effect of their case, which they hope by the next to get a better answer of in equity, which they greatly press me and importune me for.
The cause why I kept Vaughan so long in my house was that I suspected he had been let slip out of Ireland purposely to have done some good deed here, for he gave out very suspicious words to some here, and besides I do note the humour of Thomas Lee that seemed to be the cause of his coming here.
Unsigned, but written and endorsed by Sir Edward Stafford:— “Copy of a letter to Mr. Secretary the 21st of June, 1584, by Long the post.”
Copy. 2 pp.
90a. Sir Edward Stafford to Sir Francis Walsingham.
1584, June 21. (fn. 1) Have stayed this long after the burial of Monsieur, which was the 27th of June after this account, (fn. 2) only to see what greater matter withal I should find occasion to write. Of the manner of bringing his body from Chateau Thierry to Paris, of the great ceremonies and magnificency of his effigies lying in an Abbey at St. Jaques' suburbs, and the great honour that was there done to it Friday and Saturday, after their ceremonious manner, by all the world, especially by the Princes and Princesses of France, of the stately coming thither of the King and Queen, accompanied with all his gentlemen, noblemen, Knights of the Order, Princes and Princesses, with the Cardinals and Bishops upon Sunday, and the great reverence the King, and they all after him, did to his picture, I will leave writing to you at large. As also of the removing of his body to his burial three days together, which was, Monday from St. Jaques to Notre Dame, Tuesday from Notre Dame to St. Denis, and Wednesday 27th buried there. All which was done with the greatest magnificence, state, and honour, that ever any Brother of France had, and (save only some few special points that belong to a King only) with greater honor and cost than any King hath had heretofore. It is esteemed that it hath cost the King for the obsequies from the day of his death until now above 150,000 crowns. For my part I think the very black only cost near 100,000 crowns, so great quantity there was of it, and so generally all that belonged to the King and Monsieur had it.
Since the burial, all Monsieur's servants have been with the Queen-Mother, who lieth in her bed sick of the gout, and more tormented with his death, by every body's judgment that seeth her, than ever she was with anything, by many degrees. As also afore, they all kissed the King's hands that day the King went to do his reverence to Monsieur's picture, only Fervaques excepted, who ran away by the way, and durst not come hither, whereby he hath undone himself for ever; for the King's and the Queen-Mother's displeasure is redoubled against him for forsaking his master's body afore his burial, and not trusting to the King's favour, which he hath showed with great benignity to all Monsieur's followers, without suffering them to be researched for his sake of many crimes which law and justice would have laid upon some of them. For his liberal dealing with them yet, or his continuing them in such livings as Monsieur had bestowed upon them, it is not yet known what course he will take; but for all spiritual livings that he hath bestowed on his servants, these it is thought the King will continue them all in, except Fervaques, whose livings he hath already given away, but Aurilly's and some others be already confirmed. The governments of the places Monsieur had of his appanage will be bestowed again on those who had them before. Monsieur's debts, &c., are not looked into. The King retired the last day of the burial to St. Germains. The Queen-Mother and the Queen Regnant remain at St. Mort; on Wednesday the former is to go to Monceaux. There is speech of a journey of the King to Lyons. If Lord Derby come before the first week in August, he will save a great deal of travel and charge.
I durst not presume to write to her Majesty, for fear of ministering cause of grief, of the audience I had of the King on the Thursday before the burial to condole with him. I did all I could to represent what grief I knew it would be to her Majesty. The King accepted marvellously well of it, and showed to believe it, and withal, in recompence of the love her Majesty bare to his brother, commanded me to assure her, that he would by effects show that never would he be forgetful of it whilst he lived, and desired me to entreat her to bestow her love that was parted between his brother and him, upon him alone; that she should lose no part, and that she would find that he would love, honour, and reverence her for the love and memory of his brother that was dead. I yielded him very humble thanks . . . . . and with the kindest words took my leave.
The King the day before sent Gondi to tell me that, as I was ambassador from the Princess that he was sure loved his brother most, and as myself was the ambassador that had in his lifetime honoured and loved him most, so he was desirous to see me afore any other. And in truth, though the Nuncio and all other ambassadors had been there in the morning early, and dined with the Duke of Guise, and though I came not till 11 o'clock, the King would see none of them before me. But they all expected my coming, from the King, Queen Regent and Queen-Mother, being all together in one chamber, where they saw me both brought in and brought out with all ceremonies, which were the greatest, and the court the stateliest and the best in order, and the chamber furnished with the greatest number of men of quality, all in black draling [trailing] of the ground, and everything the orderliest that ever I saw anything, and especially the King's manner of standing upon a high place with steps in his cabinet, in the which was no creature but Cardinals, Princes and Knights of the St. Esprit, which carried the greatest state that ever I saw anything in France. At this did the Pope's Nuncio fret and chafe marvellously, at which I marvel not, because it touched his freehold, but at the other ambassadors, who did the like also, I marvel greatly, having no interest in it, without they did flere cum flentibus, and, because they were all in a chamber together, they would be angry with him for company. And yet, as I came back from the King, they being in a low chamber, all, as I repassed by, and the windows open, the Ferrara and Savoy ambassadors with the Lord Seton, spake to me very courteously with a great reverence, which hearing, the Pope's Nuncio. Venice ambassador to the Bishop of Glasgow, that were sitting at a bedside, rose, and did me the like, and I requited them again with the like. Since, I hear they have caused a great complaint to be made to the King, by the Nuncio especially, of whom they could get no other answer but that, because he knew I loved his brother best, he desired to see me first, without meaning of prejudicing anybody, but only to fulfil his own humour.
The Queen-Mother and Queen Regnant in effect used me the same speeches, and made the same request as the King, save that the Queen-Mother, who was and is still in her bed, amplified it with more particular words a great deal, and more show especially to desire her Majesty's friendship than ever she did, &c.
The Spanish agent had audience of the King on Sunday, used the greatest eloquence in extolling Monsieur, and took the greatest pains to persuade him of the grief and sorrow the King, his master, would take of his death; but the end of his tale showed that but a Spanish bravery moved him, for the conclusion was that his master would be chiefly sorry for his death, being a Prince of that courage that having enterprised against him he thought it more honour to have to do with him than with a multitude of beastly people, whom he hated for their baseness of mind, and contrariwise he loved and honoured Monsieur for his courage and greatness of mind in taking in hand an enterprise against him that no prince in Christendom else would attempt. But the end of his speech tended that, now his brother was dead, his master did assure himself of the King's brotherly love to be a means that Cambray should be restored. The King, leaving the answering to all the rest, cut him off short in a choler for that point, said that they of Cambray had given themselves to his brother, and that by that means, according to the laws of France, it descended to his mother as inheritor of her son's purchase, and that he would all the ways he could preserve it for her. The Ambassador going about to reply, the King again cut him off in the midst of his speech, and bid him be contented, for he should be sure he would lose half his realm but he would do it, and to pay him with a French brag for a Spanish bravery, he added that the next day he despatched the Marshal de Retz into the frontiers with 6,000 footmen and 30 companies of men-at-arms to put in effect as much as he said to him. The Marshal de Retz departed Thursday, but so many companies of foot and horse be not talked of. The pretence is to visit the fortifications of the frontier towns of Picardy, St. Quentin, &c.
What you writ me about the cause of Mauvissière's stay of his journey into Scotland, the King being retired and not to be spoken with, I delivered to Pinard to deliver to him, who then made me answer that they knew how indiscreetly the Queen of Scots had used the matter. Since he has sent me word that he had delivered it to the King, who thanked me for it, and rested satisfied with it, seeing it came of the Queen of Scots' own indiscretion, which he had been advertised of by his ambassador.
I marvel which way the Queen of Scots, and Lord Seton here, and that party, have intelligence one from another, and how they agree so well in their speeches. For the selfsame answer you writ to me the Queen of Scots made in the mislike of Mauvissière's journey, the same words did Seton use to me, and told me if he had no other errand, he would be but hardly welcome into Scotland. He took his leave yesterday of the Queen-Mother.—Paris, this 21st of June 1584.
Copy by Sir Edward Stafford. 4 pp. [Murdin, pp. 405–409. In extenso. The original, with an additional paragraph, is in State Papers (France), Vol. LXXX.]
90b. [Mauvissière to Henry III.]
1584, June.“Sire, par ma dernière despesche je faysoys entendre à vostre magesté les propos qui estoeint passés en Paudience que j'avoys eue de la Royne d'Angleterre, sur le partement du Sieur de Chedenay [Sir Henry Sidney], qu'elle envoyoit vers vostre Magesté pour ce contrister de la mort de feu Monseigneur vostre frère, ensemble de la commission bien ample, qu'elle luy avoit donnée, de traicter avec vostre diet Mageste d'une plus estroicte amitié et conjonctement, secourir ceux des estatz du Pays Bas, et affin d'empescher la grandeur du Roy d'Espaigne; de quoy elle me parla aussy fort particullièrement, et jusques à me sonder par tous moyens quelle j'estimoys estre vostre op pinion pour ce regart, en me priant à la fin de fere entendre à vostre diet Mageste sa bonne vollonte en vers vous et vostre couronne, pour cy apres metre toute l'amitie qu'elle portoit à feu mondict seigneur entre vous deux et la Royne vostre mere. Or, je [j'ai] luy replicqué ce que je en mandoys à vostre diet Magesté, et le peu d'asseurence que j'avoys tousjours trouvée de traicter avec choses certaines, ce que je luy avoys dit des honnestes offices que luy avez fetes aveq elle d'entrer moytié par moytié, ou segrétement ou apertement, à quoy elle n'avoit jamays voullu entendre, ny à donner aulcun secours au seigneur Don Anthoine, lorsqu'il estoit par desa, mays avoit tousjours tasché de vous embarquer, comme ledict Roy d'Espaigne, et de s'en retirer davantaige, queues actions tendoint toutes d'avoir l'Escosse à sa dévotion, et de fere miner ce jeune prince par ces propres subjectz, et le retirer de vostre allience sy antienne avec vostre couronne. A quoy elle tasehoit encores tous les jours, en différant l'honorable commission que vostre magesté m'avoit donnee, d'acorder egallement, et par ensemble, toutes les afferes et différens qui pouvoeint survenir du costé d'Escosse, et y pascifier toutes avec vos authorités, et oster toutes jallousies qui pouvoeint advenir de seste part, ensemble de metre quelque fin à la liberté de la Royne d'Escosse, vostre belle seur, sa plus proche parente, ce qu'elle mesme avoit acordé, en désirent d'eu estre priés de vostre magesté, et résollu en son conseii mon voyaige avec ces députés pour partir incontinent ensemble. Toutefoys au mesme temps, elle voullut fere à croyre à la dicte Royne d'Escosse, qu'elle avoit parlé trop audacieusement pour une prisonnière, et demendé des conditions plus grandes que Tan passé, disant qu'elle ce voulloit resentir de la victoyre de son n'lz contre ces subjectz et rebelles, dont la dicte Royne d'Escosse estoit excusée et dédit ceulx qui avoeint fet sy maulvayse interprétation de ces parolles; que nonobstant, la dicte Royne d'Angleterre avoit voullu prendre aultre cours pour rhuyner la mère et le filz par ces propres subjectz, qui Je gouvernent à présent; qu'elle pence avoir gaignez par argent, qu'elle a donne depuys ung moys, à sçavoir, cuinq (sic) mil escuz au conte d'Aran, qui luy estoit ennemy auparavant, et quatre mil au Collonel Stuart son compaignon; ce qui est véritable, et ont promis de rendre ledict Roy d'Escosse à la dévotion de ladicte Royne d'Angleterre, sans l'aide de vostre Magesté, de la Royne sa mère, et de quelque prince que ce soit. Mays ils n'ont pas jugement de congnoistre que leur avarice fet vendre leur Roy, et eulx aussy, à ladicte Royne d'Angleterre, pour ce fere rhuyner par leurs propres mains, et remetre leur diet Roy entre les factions des Escossois, bannir leurs ennemis et factionnaires d'Angleterre, qui ne cessera jamays la rhuyne dudict Roy d'Escosse, qui ne peult estre asseuré entre cesdicts subjectz, comme je le vous ay mandé; que ce ne soit conjoinctement par ung acort fet entre vostre dicte magesté, ladicte Royne d'Angleterre et d'Escosse, comme le tout avoit esté résollu et acorde de tous costez, comme les moyens de vous fortifier contre qui que ce soit soit (sic), Voillà, Sire, encores vostre répétition des termes où nous en estions demeurés, quant elle pensoit que ledict Sieur de Cheidenay [Sidney] deust fere son voyaige, qui fut incontinent aresté par le re tour du courrier, envoyé vers le Sieur de Staffort au grand malcontentement de ladicte Royne d'Angleterre, qui en demeura fort estonnee, jusques à tant que la Royne vostre mere luy aict écrit, et que j'aye receu la despêche, que luy pleut m'en fere par ce porteur, le Sieur Genffreneau, comterolleur de vostre mayson, que je [j'ai] mené avec moy trouver ladicte Royne d'Angleterre, à laquelle je donnay satisfaction en toutes choses, pour estre hors de sayson le voyaige dudict Sieur de Chedenay, après le deuil fini de mondict seigneur vostre frère, estant vostre magesté sur le point de s'acheminer pour son voyaige de Lion, en petite compaignie; toute vostre court licentiee jusques à vostre retour a Bloye, ou chescun ce retrouveroit à vostre retour, et que lors tout ce qui vienderoit de la part de ladicte Royne seroit bien venu et honoré, receu comme de vostre bonne seur et perfecte amie, avec tout ce qui ce pouvoit dire en ce subject pour la contenter; dont elle a monstré, combien qu'elle m'aict dit que chescun feroit divers jugemens de avoir ainsy renvoyé ledict Sieur de Chedenay, et que vous ne seriez pas en bonne intelligence, et que vostre magesté seroit. plus tost elloignée pour fere amitié avec le Hoy d'Espaigne que avec elle (oppinion que je [j'ai] luy ostée), et qu'il y eust aultre chose que l'accomplissement du veu à jour nommé, que vostre magesté avoit fet desià quelques années auparavant, ceste cy audict Lion, et ne perdis l'occasion de luy fere cognoistre que vostre dicte magesté estoit le Roy et prince le plus véritable du monde en toutes choses, et qui voulliez (sic) raonstrer toute piete de religion envers Dieu et voz subjectz par effectz et bonne exemple. Mays, Sire, telles choses ne sont pas pardeca estimés, où il y a une religion bastie de diverses heressies et passions, sansy croyre que ce qui leur plest, et peult servir à leur estat où ilz sont, ea deffience de tout le monde. Néantmoins, ladicte Royne d'Angleterre, qui sgait en toutes choses dissimuller, me veult asseurer, de toutes les parolles et promesses qui ce peuvent dire, que il n'y a rien au monde qu'elle aye plus cher que vostre amytié, laquelle elle recherche, en me priant de vous inciter aultent que je pourray d'entrer avec elie, segrètement ou apertement, selon que adviserez pour le mieux, en quelque acort pour secourir ceulx des estatz du Pays Bas, affin que ceste annee icy ilz ne soeint subjugués; synon qu'elle sera contraincte, quoy qu'il en advienne, d'y entrer et les ayder seulle, ce qu'elle pourroit fere, comme je Fay mandé à vostre magesté, pour les offres que l'on luy fet de Hollande et Zellande. Mays je n'ay eu, non plus que auparant, ny subject ny argument, par aulcunes letres que vostre magesté ny la Royne vostre mère m'ayent écrites, de luy respondre à tout cella, dont elle m'a sy chauldement parlé, et fet rechercher par de ces conseillers et divers moyens, et veoir s'ilz en pourroeint tirer quelque chose de moy, ce qu'ilz n'eussent peu, pour ne sçavoir vos intentions, mays bien d'eDtretenir de point en point vos trétés antiens de bonne et asseurée amitié, ce qu'elle nrestime pas assez. Je soys véritablement adverty que ladicte Royne d'Angleterre vouldroit aussy pousser d'ung costé le Roy d'Escosse contre ledict Roy d'Espaigne, et le Roy de Navarre de l'autre, sembiablement le Roy de Dannemarc, et quelques princes de la Germanie, dont elle atent quelques nouvelles. Cependent elle m'a derechef prié d'écrire à vostre magesté, et à la Royne vostre mere, pour sçavoir vos résollutions en brief, sans plus temporiser, d'aultent que la perdition desdicts estatz estoit trop proche sans estre aydez, dont ledict Roy d'Espaigne ce renderoit plus insollent que de toutes ces aultres victoires, er, sy voysin à vous mal fere à tous deux, quant il luy plairoit, que s'il n'y estoit remédie promptement, il ne seroit plus temps sy après. En ce mesme instent, j'ay demendé à ladicte Royne sa finalle résollution pour mon voyaige vers la Royne et le Roy d'Escosse, et de finir le traicté de sa liberié, et par conséquent d'unir vos magestés, vos Royaulmes et couronnes d'une bonne et ferme amitié, qui seroient des liens très nécessaires, asseurez contre tous vos ennemis et les siens. Lors ladicte Royne m'a dit que ce seroit une honte à vostre magestée et à elle de fere cas de ce petit Roy et royaulme d'Escosse, voyent que ceste allience n'avoit esté recherché des Roys vos prédecesseurs que pour nuyre à i'Angleterre et la princesse et Royne du pays, laquelle ayent à vostre dévotion, n'auriez quo fere du Roy d'Escosse ny de son Royaulme, et taschoit ladicte Royne d'Angleterre par par (sic) ces discours me dissuader ne regarder point à vostre amitie avec l'Esccsse, et elle vous asseureroit de Ja sienne.”
Draft, with numerous corrections.
4 pp.

Footnotes

1 O.S.
2 N.S.