|Robert Wyseman to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 11.
||There is one Thomas Grene of Wynkfeild, the bastard son of James Wynkfield, late Master of the Ordnance in Ireland, committed to-day to the Marshalsea upon a letter from the Council in Ireland. When you understand his disorders, you will judge him a most loathsome young man; for he is perjured of record in the Star Chamber here and in the Chancery in Ireland. I write thus boldly, for that it concerns me and my assignee, with whom he has dealt most unhonestly, as also with Mr. Edward Darcy of the privy chamber, who made the award. I would therefore ask that letters from the Council here might be sent to the Council in Ireland to proceed according to the order already taken notwithstanding his flight. I am and have been lame these 16 months of the gout and not able to come abroad, and must crave pardon of you.—From my Cabin in Greenwich, 11 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 70.)|
|Thomas Fletcher, Mayor of Chester, to the Privy Council.|
|1598, June 11.
||Reporting the despatch to Ireland on Friday last of a packet of letters from the Council to the Lords Justices of Ireland, and enclosing a packet of letters from Ireland to the Council.—Chester, 11 June, 1598.|
|“Noted on the back :—At the City of Chester 6 in the evening. At Namptwich the same day at 10 at night. At Stone at 2 of the same night. At Lichfied at 8 of the clock the next day being Monday. At Coventry at 11 of the clock in the forenoon in the same day. At Daventry betwixt 3 and four of the afternoon on Monday. At Tossiter betwixt 5 and 6 in the afternoon. At Brickhill past eight at night. At St. Albans after 1 at night.”|
|½ p. (61. 71.)|
|H. Maynard to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 11.
||The continuance of this fresh weather causes my lord to keep in more than otherwise he would, but yet he is abroad at the least two hours every day, without any great touch of his gout or other sickness more than as yet his stomach hath not been good. He is not ill pleased with being here, being very private, neither troubled with visitations or many suitors. What he intends to do for his return or staying here he saith nothing. Thus much I am bold to write to you for that I suppose you to expect to hear how the world goeth with us.—From Theobalds this Sunday morning.|
|1 p. (61. 72.)|
|Thomas Middleton to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 11.
||I received the enclosed yesterday by the post, and would ask for directions for answer to these or the former which I delivered, especially touching that of Mr. Dacres, what I shall write that I have done with that letter, because it will be expected, or else nothing more will be known from them.|
|Having exhibited a petition to the Privy Council on behalf of the English captives in Spain, I humbly crave for their relief; there are good mariners there, and they have endured exceeding miseries because they will not serve the King.—London, 11 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 73.)|
|Lord Dunsany to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 11.
||Having by the death of my grandmother a little manor and certain quillets of land fallen unto me, which she held in jointure, my son is entered thereunto, by what pretence or right I know not, and withholds the same from my assignee, to whom I have made a grant for years. I would ask your letters to the Justices of Ireland that the manor may be delivered to my assignee; and if my son have any colour of right he may afterwards be heard on that.—11 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 74.)|
|The Bailiff and Aldermen of Colchester to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 11.
||Upon receipt of your letter and the petition therein enclosed from the Dutch congregation here we conferred with them and heard their grievances, and they could not charge Mr. William Turnor, one of our bailiffs, with any stuff towards baymaking, which he this last year hath denied them; only, in June, 1595, there was by a constitution of the town a free liberty given to all strangers to buy and sell wool wrought and yarn within the town, as freemen did, for a petty fine to be given to the town; which, upon the complaint of many householders, in March last was denied to strangers, and the rather because we perceived, if the wool were wrought before it came to town, divers of the freemen and inhabitants living by that trade were like to perish, which now they take disliking of. For any stuff concerning their trade, the Dutch congregation are permitted to buy as always since their coming to this town, and albeit divers of their congregation, having attained to a far greater substance than any of the inhabitants, then depart to their countries, and notwithstanding they now be increased to great trade and from two to fifteen hundred, yet they refuse any other contribution to the town's charges than they first paid. Whereof we doubt not you will consider.|
|Signed :—'Thomas Reynold, Bailiff,' and by seven aldermen.|
|1 p. (61. 75.)|
|Bruxelles, June 11/21, 1598.||Le 16 du present arriva ung aultre courier despaigne portant lettres au Cardinal, quy contiennent comment le Roy, avecq le Prince d'Espaigne et l'adveu et consentement de les Grandes lesquels it avoyt faict assembler a mesme fin, ad de tout resigne la signeurie et gouvernement des ses pays bas patrimoniaux a sa fille en dote pour se marier avecq le Cardinal, dont on s'est icy reiouuy fort et se rejouuyreyent d'avantage s'il y fut quant et luy venu de l'argent ou ordre pour en tirer pardeca. Le 19 est arrive en cese ville l'archevesque de Bezancon, frere du Marquis de Daremberg, qui fut mande expressement quelque jours passez pour porter au Pape le chappeau et bulles du Cardinal et le remercier. L'archevesche de Toledo est resigne au moderateur ou precepteur du Prince de Espaigne, resarvant sur ce 100n. escus de pencion. Cependant ces pays sont chargez pour furnir de l'argent, son Altesse ayant en rechief requis de ceulx de Brabant une nouvelle ayde de 40m. florins oultre leur contribution ordinaire et extraordinaire. Ce quil a quoy ny en ont consentiz et a telle fin sont les impostes des bierres hautcez comme aussi de tous aultres marchandises. On a tres bien faict icy des feuz de joye pour la paiz de la France, mays pour encoires peu de proffit en est ensuivy. On dict que le jour de St. Jou le Cardinal changera d'habit et mectra l'espe au coste. Il y en a icy plusiours differentes opinions et ingenientes faicts sur ceste alteration et du succes qu'en pourroyt ensuyvre. Les ambassadeurs de France ne sont pas encoires arrivez, mays s'attendent d'heure en heure, et faict on icy provision de chaines dor pour leur present comme a des aultres qui s employerent allieurs. Les Ostagiers sont arrivez a Parys, ayant este par tout tres bien traictez. Cependant on procede assez lentement a la rendition des places promises par les conditions. On avoyt pense tirer d'Ardres la garnison sans argent, mays ont failly. Cependant se preparent diligement les provisions pour aller bien tost de Compaigne dont le temps nous fera l'ouverture.|
|Endorsed :—“XIX.20 b. Jun. 21, 1598. Advertisement from Brussels, 1598. Marriage of Princess of Spain with Cardinal agreed on.”|
|1 p. (52. 37.)|
|Arthur Atye to William Downhall.|
|, June 12.
||Mr. William, Mr. Sar. hath been with me and advised me to write to the effect of the enclosed. I pray you to peruse it, and if you think fit show it my Lord Mountjoy also, and then seal it up and deliver it when you come at the sea side at fit time of leisure. But take it again, if you can, or see it burnt. And bring some answer of it.—12 June, Kilburn.|
|P.S.—The motion for Mr. F. Grevile you may add of yourself this notwithstanding.|
|Addressed :—“To Mr. William Downhall, Esq., attending on the Earl of Essex,” and below, “Mr. Joseph Earthe, I doubt not but you will cause this letter to be safely delivered.”|
|Seal. ½ p. (61. 76.)|
|Sir Charles Davers to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 12.
||I have received warning from my mother to look that a certain statute wherein my father was bound to one Mr. Tindall be not laid on the land, which is committed to your trust. I have answered that I hope she will not suffer me to be incumbered with my father's debts, since I received no benefit by his goods. If this does not serve, I must ask you to send for Mr. Tindall and deal with him that, since he has liberty to lay his statute where he list, he seek his remedy from my mother, who has the benefit of my father's goods, and not from me.—Paris, 12 June, '98.|
|1 p. (61. 77.)|
|Edward, Lord Zouche to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 12.
||I have received your letters in which I confess with you the fairest picture in Europe. I would I could have as rich a box to keep it in as I esteem the favour great; then might I in some sort show how dearly I esteem it, though neither my dull spirit nor my harsh pen can come near the expressing thereof. I hope I shall not fail to carry out my instructions, should any complaint be made touching the King of Denmark's brother. I was yesterday with my Lord Treasurer, whom though I found taking the air, yet did I not find him so well as I hoped. It will be no little addition of grief to me in this journey, for though I know that in these matters of service he regards not my trouble, yet I lose my chiefest stay in this world if it should please God to call him. Think, therefore, that he who has been tied by his favour to honour him cannot but in true affection honour you if you be pleased to accept it; and though my course tends to a simple and private life, yet do I know how to honour those whom my affections or their favours do bind me unto, as I hope you shall find me if occasion be offered.—Lee, 12 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 78.)|
|Sir Francis Vere to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 12.
||I arrived here the 10th, and finding the Queen's ships unvictualled, I wrote to the Admiral of Holland, who with his fleet is on the coast of France, to send me a ship to transport me, which he has done. This evening I embark, though the wind is so bare that I shall be forced to tide it over. In three days I hope to be on the other side, where I doubt not of a speedy answer to that which I am to propound.—Sandwich, 12 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 79.)|
|The Earl of Lincoln to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 12.
||Mr. Secretary, I thought fit to satisfy you what offence I have made that giveth occasion of this complaint. I have at the earnest request of Frances Norys (who honoureth you) granted a lease of a farm of his land to an old servant of the Countess of Bedford's, whose wife did nurse him. I never dealt in the matter since; yet I perceive that this poor man, being neither able to fight nor to contend long in law, has found means to enter quietly, and keeps it without force. The matter is in suit between them upon a replevin; nor do I see that this is a matter determinable before your Lordships. Howsoever this matter has been handled without my privity. There is no colour of cause of complaint against me more than has been heretofore in other causes urged against me to my disgrace, though nothing was proved. I have always deserved your love; and were I assured of it, I should not fear to receive such a letter without some cause, especially sent by an officer of yours, who might by word or letter have commanded any reasonable thing. But now my young days are past (when I was less careful of giving cause of complaint), and for those forty years I was never called to answer any matter; yet now I cannot deal in any cause for which I am not threatened with the Council. I trust the cause hereof will not always be hidden.—Chanon Row, 12 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 80.)|
|Richard Hawkins to Queen Elizabeth.|
|1598, June 12.
||Most mighty and gracious Queen. The manifold miseries and grievous calamities endured in this my long imprisonment, amongst Turks and Moors, would 'ere this have moved compassion, when in justice my liberty were not due unto me. But this merciless, faithless, filthy and most barbarous nation, in their pride disdaining all others, and of opinion that they were born only to command and all others to obey and serve them, I truly think that God hath stirred up not so much for the disturbing of the quiet, peaceable and blessed reign of your Majesty and other the States of Christendom, as for their own chastisement and destruction, which no doubt is a thing easy to be put in execution if your Highness strike while the iron is hot; or to force them to those conditions which should be most honourable. And, in discharge of my duty and with your Majesty's pardon, according to my understanding, in a few reasons I shall be able to make plain, and that, in reason and civil policy, profit is to be made of the opportunity, being the common enemy of all Christendom and the most tyrannous people that ever hath been known. And, first, I will touch their strength, which I hold to be weakness, and then their riches, which truly considered is but poverty; and, for conclusion, what may be the end of the war, if profit, or honour, or contrariwise. And to the first point, I say that the kingdom of Spain hath his forces divided in sustaining Naples, Sicily and Milan, with the forces in Barbary, in maintaining
the war with Flanders and England, in peopling and providing defence for the East and West Indias, with their kingdoms and islands adjacent.|
|England hath no employment of men of importance but against Spain, nor cause to divide her forces; and, the kingdoms well considered, England is not inferior to Spain in anything but in circuit, and in many superior, as in people, in victual, in munition, in shipping and unity. Spain cannot victual an army, no, nor sustain itself, without help of France, England, the East Countries and other parts. Yea, this present year, if Italy and Barbary, which ordinarily suffer want, had not holpen, many had perished for want of food, as did the greatest part of the army gathered together in Ferroll for a scarecrow to England. Whereof ensued pestilence and other infirmities in the provinces adjoining, the natural successors of famine. Which with what facility England accomplisheth, the armies that so ordinarily and speedily are provided, doth plainly manifest. With munition Spain is furnished from Milan and Flanders, yea, and other parts. England provideth other countries, yea, and Spain itself. For shipping, I appeal to the Spaniards themselves, who yield that the navy of England is the most puissant of the world, as in truth it has tried itself to their cost, which without aid of any other in all occasions is able to defend and offend at pleasure. If Spain make a navy, three years' time is needful to join shipping, and those to be bought, “embarged” or hired from Flemings, Venetians, Genoese or “Arogoteses.” For Spain is utterly without shipping of regard. Of men there is no kingdom that this day is so poor. For to send six ships of three hundred tons, with six pinnaces, for the treasure to the Indias, they were forced to “kint” their men, a thing used in Spain when they need men, which is of five to take one. And that this may seem to carry likelihood of truth, it is to be understood that the hijos de algo, which are our yeomen with us, the merchants, with the religious and those that belong to the clergy, which doubtless is the best third part of the kingdom, be privileged and exempted. Of mariners and gunners there is not a ship which is not partly furnished with Flemish and English, and for any journey of importance they must of force help themselves with Walloon, Almain and Italian soldiers, and all that will offer service. Which cannot but breed disorder, confusion and emulation. Of all which England hath no need, and consequently, being but one nation and fighting but one cause, and that their own, cannot but begin, continue and end all their actions with concord and unity, the principal cause of all good success in great and important actions. Besides, this Spain is peopled of a mingled nation of Moors, Turks, Jews and negroes, and that in such sort that if a foreign enemy should enter the country they have cause to fear more their domestic enemies than him that entereth publishing war. Nay, such is their estate that they ever live in fear of civil commotions and insurrections. For the second point : That kingdom is thought to be richest which can best live in plenty without the help of others, which Spain can worst do of all Christendom, as
the impediments of their trades caused through your Majesty hath manifested. Through which their cities and towns, which most flourished, are ruinated, and people so impoverished, as is not to be believed except it be seen. The rents and rights of Spain amount to fourteen millions of ducats, at five shillings and sixpence the ducat. But of this the King hath not free two hundred thousand ducats. For that the rest is at pawn for money taken and borrowed, as I have been informed of them that know well the State. As for the treasure of the Indias, it beareth great fame that yearly it amounteth to many millions, which may be, one with another, betwixt six and eight millions, and those of pesos, which in value amounts to four shillings and sixpence. And of this the charge eateth a great part, and within a few days that it is unladen it vanisheth without show or appearance. With the Genoese he brake but these few days past for nine millions, and, after, forced them to a composition at his pleasure, having the law in his own hands. Of Christendom, his subjects suffer greatest oppression and impositions, as alcavala, moxerifasgo, portuzgo, derechos, pechos, and a thousand rackings in that manner, as that almost nothing is heard in any meeting of the better sort but complaints of the insufferable taxes and exactions which daily are laid upon them. And if the true riches of a prince is the love of his subjects and that they be rich, I may boldly say that none is so poor as the King of Spain; for that I never talked with any, of what degree soever in matter of estate, that desired not his death and spake not ill of his proceedings, and complained not of the great poverty in which they see themselves in regard of the wealth that in times past they possessed. For it was wont to be a thing ordinary to find merchants and men of trades to be worth a hundred, two hundred thousand pounds, yea, and a million. Now hardly is found a man that may be reputed of certainty worth five thousand pounds. And is it likely there can be greater poverty of prince and people than that, the King commanding to send from Seville to Lisbon by land some of your people in truck of Spaniards sent before by your Highness' order from England, there was not to be found amongst the King's officers that could, or amongst the merchants that would, disburse a thousand ducats for bearing their charges and fulfilling the King's commandment (it being a matter that so much concerned their reputation) till they had spent as much in sustaining them afterwards.|
|Now to the end of the war, which is principally to be regarded. And that it hath been hitherto honourable to your Majesty more than to any prince that ever lived, to mate so great a monarch as no age hath had, let the world judge; and to press him and oppress him in that sort that he should beg for peace, without which he is like to come to great diminution. And challenging to himself the title of the defender of the true faith of Christ, your Highness (by God's hand helping, it being his own cause) should give him the chastisement of his presumption; and confirm yours, which is truth itself, and confound his, which is error and falsehood. And what greater fame can there be attained than to be
the remedy of the common evils of all Christendom, and that, by your Highness's help, the French King is settled in his kingdom in peace, the States of Flanders sustain themselves, and Spain is like to come to know their errors. That the war with Spain hath been profitable, no man can with reason gainsay. And how many millions we have taken from the Spaniard, is a thing notorious. Which that they have been all gains for England, I think it not difficult to prove. And first, our shipping, victual, munition and men, we buy not nor hire from France, Germany and other parts. And when they be lost, what loseth England but of her superfluities? If the soldiers or mariners receive pay or reward, they spend it in England. It is true that any particular adventurer findeth by his loss the less in his purse; but his neighbours and countrymen have so much the more, and in any journey, if they return with booty, all whatsoever they bring is profit to the realm. Well may the succour of Flanders and France suck us; but Spain doubtless hath enriched us exceedingly. And, for example, what cities, towns, islands, carracks and shipping have been sacked, spoiled and taken by us? And from us, I think, Dunkirk hath taken more than all Spain. The which is confirmed also by the cheapness that all Spanish commodities do now bear in England, having no trade with Spain, that they be for the most part of less price in England than Spain or the Indias.|
|Whether it be necessary for England to have war, and how much better with a rich than a poor enemy, and the peace should not be granted without the King of Spain allot your Majesty Indias, in which to occupy the superfluity of your people, belonging of right unto your Majesty as to him, your Highness's grandfather of famous memory being the first discoverer of the main of the West Indias, and the facility with which your Majesty might dispossess him of the principal fountains of his treasures, with other secrets of importance, the fear to weary your Highness and time giveth me not leave to particulate. All which I present not to persuade or dissuade, but that your sovereign Majesty of these as of all other advices may choose that which in your most experimented understanding may bear likelihood to be sound, and reject that which seemeth otherwise. Holding myself in duty bound, though with manifest hazard of my life, to venture this and more. I humbly beseech your Majesty to pardon my boldness, and, though the clouds of distance have darkened my deeds, and others have vantaged me in occasions to make show of that which, for want of means, hath been buried in me, yet dare I affirm that in true zeal and love to your Majesty's service, Marcus Curtius to his country did not exceed me. In what degree I have sought to maintain the same, this bearer Captain Burgon, for the time we have been together, is able to make known, which, with the faithful and loyal service of my dead father, may beg at your hands the relief for me and my company which all distressed do ordinarily find; that, if the peace be concluded, I and my company may be remembered, and, if the war be continued, we may not be utterly forgotten, for except your Majesty's favour free us, we are like to end our days in perpetual imprisonment.—Seville, the 12 of June, 1598.|
|If this by any means should come to the knowledge of any Spaniard or spy, nothing would be able to redeem my life. Therefore I humbly crave that your Majesty will grant me that favour that only the Earl of Essex and Sir Robert Cecil may have the sight thereof.|
|1¾ pp. (177. 36.)|
|Jehan de Duvenvoird to the Earl of Essex.|
|1598, June 12/22.
||I beseech your Lordship to permit the early return to this country of one Van Weteren, whom about three years ago you took as a page. His brother, a gentleman in his Excellency's service, much desires his company.|
|From the Hague in Holland this 22 of June, 1598.|
|Endorsed : “For the return of Baltazar the page.”|
|½ p. (177. 44.)|
|Sir Horatio Palavicino to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 13.
||I am again in my solitude, where I have no regrets but for my distance from you; I comfort myself with believing that you will not for that forget me. As to the inclosed letter, it is too importunate to keep back, although I have already sent you one from the same writer; for whom I say nothing, since I do not think he deserves it. I hear that the King of France is advising the States to continue the war. I suppose he does not think his peace a very secure one, unless King Philip has something to occupy him. He may doubt as to the restoration of the towns. This seems a dangerous course for us.—Baburham, 13 June, 1598. Holograph. Italian.|
|1 p. (61. 81.)|
|Sir Richard Molyneux to Sir John Stanhope.|
|1598, June 13.
||Some lewd priests in these parts have recently prevailed over certain persons to incline to Papistry. Their practice was in this manner. They had certain women, who pretended to be possessed with unclean spirits, upon whom they practised at some private places, where for the novelty thereof sometimes as many as five hundred persons would be drawn together, promising not to betray them. The party possessed would make show to be most horribly tormented and that with very strange illusions; and thus they win daily many unto them. Notwithstanding they have used these conventicles very subtly, I apprehended to the number of twenty persons at the last, that have been at these abominable practices, who have confessed of many more, all which I have sent to the Bishop of Chester, there to be further examined, by whom, as well as by the Dean, I have been well aided. I assure there have not been two nights in the last six months wherein I have not ridden abroad the most part
of the night. I pray you acquaint her Majesty that, upon a letter directed to me lately under her sacred hand and privy signet, I have made known to them of whom she received the last loans her request that they would forbear the repayment for one half year longer; to which they most willingly consent.—Sestone, 13 June.|
|1 p. (61. 82.)|
|George Gilpin to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 14.
||On behalf of the bearer, John Hawarde, his special friend, who may require Cecil's aid in some business he now cometh over for.—The Hague, 14 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 83.)|
|George Gilpin to the Earl of Essex.|
|1598, June 14.
||How much Sir Francis Vere's coming over hath been looked for, I need not tell your Honour, who knoweth how much the matter he should come for importeth these men. Bruits come daily from the enemy's quarters that her Majesty will agree. There is no talk among men but the peace is still spoken of. The Papists stick not to give it forth openly that France being agreed, her Majesty would not sit out. The Cardinal ceases not to practise underhand to draw them to hearken, but all will not serve if they shall see any hope of the continuance of her Majesty's favour, yet if the people conceive any appearance to be abandoned, it is doubtful what course they will choose. The Cardinal will offer large and speak fair till he be possessed of his purpose. His master, the K. of Spain, seeing by one way he could not attain to that monarchy he shot at, doth now go about to compass it otherwise. I assure your Lordships the well affected are much dismayed. They of Holland are still met and hold together the longer in hope of Sir Francis' coming. There is not yet heard anything from any of the Provinces who prolong the bringing in of their consents for the extraordinary contributions, to the no small hindrance of their other causes, which is not without suspicion of another meaning in some of them. We hear that the Cardinal hath sent to draw forth the men and munition out of those towns shall be surrendered to the K. of France, and will join them to his other troops in Brabant, having at Tulbourgh, 2 leagues from Bolducq [Bois-le-Duc], some 5,000 foot and 2,000 horse, which hath made his Excellency take order for 12 companies to be sent into Breda on the first warning. Besides, so many as can be spared out of the frontier garrisons shall be willed to be in readiness to march towards the Bommelre Weerdt to make a flying camp. As the enemy's stirring shall be heard of, so will his Excellency with the Count William Hohenlo dispose of themselves.|
|From the Hague this 14th of June, 1598.|
|P.S.—If this bearer, John Havarde, an honest merchant and a very friend of mine, shall upon occasion crave your favour, I humbly beseech you to make me so much the more bound to you. The articles of the agreement between the Kings of Spain and France are here wonderfully wished for and desired, being spoken of very diversely.|
|3 pp. (177. 37.)|
|Sir Thomas Fane to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 15.
||Acknowledging the receipt of his letter of the 14th with the enclosure for Mr. Edmunds, which was sent after Mr. Edmunds, who embarked last Tuesday, by John Symons, the post, who will deliver it.—Dover Castle, 15 June, 1598.|
|Noted on the back : Dover this 15th of June at 5.30 p.m.; Canterbury this 15th, past 8 p.m.; Sittingbourne, 11.30 p.m.; Rochester, 16 June, at almost 2 a.m.; Dartford at 4 a.m.|
|½ p. (61. 85.)|
|J. D. to Richard Graeme.|
|1598, June 15.
||Please you to understand with what extraordinary pains and hazard of my life, I travailed in this matter committed to me, hoping to do good offices to her Majesty. For this effect I spake the nobleman's self, and brought from the Isles to the South Border on my charges his trusty servant with full instructions from his master to perfect all conditions required of him : but now I consider that an old dealing between the Lord Treasurer and this man has stopped my Lord of Essex's course in these affairs, so that they must be committed to the former travailers. In truth this man made me acquainted with the dealing with the Treasurer two years ago and shewed me that it was “cassine af” by the Treasurer. If I had known the impediment I should have gone no further. It may be his Honour's long experience may accomplish this matter at a lower rate, whereof I doubt, yet can he not do it speedilier nor surer nor we, who had all things in such readiness. But since his Honour has countermanded our coming, I have directed this man back again to his own place, with their last conditions : that if it shall please his Honour of new to enter in this action, that then both his master Maclean and he shall be ready to renew this dealing upon my advertisement. Also, in case a particular practice can be found out against the Earl of Tyrone for his killing, his Honour shall be first acquainted with this, so that the same shall be ordered by him alone, and in this shall I be made “forseine.” In all this there is an oversight which no doubt would have confirmed this man's service, there was no token given him. Although his travails had not the whole success, if this matter be renewed again, this shall, must needs, be amended. To me I
require none, her Majesty's protection and his Honour's favour shall fully satisfy me. John has put me in hope that in case the earl of Tyrone, whom he calls Oneill, be compelled to take the field, a way may be found to cut him off at a certain price. There is one thing necessary to be known. Of late there is one come privily from Odoneill to Maclean for agreeing with Tyrone, and large offers made to him, if he will assist and conjoin with them, first, to conjoin in marriage with Tyrone (for Maclean's wife is dead of late), to have so many companies entertained to Maclean upon the Earl of Tyrone's charges : last, there shall be great lands designed to him in Ireland. Their offers are hard, and Maclean has continued to answer till he hear from your estate. Therefore it is expedient the travailing with Maclean be hastened. I expect his Majesty be dissimulate in these affairs of Ireland, and some pregnant presumptions I have. Also I have sought out one who is sufficient, to acquaint the Earl with his Majesty's most privy affairs, and I shall do nothing which shall be hidden from him, but I see this mean is rejected also, and my travails lost. Yea, and more. These men with whom I have dealt are counselled that I have not dealt truly, but to “seise” them and no further. I will take nothing amiss, but the former must not be lost to others. Please you to recall the just copies of his Majesty's letter and act of Council directed to the whole “Shereffes” within his kingdom for armour and pavilions, as ye may read. What this imports, judge they whom this concerns. The Earl of Angus shall be lieutenant on the Borders. The Lord Home shall have his pardon. Let this be considered that there is none dwelling in our North Isles but Maclean and Macleod in the Lewis, but are all friends and well willers to Tyrone. If Maclean shall consent to them, his power shall be so increased as it will daily be more extraordinary charge to her Majesty and greater loss of her people. Therefore this is to be prevented wisely. I know the Treasurer employs George Nikelsonne in these affairs, as he did before. But since I am inhibited I will intermeddle no more. You must excuse me if I have fallen on these paths, for besides Maclean there is not one that can be employed in this action.—The 15 of June, '98.|
|Addressed, “To my vere good friend Richard Graime of the Brekanhill.” Holograph.|
|1¼ pp. (61. 86.)|
|Andrew White to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 15.
||Three of the five Commissioners in the controversy which Mr. Inchingham follows against me for Dumbrody have decreed unto him the whole tithes of the lordship, and settled in him the possession of the late widow's third part of the land, notwithstanding my bearing back from that manner of trial, and that some of the Commissioners themselves did think the proceeding erroneous and refuse to join with the rest in it. I haven gotten hard measure which I hope by your means to have redressed, and he £200 a year (a greater portion than that which
is left in my hands) to enable him to follow any ordinary trial of law. Such is his insatiableness as he is now gone over without any certificate from the Commissioners, to procure some other extraordinary course for recovery of the rest. This rest is the only stay which my father's hard fortune hath left to me, and to a number of my poor kindred who have their chiefest maintenance by me. By its loss we are undone; your goodness in helping us to keep it shall bind us unto you for ever. I will omit to aggravate the discountenancing of me by the labour that was used towards Mr. Ashlie for appointing my adversary to be his lieutenant in the fort of Duncannon. The fort is built upon the land in controversy, and it is unmeet that any private title should be countenanced by her Majesty's forces. Since March last it hath been commonly trusting to the guard of 4 or 5 men, so that it and the ordnance have lain open to the mercy of any enemy that durst attempt them. I leave the rest to my petition which I have appointed my brother to deliver.—Dublin, this 15 of June, 1598. Signed. Seal.|
|1 p. (61. 88.)|
|Agnes, Countess of Errol to Archibald Douglas.|
|1598, June 15.
||Guid cossing. Efter my most herttye commandations. The trubbels that all have of late sustinit causeth us to be at gritter charges than is needful for us to have. Our holle pleneching and housild stufe in the tyme of our lat trubles quhane the kinge come in the northe was lost. And therefor I am at this tyme forsit to derekt this berer John Smaill in that contre quhare ye ar to by sik sempell pleneching for our housis as we stand in grittest neid of. I will tharfor praye you give the small monye that he caris wt him be not abell to by the portion of stufe continit in his memorial, that ye will bettre helpe im to sik monye as he wantis and be ane mine effter yor pouer to bring hem to us sik small pleneching if we due present the lake. My husband hes him mest herttye comendit to yow, and walt this tyme have written to yow be himselfe war it not that he lukis efter the end of his conventioun, quhilk will begin about the tent of the next minith, to have sume farther matter to writ unto yow. Sene the returning of Mr. Aduard Bruce ther hes bine littill or ne reseulutioun taking in onye matter of importance, q'lk is houp sill be dune at this convention. The preparation for the Wast isles geis se slalye forduards that I can writ littill or netthing quhatt will be the end therof.—At Edinburghe, this 15 of Junii, 1598.|
|Addressed :—“To my loving cossing Archbadd Douglass, resedant at London.” Holograph.|
|1 p. (61. 89.)|
|Jo. Evelyn to the Lord Treasurer.|
|1598, June 15.
||In the case of Thomas Cave and Elenor, his wife, against Oliver St. John and Anthony Hungerford and Lucy, his wife, he finds an order of the Court of Chancery that
defendants shall pay the plaintiffs 500 marks. The Court forbears to give any order touching any employment of the money for the time past.—Chancery Lane, 15 June, 1598.|
|The Order referred to, dated May 15, 1598.|
|2 pp. (2174.)|
|Robert Dolman to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 16.
||It pleased you to accept last Michaelmas a young black colt, and by your letters to embolden me to recommend to you any suit I had, promising your favour in it. If I am not too bold, I would ask your favour to the Queen or my lord your father, as may seem best, in the following. I am the Queen's tenant of the grange of Hoton hang, the vaccary of More coot and Boldinglif, parcel of the late dissolved monastery of Jervaulx, and once in the hands of the Countess of Lennox, at a rent of £19 11s. 8d.|
|My father and I have served the Countess and the Queen these 60 years as stewards of the court and receivers, with no more than a fee of £20 a year for both offices, although at each Easter and Michaelmas I have to ride 200 miles circuit to hold the said courts, and every Michaelmas I have to go to London to make my account.|
|For which reasons I am suitor to have a renewal of my lease (the term now being ended) for three lives or 21 years, whichever shall be thought best.|
|And if I can have no absolute lease of these lands, yet I hope for such a lease as the one enclosed, which contains this clause (granted under My Lord Treasurer and Sir John Fortescue's hands), “habendum quamdiu in manibus nostris heredum vel successorum nostrorum remanebunt vel remanere contingunt.” Which if I may compass, I shall most willingly bestow upon your Honour 100 angels.—16 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (61. 90.)|
|Lord North to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 16.
||After Mr. Wade had shewed me the idle matters penned by Sir William Stafford I did yesterday talk to her Majesty about him, if she would be pleased to free him from the prison and the charge in respect of his poor wife and children. Her Majesty did graciously yield to have him consigned to the Bishop of Winchester, and gave me order that we should write to the Bishop accordingly. I have business which draweth me to London this forenoon, and will there entertain me all this day, otherwise I would have spared this labour, which yester night late I endeavoured to do, and failed of you. If you will have a letter to be drawn for that purpose, my hand shall go with yours.—16 June, '98.|
|½ p. (61. 91.)|
|Advertisements from France.|
|1598, June 16/26.
||From the Court at St. Germain, 26 June, '98. The towns are to be surrendered to the King on the 10th of next month. The Marquisate of Saluzzo is to be given up within a year. The two Kings have made such a peace that they dare not publish all the articles, but will keep them secret as far as they can. A gentleman of the Duc d'Aerschot has told me several times that there would soon be great changes. They are taking cannon from Paris to Calais, and from Calais and Doullens into Flanders, which men think strange. The Ambassadors will not leave until the towns have been given up. The two Kings desire nothing but the ruin of your country, not that you should attain a good peace. The King will not leave Paris for 18 days, nor will Marshal Biron leave Brussels, nor M. le Grand leave Spain, until the couriers have returned. “Vous entendrez pour le seur que Mons. Laffontaine a mandé icy que le grand Tresoriere et ceuz de son party demandent la paix, et Monseigneur le Comte demande la guerre, tellement qu'il mande que vous estez tout bien empechez. C'est un homme qui ne vous veult que de mal, et mesme n'en peult faire autrement, voyant qu'il sert a un Saint Esprit de l'Espaignol, et ne faira de sa vie aultre chose tant que le petit home vivra. Ce sera un tres grand coup de vous en quitter un jour.” The German whom the Earl knighted refuses to fight a Frenchman on the ground that the King has forbidden duels. Everyone is mocking at him. I hear from Holland that the Estates are disposed towards peace. That will be their ruin. The Queen might easily be Princess there, if she would, or at least Countess of Holland and Zealand. Anyhow the two Kings are in very low water for money. President Richardot is returned to Brussels, because the town talk was that he was to get Count Maurice assassinated, The Comte de Mercœur who is with the King, admits that the King of Spain cannot undertake any great war, so that if the Queen and the Estates were firm, everything would be well; but we hear that your Council is fearful.—French.|
|(61. 106.) 1 p.|
|La Hottiere Montigny, Vice-Admiral of Brittany, to the Earl of Essex.|
|1598, June 17/27.
||Letter of credence in favour of Captain David 'Gouin.'—Vannes en Bretagne, 27 June, 1598.|
|Signed. Seal. French.|
|1 p. (61. 108.)|
|The Earl of Pembroke to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 18.
||If my son had not been distempered in his body he should have come up to do my duty and his own to her Majesty. But as it is I must for some few days stay him till he perfectly recover. Meantime I pray you to deliver my humble letters of duty to her Majesty, lest my coming hither on a sudden make me seem not respectful of her service.|
|There is a suit commenced in the Court of the Duchy of Lancaster by Mr. Thyn, my neighbour, against my servant, George Catchmayd, concerning a weir in the river Wye. I will be bold to desire your lawful favour for the defendant, to whom I wish well.—Wilton, 18 June, 1598. Holograph.|
|1 p.. (61. 92.)|
|The enclosure :—|
|The Earl of Pembroke to the Queen.|
|1598, June 18.—My infirmities forcing me to retire to Wiltshire from service on the marches of Wales, I thought well to advertise it and entreat your Majesty to allow of it. It is grievous to me not to be able to remain where I am commanded, nor yet to repair to where your Majesty resides, but seeing both are due to want of health I hope not to be blamed.—Wilton, 18 June, 1598. Signed.|
|½ p. (61. 93.)|
|H. Maynard to Sir Robert Cecil.|
|1598, June 18.
||My lord hath not been well this night, so as with his own hand he is not well able to write to you. He imputeth it to his going abroad yesterday in the afternoon, when he was overtaken with the great shower which he thinketh did him some harm. Whether he shall be able to take his journey to London to-morrow or not, he cannot tell until he shall have passed this next night, which if he shall find better than this past he mindeth to hold his purpose, otherwise he must be constrained to stay his amendment.—Theobalds, 18 June, 1598.|
|½ p. (61. 94.)|
|Lady Yonge to the Lord Treasurer.|
|1598, June 18.
||The natural care of a grandmother, and the miserable condition of my son Strangwaies his daughter's poor distressed orphans, who are detained from their whole portions by Sir Henry Newton, enforceth me to trouble your Lordship with the petition herein enclosed.—From Bristowe the 18th of June, 1598. Signed.|
|½ p. (177. 41.)|
|The Grocers' Company.|
|1598, [June 19.]
||On the 19th of June, we coming to the Grocers' Hall, according to their own appointment, Mr. Box, one of the wardens of the Company, demanded of the said Company whether they would allow of the “patten” or withstand it; then the Master of the Company answered that they could not withstand the Queen's grant. Then the said Box affirmed that they might do it, for he had taken counsel of it, and that they might be relieved if they would stand in it, saying that the
Queen could not grant it, for it was flatly against law, and would have had us to put our “patten” to the four judges of the land to decide it, whether her Majesty could grant it by law or not, and told them that what bonds soever we should take of them were all not worth anything if they should break them because it was against law. Whereupon the grocers would not agree with us upon any reasonable conditions.—Signed, Joshua Crewe, Geo. Berisford. At foot : “Mr. Boxe at Basing lane.” Undated.|
|½ p. (62. 8.)|
|Sir Robert Cecil to the Fellows of Trinity Hall, Cambridge.|
|1598, June 19.
||Upon the death of the Master of your House, I wrote unto you by her Majesty's commandment, by the effect whereof I doubt not you have well perceived, at the least such of you that have discretion, how graciously she did recommend to you the care of yourselves, without any other appointment of you to choose any man. Being loth therefore to do wrong to any that deserve it not, and yet not daring to suffer her Majesty to be neglected, I have thought good to make you all participant to whom I writ, that you may divide among you the portion of this error as it shall concern you, that there are few precedents remaining whereof it shall appear that her Majesty's pleasure, being signified in any matter by any of her servants holding place about her, should be so slightly regarded as not to be held worthy any other answer than by word of mouth delivered to an ordinary messenger of the Chamber, by whom although you have amongst you held it sufficient to answer me, yet because I dare not presume to make an answer to my Sovereign on such grounds, I have thought good to make it known unto you what interpretation I make of this scornful proceeding, lest those who have heard of it may censure me to be as simple, if I should pass over the contempt, as they do hold you undutiful who have passed over your duties. Wherein I must let you know that, although her Majesty no way findeth fault with your election, having understood, though not from yourselves, how worthy and fit a person is chosen, yet can she not excuse those to whom she sent advice rather than commandment, for making so slight a valuation of that gracious care, which she expressed in the manner of my letter, chiefly tending to persuade that you might not suddenly or disorderly choose any factious or insufficient ruler. To the end therefore that it may appear which of you have advised this slight proceeding with me, or will justify it, these shall be to require you, you the senior Fellow to whom my letter was directed, and from whom my messenger received his answer, or any others of you that will assume yourselves to be authors of it, or advisers to be done in no other form, to make your present repair hither, whereby it may appear that I am not so unworthy of the favour her Majesty hath done in calling me to this place as not to consider what is due unto me in that respect, though otherwise I value my private condition with as much mediocrity as those that
are meaner than myself, and do as much reverence that University for many respects as any other gentleman in England.—From the Court at Greenwich, 19 June, 1598.|
|1¼ pp. (136. 63.)|
|The Earl of Essex to Sir John Fortescue.|
|1598, June 19.
||Is tenant to the Queen of Little Munden, Herts, and has made composition with one Lloyd who has a lease in reversion. Wishes his own name not to appear therein, and prays that the land may pass in the name of his friend Mr. Thomas Crompton, or his servant Henry Linley.—From the Court, 19 June, 1598.|
|½ p. (1085a.)|
|Executors of Lady Dacre to Lord Burghley.|
|1598, June 20.
||Pray to be admitted to sue livery in the name of Lord Buckhurst. Detail proceedings in Chancery with respect to Buckhurst's title.|
|Signed, Edward Fenmer, D. Drury, George Goring, Edward More.|
|1 p. (146. 132.)|
|T. Hesketh to the Lord Treasurer.|
|1598, June 20.
||Thanks him for the wardship of Singleton. Proceedings in the motion made by the Attorney General as to Lady Dacre's lands, in which Lord Buckhurst is concerned. Encloses letter from Sir John Stanhope respecting the penalty awarded against Stansfield.|
|Endorsed :—20 June, 1598.|
|1 p. (2175.)|
|Henry IV. King of France to the Earl of Essex.|
|1598, June 20/30.
||Acknowledging receipt of his letter and the arrival of his messenger. Whatever Essex recommends shall furnish occasion to prove the King's affection for him.—St. Germain-en-laye.|
|Endorsed :—June '98.|
|½ p. (147. 136.)|