Cecil Papers: October 1586

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1889.

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'Cecil Papers: October 1586', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589, (London, 1889) pp. 178-190. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol3/pp178-190 [accessed 25 April 2024]

October 1586

360. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. [1]. The King is to be shortly at my house with Lords Hamilton, Angus, and Mar, to counter the convention of the other lords at Cairnie. The King is very instant for his mother, and minds to charge me with a commission for that effect. As for my Flanders voyage, it is a thing I could have willingly quashed, but, having gone so far in it, cannot, but I shall not stay six weeks. Of late I was forced at Restalrig's sit to engage some of my cupboard, and the best jewel I had, to get him silver for his marriage.—Dumfries, [1] (fn. 1) October 1586.
pp. [Lodge, 290–1. In extenso.]
361. Sir James Crofts.
1586, Oct. 1. Warrant under the Privy Signet for the grant to Sir James Crofts of lands, &c., to the annual value of one hundred pounds. — Windsor, 1 October 1586.
1 p.
362. David Gardin to Aarchibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 2. Prays that certain goods of which he has been “herreit and spulzeit, being within Andro Reidpeth's schip,” may be restored to him.—Edinburgh, 2 October 1586.
1 p.
363. The Earl of Aarundel's Answers to Mr. Solicitor General sent from the Queen. [From Endorsement.]
1586, Oct. 2. Relating to a law suit depending between the Earl and Francis Dacres. In the answer to the third point it is stated that “the question standeth upon three baronies which lie fast upon the Border,” and her Majesty “will consider how unfit and inconvenient it were to suffer any forcible attempt about the getting of possession in those parts. It is well known that the daughters and coheirs have been in possession for the space of 16 years and more.”—2 October.
1 p.
364. Agnes Cowty to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 2. Thanking him for assistance in the matter of her ship—Dundee, 2 October 1586.
1 p.
365. Agnes Cowty to Sir Francis Walsingham.
1586, Oct. 2. Thanking him for his goodness in the matter of her ship.—Dundee, 2 October 1586.
pp.
366. Lord Burghley to Sir Edward Stafford, Ambassador in France.
1586, Oct. 2. Acknowledging courtesy received by William Cecil from the Cardinal Savello. Great diligence upon the prosecution for discovery of the conspiracy, but thinks that Morgan and Paget are acquainted with many other “conplots” afore devised, whereunto none of these last executed were privy, if it were not Pullard alias Fortescue. Understands, from intercepted letters of Morgan and the Bishop of Glasgow, that it was stated that the writer was favourable to the Queen of Scots. Hears that Stafford is in great debt by unreasonable playing, and entirely ruled by Marchmont and Simier.
The Earl of Leicester is like to be recalled.
[At my next lette I will change and enlarge the cipher betwixt you and me, for I find many things lacking; so as I cannot write so particularly as I desire. I heard that you had sought to provide for me a “footcloth moyle,” wishing you could match one that I had twelve years past of Mallevesyre [Mauvissière,] a beast hardly to be matched for my purpose; and yet now both the “moyle” and her master are grown very aged, and therefore though I cannot amend, yet I would be glad to amend my old beast with a new.]
Holograph. 3 pp.
[Murdin, pp. 569–570. In extenso (with the exception of the passage given above between square brackets).]
367. “Barnby” (fn. 2) to —.
1586, Oct. 5. Having taken upon me the charge of these packets at London, there was some cause of my stay after the delivery, and will be for a time, whereupon I have sent them down to my brother, who, I am sure, will take order for the safe conveyance, according to the plot laid by [symbol]. I will not trouble you with many words, especially in this unacquainted and cumbersome manner of writing, touching my devotion towards her Majesty, which I intend to show by deeds and not by circumstance of speech. I pray God only my ability may answer my own desire and her Majesty's expectation, and I shall think myself happy to have been any instrument of her contentation.
I am humbly to crave at he Majesty's hands and yours that the intelligence wrought by us be not made common to any other of her servants than such as have the address from the Ambassador of France at London, at whose hands whatsoever we receive shall surely come to her hands; as, on the other side, whatsoever you deliver unto the honest man, your domestical friend, will come safe to this country, I can assure you, as the matter is ordered. It were to small purpose to have [ ] curiously conceited as our cousin [symbol] assureth us from her Majesty herself. If the instrument is a work to be made common to any other. If, besides the danger we have seen, others fall into before us, namely, our cousin Fr : T : and God : fol. If you knew what hazard for my own part I have seen her Majesty's secret instruments do live in, by reason of the division of her servants on the other side the sea, you would not marvel if other men be fearful, and we wary how they deal in that which cometh from them. For, in truth, as they be divided in affection one from another, so are they in opinion of her Majesty's servants. And if any one of us will be known to be her Majesty's, seen to depend or honour them of the one side, he must look for all persecution from the other; and any man of quality to live in amity with both is impossible. We are, therefore, resolved to manage this intelligence as is agreed, not doubting but if you be wary enough of the watchful Knight Paulet within doors, all shall go current without rub abroad. And, rather than fail, if her Majesty have not otherwise mean, I will not stick to make way of intelligence for Scotland, being advertised of some course from π, which [symbol] attendeth by his promise. Thus, attending her Majesty's commandments and directions, I take my leave for this time.—London.
Noted at end :—“From Barnaby. Deciphered by my—Gilbert Curle. 5 October 1586.”
Endorsed :—“ff. in May 1586.”
½ p.
368. [The Queen] to Count Maurice of Nassau.
1586, October 10. “Monsieur mon Cousin,” we received the letter which you wrote in answer to the one which was addressed to you by our servant the Sire de Wilkes, one of the Secretaries of our Privy Council, and trust that you may continue to employ yourself honourably for the defence of your country against the malice and the efforts of our common adversary.—10 October 1586.
Noted in Margin :—“Au Conte Maurice de Nassau.”
Fair copy. French. ½ p.
369. The Queen to the Archbishop of Cologne.
1586, Oct. 10. Having been informed by the Earl of Leicester of the many good offices daily rendered by him in those parts, the successful effects of which could not do otherwise than give her great pleasure and contentment, has thought fit to write to him “ce petit mot de lettre,” assuring him that his zeal and affection are appreciated by her, and that through them (with the grace and assistance of God) she hopes so to hold her hand that her adversaries will be frustrated of their attempt.—10 October 1586.
Copy. French. 1 p.
370. A brief Note of the Indignities and Wrongs done and offered by the Queen of Scots to the Queen's Majesty.
1586, Oct. 12. The Scots' Queen, after the Queen of England was crowned and in quiet possession of the Crown, took upon her to make a challenge to the same by bearing the arms of England jointly with her own of Scotland; and also using the style of Queen of England jointly with Scotland in many grants, both in France and in Scotland; and the same also sealed with a seal accordingly.
The Queen's Majesty by her ambassadors admonished both King Henry, her husband's father, and her husband and herself hereof, and required redress; but had dilatory answers, partly denying the same, partly reputing the fault to servants, &c.
The Scots' Queen coming with her husband to the Crown of France by death of King Henry, renewed the same more openly, in publishing her title in certain towns whereunto she made her entry.
Upon complaint hereof made by sundry ambassadors, neither she nor her husband would acknowledge the fact, but still imputed it to ministers.
In these times great preparations were made of forces by sea, and many sent into Scotland.
The Queen's Majesty, by contrary forces, procured the French to withdraw their forces, and by a treaty at Edinburgh, by Commissioners sent out of France, a peace and concord was concluded, with a recognition that no person ought to bear the arms with the style of England buy Queen Elizabeth and her heirs, and by the same treaty the said French King and Queen did covenant to confirm the same treaty within a short time.
The Queen's Majesty required the confirmation at the time, and offered her confirmation, but the performance thereof was deferred from day to day until the French, King died, and then, she being a widow, and directed by her uncles, specially the Cardinal of Lorraine, [left unfinished].
Burghley's holograph; endorsed :—12 October 1586.
pp.
A fuller statement of the foregoing “Indignities and Wrongs.”
Copy.pp.
[Murdin, pp. 584–586. In extenso.]
371. “A Collection of all Accidents betwixt the Queen of England and Queen of Scots.” [From heading.]
1586, Oct. 12. Commences : 2 April [1590].—A treaty at Cambresy for England, France, and Scotland.
Ends : Jan. [1574].—Sir Francis Walsingham made Secretary jointly with Sir Thomas Smith.
Modern copy. 18 pp.
Endorsed in a modern hand :—“Echard's History, pag. 853, et seq. Ballard called Captain Foscu. Thomas Phillips was the man who deciphered the letters to and from the Queen of Scots. Arthur Gregory was the man who sealed them up so curiously that no man could have imagin'd them to have been opened, and always sent them to the parties to whom they were superscribed. Walsingham copied them, and Giffard discovered the correspondence.”
372. The French Ambassador to the Queen.
1586, Oct. 17. In favour of the Queen of Scots, and asking that, before being examined by the Commission which writer understands it is proposed to send down to her, she should be allowed counsel, which in no country in the world was ever refused to those accused of a capital offence.
Copy. French. 2½ pp.
Modern translation of the foregoing.
pp.
373. [Robert or James] Melville to Archibald Douglas.
[1586], Oct. 18. Since your parting we heard of the late “attemptat” in England, and how that my brother Andrew had found favour, as well for his innocency as by the means of his good friends, chiefly Sir F. Walsingham, to whom we are all indebted. I was glad that you chanced to come there in time, for I trusted my brother would find himself thereby in the better case, knowing your good will towards all our house. Praying you to send to my brother that he may come home to see his mother before she die, who is so desirous of him. Give him your good counsel and thank Sir Francis. I hope to write at more length by the son of Kirkealdy that passed that way by sea, by whom I may get the virginals that your lordship will send to my daughter.—18 October.
1 p.
374. Secretary Davison to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 18. Received the letter enclosed from Mr Secretary yesternight. From a letter of the Master of Gray, it seems that there had been some meeting at Crawford's house, betwixt him, Huntly, Arran, Montrose and Down, tending to some new alteration. Roger Ashton assured her Majesty that Arran was departed into France. On Monday the Queen removes to Richmond. On Saturday the lords will be returned from Fortheringhay.—The Court at Windsor, 17 October 1586.
Noted :—“Post of London, see this letter delivered to my Lord Ambassador at his house in Lime Street according to the direction.—W. Davison.”
Enclosure :
Warrant to Mr. Pine and Mr. Tucker at Gravesend to allow Andrew Reapeth, master of the “Skoute” of Leith, to pass the Port of London towards Leith with goodes.—17 Oct. 1586.
Similar order to pass goods for the use of the King of Scotland and of Mr. Archibald Douglas, viz., 8 trunks, 11½ barrels, 2 puncheons, 1 firkin, 6 pieces of sheet lead, one little pack and 5 tuns of beer.—17 Oct. 1586. [½ p.]
375. The Countess of Westmoreland to Lord Burghley.
1586, Oct. 20. Has always found herself much bound to his lordship since the beginning of her misfortunes, as, at the first, in being the chief mean to her Majesty for the relief of herself and her children, and the, for the grant of the lease of the parks. Understands that there are some leases in Brancepeth lordship growing to an end. Asks for a grant of such particulars as the bearer shall bring.—Barham, 20 October.
Endorsed by Burghley :—20 Octob. 1586.
Holograph.pp.
376. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 21. I wrote to you in my last that within a day or two the King was to return answer of her Majesty's last from this house, like as he has done. But he concluded that he would resolve to send some man there for the weightiness of the cause, as he has done. Many were devised, chiefly Sir Robert Melvin [Melville], my brother James, Captain Hetherington; for Sir Robert it was thought meet he should not go in respect he was her own servant. As for the other two, I would not permit them in respect they were mine. I proposed before the Secretary that himself should go, but the King has no man to do his hourly affairs. At length I cast in William Keith, so the King has granted, having taken my promise that I should make you assist him all you could, and that I should do the like myself. It is very true I look at this time to find him in show as of before, for so he has been ever since your parting, ever more homely with me. Therefore, ye shall do well to win so much of him as may be had. His commission is for two causes, the one to deal very earnestly both with the Queen and Councillors for our Sovereign mother's life, the other that his title to that Crown be not prejudged. As for the first, it was hardly constructed here that ye wrote that he should not deal for her, for he thinks that it should be to his perpetual disestimation, both here among themselves and everywhere, if he did not according to the law of nature, and it was thought chiefly that ye wrote in this sort for that ye durst not deal freely in it yourself, for fear it had been taken there in evil part. So I think it good when he comes that you deal as willingly in that matter as he himself, for he will be a captor of your actions. As for the second point, it is a thing you may deal in to your weal and honour, and I pray you to it, for some interest in it I have myself. The Secretary remarked many contradictions in your letter, and made the King find fault with it. And in the point that ye wrote, that they are not well advised who move his Majesty to think that the Queen there is tied to any necessity, they think that ye wrote not soundly. So I pray you write either a confirmation of this same, either more plainly to the King himself by your next, and deal with William Hoishe in this matter amply. I am to cause Thomas Tyrie go that way expressly to speak with you. He is to sell his place in France of the guard. Let him have a hasty dispatch, that he may be returned in due time to accompany me to Flanders. I wrote to you how far this “leal” voyage intended had put me behind the hand. I desire to have answer, for, if you had 20,000l. sterling, I will not have a penny nor (?) of my own. I have shifted here a ruinous commission in the best form I can, according to your advice in your last. The Secretary has given, in my own presence, plain advice to the King, that if England stand strict at this time that they are no more to be trusted, and foreigners to be sought.
Assure you, as the proposition is plausible to a young prince, so is he like to accept, it, if it be not remedied. As for myself, I intend never to be any assenter to that matter, but in many respects franker dealing would be used both towards the King and his subjects, chiefly my Lord Hamilton, who, being at my house, prayed me to write to Sir F. Walsingham in this matter. You never sent me word how the Queen accepted my last letter. By Thomas Tyrie you shall know all my meaning.—Dumfries, 21 October 1586.
P.S.—The King is gone yesterday from this to Stirling. He will be in Edinburgh the last of this month.
pp.
377. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 24. Because this bearer, Thomas Tyrie, is going to France for such affairs as himself will show you, I have desired him to buy me sundry necessary things that are to be had at Paris, which I will not get in Scotland or in London. Not having found the commodity of a merchant to furnish to him 200 or 150 crowns, I have sent you this ticket to pray you to cause some merchant furnish him the sum, and, at my coming to London, I shall not fail to satisfy it.—Dunfermline, 24 October 1586.
[P.S. In the Master of Gray's own hand.]—If word come not very shortly from you, I am to be burdened with the Commission, therefore, haste answer with expedition. I have directed the bearer to meet me at London; however it be, ye know I am to be there.
¾ p.
378. Roger Aston to Archibald Douglas.
[1586], Oct. 24. After my departing I came [to Stirlin]g, where I found the King in his Cabinet, directing away Mr. Keith to her Majesty. My coming at that present was very acceptable to the King, as well to understand by me how matters proceeded against his mother, for that it was certainly “letten” him to understand that she was already “cowt” off. Although I had not the whole proceedings of that matter. yet I learned the particulars thereof. The King was very glad that judgment was not given at the time of meeting, whereby he believes that the request shall work some good effect with Her Majesty; the only thing he craves is her life, all other things to be just as her Majesty pleases, her life only saves. By my coming his Majesty understood by your letters the proceedings of all matters, whereby he might the more amply inform Mr. Keith by your advice to proceed in matters committed to his charge. It is his Majesty's special command that he shall follow out your opinion in all matters; therefore, I pray your lordship be very careful how you may best content the King. His Majesty, among many other things, inquired of me if I thought you would not extend your other credit for him. I answered, that not only your credit, but life and all for his Majesty's sake. Wherewith his Majesty [said] that you had written to him [that] he whose life his Majesty had given, should for his sake give the same. Many other things his Majesty inquired of my towards yourself, and, in the end, he says—“By God, he is an honest man”! For my own part, according as I have promised to your lordship, there shall be no occasion offered wherein I will not extend my credit for yourself, and from time to time shall entertain his Majesty's good opinion towards you. I know there hath some here reported that you will not lose your credit in England, neither for King nor country, but I will assure you the King is of the contrary opinion, and, therefore, I pray you, be very careful to content the King in all things, and not lose your credit there, for I hope you shall keep both.
I have declared my opinion to Mr. Keith concerning yourself, and he has promised to follow out the same. I would wish your lordship to let him remain with yourself, and that he himself may lie in your own house, for, in my opinion, it will be for his best credit and yours.
I have [delivered] to his Majesty from your lordship [the han]ger and horns you sent him, which was accepted in most thankful sort, and a present you could not “assantt” [have sent] a better; the other horn he looketh for, which I pray you send by the first. He is so glad of the present, as this day he is gone to the hunting, and weareth the hanger and one of the horns. I have received no further thanks than the bringing home of them. You shall receive the thanks for them yourself. I pray your lordship be very careful for the deer that are promised, for I have assured his Majesty that you will never look him in the face till they come; therefore, I pray you be diligent therein. The hurt of “soeer pelop sedne” [Sir Philip Sidney] is greatly lamented here, and chiefly by the King himself, who greatly lamenteth, and so heartily sorry as I never saw him for any man. To-morrow his Majesty is determined to write to him. For my own particular I will not trouble you with. I know you will be mindful thereof. Her Majesty hath written to the King that she, for his sake, has granted me my suit, therefore, I trust there will be no stay.—Stirling, 24 October.
pp.
379. [R. Fienes to Lord Burghley.]
1586, Oct. 25. Notwithstanding I must and ever will acknowledge that both the honour and the place (if either fail upon me) come from her Majesty's undeserved favour, yet I beseech you to understand that, upon conference had heretofore with Mr. Somerset and Mr. Clarencieux, they have set down unto me the place then to be as it is here set down, and it appears so to be by a Parliament Roll of 33 Hen. VI., in which Parliament Sir William Fenys, as Lord Say, then served in that place, and it appears that at that time in that roll there was great contention about the places of two Dukes then in question. I will procure him to attend your lordship with that roll, and I shall also, against the afternoon, search for as many of those things your lordship hath appointed as the shortness of the time will permit. [In the margin of this document is given a list of peers commencing—“Abergavenny Zouche, Willoughby,” &c.; “Say of Sele” is placed 13th. immediately before “Sturton”. At the end of the paper are the names of the lords who “have promised their furtherance” : Lords Cobham, Sturton, Mongey [Mountjoy]. Wentworth, Buckhurst, Lord Admiral, Lord Chamberlain, and Lord Compton.]
Endorsed by Burghley :—25 October 1586.—Mr. Fynes letter for his title to the Lord Saye.
[See also State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, Vol. 193, No. 68.]
1 p.
380. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 25. I have caused this bearer to come that way to render you accompt of William Heath's negotiation. It is true I have received of him very good words a little before his parting, and, by God, I cannot but believe him till I find to the contrary; for I shewed you, save that ye thought he did not his duty at his being there towards me, I could never allege any great “querell.” Therefore, try, both by yourself and others, of his behaviour at this time, and, if it be good, I mind to use him hereafter; if not, it shall do no harm his employment at this time; and, I pray you, weigh his credit there according as ye shall find him do his duty both towards you and me, and help him very well, if you find him honest. I doubt of no being save . . . . the Secretary. I fear he be over far his, but it may be that “fro” he see what evil living is had there of the Secretary, that he shall fall from him. But, do for the worst. Roger Ashton is returned very devoted to the service, but, I can tell you, get he not his suit “exsped,” you shall have him no longer. But the poor fellow is worthy the having. I wrote to you freely in my last that it was reported to me how they had spoken that ye had taken order to hold me at home, but, in conscience, I never trusted the matter. Divers other things have been spoken of you to me, but I can believe none of them. I have in all respects, as I believe, done so far duty to you, and, as I wrote to you oft before you came into Scotland, if you in any point do towards me beside duty, by God, you shall be the last in the world that ever I shall be in so good terms with, for few have I found honest to me, so hard has been my fortune. If . . . . . . . should do but as my good-will deserves and as my very heart thinketh, I were very far disappointed. But, assure you, no such thought shall enter in my breast of you, and, I pray you, in like manner, neither think nor do of your part, if it were for no other cause, but that our “unfriends” thereby have no contentment. But no more of this; doubt ye not, and do well, and you shall find me as honest as any that ever ye knew in friendship.
As for my journey to Flanders, the Queen has done herself great wrong that stayed me so long, for many reasons, as I have oft alleged. But I saw this drawing on that is in hand, ever since your parting. I am now put to a strait; get I not away with diligence. I am to be burdened with a commission that shall be my “wrak,” and shall lose all the Queen of England's intelligence from this country, so that it harms her Majesty and “wraks” me. To tell you what the matter is, it were lougsomes, yet somewhat of it I shall here set down, the rest I have imparted to Thomas Tyrie. I wrote to you of before that the Secretary had caused the King press me with the negotiation of his title, which I have refused upon reasonable excuses and necessary reasons at this time, for that he was to deal for his mother's life. But, at the next time, before God, I know not what to say in that matter, for, if I refuse simply, then I lose my Prince's favour, and he shall think me more addicted to the Queen of England than to him, so that thereby shall be my “wrak.” To find further excuses I cannot, for all ye have written to him in your last, that it was not meet either to employ yourself or me in that matter of the title, he took it in very evil part, and so evil part, that he wrote to me in anger that it was only a shift for pleasure of the Queen of England. Therefore, in the next to me, either confirm your last letter on that point, or then excuse it some way by a colour. To conclude then, I know I am to be charged in that negotiation, as I suppose, shortly, except by my sudden departure I prevent it. If I refuse, my “unfriends” have play to irritate the King against me—one “wrak”; grant I, there must needs be one of two—either to crab the King my master, or then, the Queen of England. Th[e King] I dare not, the other I am very loth to. Undique me angustiæ premunt. For, if I deal strictly, to content the Queen there, and not according to the King's will, then am I “wrakit” for ever, and prove not a dutiful subject to my Sovereign. Deal I freely, according to his mind, then am I assured to offend the Queen there. I pray God send me comfort, for I never found myself in any strait heretofore. And, for that you are likely to have the half burden of the matter, I pray you let me have your friendly counsel, for, as God judge me, I am “stressit”, and more than ever I was in my time. It may be thought my credit with the King to be “bastant” for the shifting of so hard a purpose. I tell you the truth. I thank God I never found my credit better than at this hour. But this matter is made so plausible to his Majesty, that the increase of my credit moves him the rather to employ me. I find no moyen to cast it off me but one, if it can be done, that shortly I may have the prest of money I craved. I shall take journey in all haste, that till I be ready the King shall never know, and in case then he would employ me, I have my excuses in readiness,—that William Heath is not returned, and it is hard to send till his Majesty know what answer he received by him. And, for that it may be that he desire me then to stay till William Heath's return, you shall cause her Majesty send with the money a letter to the King to haste me over to Flanders without all delay, and cause Mr. Secretary write to myself in that purpose very effectually; so that this shall excuse me every way. I would wish you should deal plainly with the Queen, my Lord Treasurer, and Mr. Secretary in this point, and assure them they will find all I have spoken to be gospel; and, if within twenty days I be not gone, by God, I shall be burdened with this charge within ten days thereafter. And, resolutely, if I take it on hand I must do the duty of a good subject; let the world alter “qrancey” it may, I must be a “Scottis” man and lean by “Scottis moyens.” It lies in their hand to prevent it. And let them not think I write this for their money; I care not their money a straw, for that prest I crave is “detfull” to me, and near by as much, so that I must have either now or hereafter. I care not whether it come or not; come it, I “preveine” their “skaithe;” come it not, it may be they feel it before me, for I protest before God I shall discharge myself so of my duty, if I be employed, that, whether it “fraime” weal or evil, the King my master shall not justly blame me.
There is further of this matter, that which you crave must ne'er fall forth of necessity, for if I were gone, whom can they employ of quality save the Secretary? For the Justice Clerk, neither is he of quality for so weighty a negotiation, nor yet in that credit with his Majesty, as you know, that he will commit to him any great mystery. For William Heath, ye know for him or any gentleman of birth the weightiness of the cause is great. As for the noblemen you know what they are—neque notas neque notare norunt. So, of mere necessity, the employment shall fall on the Secretary. If it were possible to me for sickness to go to Flanders by sea, I should, but the truth is, I will not for ten thousand pounds sterling endure the sea this season. But I shall provide a ship, as if I were to go by sea over, till I be ready to part; then, I shall take immediately port. Send me word what my Lord Treasurer and Mr Secretary think of this matter, and impart to them so much of this letter as you think meet. Send me my passport not as ambassador, for sorry shall I be to have that title, if otherwise I can do. But, God is my judge if I do not duty frankly in this matter, seeing without “feinghertimes” [faint-heartedness] I open the simple verity, hardly could I eschew at this time this commission that William Heath carries, together with the other of the title, but that the excuse was for want of means. And, I assure you, if I had pleased, I had my own “thrid” provided for me for performing my journey. This day, since the writing of this letter, Sir Robert Melville is sent to me by the King to crave how much I desire to serve my journey. The said Sir Robert has taken on hand to the King to provide for me within five weeks five thousand crowns of the sum, so that I can [not refuse], if moyens be gotten, except the aforesaid reasons be used for prevening of it. The said Sir Robert, and all those who favoured the Queen our King's mother of old, would fain have the matter “proponit.” To conclude, it cannot be eschewed but in the sort I have said, for all that favour the Queen of Scotland and not this course think that if the Queen of England refuse the King, then the King shall see “onhonest” dealing of her part, and therefore, shall turn again to his mother's course. This all the papists crave, this all the Queen's favourers, as said is, crave, this all their “unfriends” and mine crave. I say no more, do what you can for the best, and I shall follow your advice in matters. Where you wish me not to be transported with hot passions towards yourself, assure you, no more I am. But when I see so “mechanique” dealing for good service and good deserving, as not to “len” a man that what is debt to him, before God, I must be angry and judge you—have I not cause? As for my advertisements that are taken in good part, I am glad of it; assure you, I take none of them up at my feet. It was very true, as I wrote of before, there was an assembly of the Lords in Cairney, Huntly, Atholl, Crawfurd, Montrose and Arran, Dun. But little effect I think it has taken, of is likely to take, so long as the King and Queen of England continue in good terms. For the Jesuits, assure you the King's meaning is great, and, if any fault was in the proclamation, the Secretary was in the wrong, for in open assembly it was committed to his charge, and in this point William Heath will satisfy you sufficiently. In this matter touching the Queen the King's mother's life, I cannot know what to say in it but one thing : I would, if she get favour, that it should be by the King's “moyen,” and that we were the instruments. Your nephew, young Whittinghame, came to this town with the Secretary, and pressed the said Secretary to deal with the King that he might be employed in England, which he did in my own presence. But I stayed the matter by reason of your writing, and in case he had been sent, it [had] been only with letters, so that provision had been made for my journey. So that I could have prolonged no time. But, when I find good occasion, I shall send him, or then in my own company if I come shortly. I end, and commit all other things to Thomas Tyric.—Dumfries, 25 October 1586.
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381, a. The Laird of Restalrig to [Archibald Douglas.]
[1586], Oct. 27. Being required by my Lord Bothwell to send this letter to your lordship, by reason he could not get it otherwise conveyed, I have taken occasion so to do. There is nothing therein contained but an excuse of his speeches given out at Berwick. Always he is in good hope of your lordship for the present. Further, your lordship, shall know that I have written sundry times to your lordship, and have never yet since your passing to London heard from you. Of the which I marvel much, seeing I would be so glad to wit of your lordship's welfare and good success by any man on life, as God shall save me. Always men may pond (?) for debt but not for unkindness. Yet I would request your lordship, if there be anything in these parts that in me lies to do, to command me in the old manner, and if I be not ready to perform it, then blame me. I will not weary your lordship with longer letter.—From Fast Castle, 27 October.
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381, b. Elizabeth, Widow of George Aldriche, to Lord Burghley.
1586, Oct. 27. Prays to continue tenant of part of Ansacres, in the parish of the “Armitage,” Stafford, parcel of the possessions of Charles late Duke of Suffoik, during the time it remains in the Queen's hands.
Endorsed :—27 October 1586.
Enclosure :
Draft letter to the Feodary of Stafford, granting the above.
Also :
The account of the possessions of Adriane Stokes, esquire, in Lincoln, Warwick, and Nottingham, annis 27 et 28.
3 pp.
382. Sir Francis Walsingham to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Oct. 30. After your departure from hence, I received a letter from Secretary Davison, whereby her Majesty is pleased to give you audience to-morrow afternoon. Therefore, it may please you to be at the Court by 2 o'clock after dinner, to the end you may return home by water the same night, for you shall be hardly provided of a lodging at Richmond this parliament time, considering such noblemen as be courtiers have already taken up all the convenient lodgings thereabouts.—Barn Elms, 30 October 1586.
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383. Sir Fulk Grevill to Archibald Douglas.
1586 [Oct.]. My Lord,—I go no whither, therefore I beseech you pardon me that I visit you not. They only question I now study is whether weeping sorrow, or speaking sorrow, may most honour his memory, (fn. 3) that I think death is sorry for. What he was to God, his friends and country, fame hath told, though his expectation went beyond her good. My Lord, give me leave to join with you in praising and lamenting him, the name of whose friendship carried me above my own worth, and I fear hath left me to play the ill poet in my own part. Well, my Lord, divide me not from him, but love his memory, and me in it. I shall not see your lordship so oft as I would do if you were yourself. It is enough I wish you honour and love you. From my lodge this night. Your lordship's friend, Foulk Grevill.
P.S.—I was but gone to take air in the park when it pleased you to call.
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384. Battle of Zutphen.
[1586, Oct. —]. “The maner of the latt scrimeshe between our Englishmen and the Spanyardes.”
“One the 21 of September at night, our watche being sit out one mylle & a halfe from our campe (200 fotmen and thre score of Launces), they set fourth v launces from the bodie of the watche, who hard thenemy come, by the reson of the noyes they mad, being in nomber thre thousand footmen and fyften cornets of horse, besides thre score of wagons, which they put into Zutphen, loden with vyttelles and mynecion. The discoverers brought word to the rest of the watche, who left the place they war in, and reteared them selfes towards our campe, being a place of good strenth in a churchyard. Thenemy came to the same place, whar they sett ther battell, and mad ther stand; our watche geveng advirticement to our campe, the campe armed themselfes, and sent out sartain horsmen, with my Lorde of Essex, my Lord Wyllyeby, Sir William Russell and Sir Philop Sydney. Comeing towards, thenemy, they had put out sartain horsmen, to thend to draw our horsemen one ther shott. Our men charged them before they could recover ther shott, and stroke som of them down from the hors, and hath slain on Countie Hanniball de Gonzaga, a man of good account, and taken on Captain Georg, and sundrie other slain. The remain reteired themselfes in a nerow lain behind ther shott. Thenemy discharged ther shott full upon our men, and hath hort Sir Philop Sydney and som others. Som of our hors was shott. Our gentellmen of England showed them selfes very vaillyently, & thenemy very suttellye.”—Undated.
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Footnotes

  • 1. The date is indistinct; it might be 21 or 31; but apparently the first figure is struck out.
  • 2. Thomas Randall [Randolph] alias Barnabe.—See State Papers (Scotland), Elizabeth, Vol. I., Nos. 119 and 119. i. (P. R. O.).
  • 3. Sir Philip Sidney's.