|1460.—Sir H. Nevill to Sir W. Cecil.|
|1669/70, Jan. 1.
||The D. of Norfolk has written to the Council concerning the disorderly conduct of the Dacres, by which he has sustained losses amounting as he thinks to 2,000l. Is desired by his Grace to write to Cecil begging him to stand his friend and to try to obtain him redress. The D. would have written a private letter himself to Cecil if he had thought he might do so without offence.—From the Tower this New Year's day, 1569.|
|1461.—The Duke of Norfolk to the Council.|
|1569/70, Jan. 1.
||Complaining of the unlawful intrusion by Leonard Dacre and his brother into his possessions in the North, and also into those of Her Majesty's wards, the true heirs of the late George Dacre, and praying for redress. Trusts that their Lordships are satisfied with his former writings of submission, and also with his declaration, and begs them to exert their influence to help him from this unwholesome place.—1 Jan. 1569.|
|Holograph. 1 p.|
|1462.—Lord Hunsdon to Regent Murray.|
|1570, Jan. 9, Berwick.
||Notwithstanding his (the Regent's) strait proclamations for not receiving or aiding the Queen's rebels within any part of Scotland, the Earl of Westmoreland and others are openly kept in Farnhurst, some at Branksome with Buccleuch, some with Bedrowlie, Andrew Carr, and the sheriff of Tiviotdale. On Thursday the Countess of Northumberland was brought by Farnhurst towards Hume Castle, stayed at Roxburgh by the way, reaching Hume Friday morning, where she is yet, unless this day conveyed to Vaux Castle.|
|The Queen cannot take this well at their hands, especially at Lord Hume's, with whom she may easily be quittance and make him repent his folly.—From Berwick, 9 January 1569.|
|Copy. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 573. In extenso.]|
|1463.—The Bishop of Carlisle to the Earl of Sussex.|
|1569/70, Jan. 19.
||Has spent three whole days in the examination of the prisoner Thomas Bishop, being much injured therein by the prisoner's ill-health and weakness of brain. Sends his Lordship the result of these examinations, and with reference to the petition contained in the latter part of the prisoner's confession, thinks it would be very
meet and good policy to spare his life, and to let him prove what he can do by searching out and bringing to light the workings of the Queen of Scots, her friends, and the Earls and rebels in Scotland.—From Yemwath, 19 Jan. 1569.|
|A copy of the foregoing.|
|1½ pp. Encloses,|
|(1.) The examination of Thomas Bishop, of Pocklynqton, gentleman, dated 10 Jan. 1569, and taken before the Bp. of Carlisle and Richard Dudley, Esquire, Justices of the Peace.|
|Stating that the E. of Northumberland had held treasonable correspondence for the space of one year with the Spanish Ambassador, who had promised in the D. of Alva's name that the rebels should be supplied with two thousand shot, one thousand armed pikes, and one thousand great horses, with furniture of money; and also with sufficient money to maintain 12,000 Englishmen, which should arrive at Hartlepool within eight days of the rising of the Earls.|
|Stating further that the rebels were to be joined by the Lords Darcy and Leonard Dacre, and that Dacre's purpose was to seize the Lord Scrope and to hold him prisoner whilst his brother Edward Dacre should kill the Bp. of Carlisle, and taking the Castle and Town of Carlisle by assault, should have the whole of that country at his command.|
|Further, that the Lord Hume and the Lord of Farniehurst affirmed they would go the way the Dacres went, and that they, with the Humes, Carres, and all the broken men of Liddesdale, Tyndale, and Riddesdale, joining with the Dacres, intended as soon as time would serve to make an inroad into the borders, and to overthrow them. That the Castle of Naward was provided for the Lady Northumberland a month before the Earls came there, and that she said to the Deponent that she would lodge there “a monthe of Frydayes.” Also that there went between the Earls and Lord Dacre one Wetherington, one Peter Kirke, one Thomas Bates, and one other person having his face secretly covered.|
|Signed : —“Thomas Bisshop.”|
|A copy of the foregoing.|
|Endorsed by Cecil.|
|(2.) The answer of Thos. Bishop, of Pocklington, to the interrogatories administered to him by order of the Earl of Sussex with reference to the statements made by him in his former examination.|
|A petition is subjoined by the prisoner praying the Queen to spare his life, and offering to keep her Majesty well informed as to the intentions and proceedings of the Queen of Scots and of her friends. 17 Jan. 1569.|
|A copy of the foregoing.|
|1464. Matters charged against the Duke of Norfolk for the attempt to marry with the Scots' Queen.|
|1569/70, Jan. 20.
||1. When principal in the Commission at York trying her for the murder of. her husband, he, soon after he had begun to treat of the matters, disclosed to Lidington the Queen's intention to be in certain points in disfavour of the Scots' Queen, giving advice how she should write to the Queen for remedy. The proof is the letter from the Bp. of Ross to the Scots' Queen.|
|2. Immediately after his conference with Lidington he conferred with the Earl of Murray and moved him to forbear producing matters charged against her. The proof is a declaration of the Earl at length in writing not long before his death, viz., 1 October; also the Duke's confession, made 4 October, that Lidington and the Earl moved to him the matter of marriage at York.|
|3. On coming to Hampton Court from York he seemed greatly grieved that any intent to marry her should be imputed to him, complaining thereof to the Queen and reporting of the Scots' Queen matter sufficient to think her not meet. The proof of his earnest misliking of such a marriage, then or at any time, is best known to the Queen who so reported of him, very well allowing thereof, and telling sundry of her Council that she saying to him, “Though he did now mislike it he might be induced to like it for the benefit of the realm and for her Majesty's own surety,” he answered, “No reason could move him to like her who had been a competitor to the Crown, and that if her Majesty would move him thereto he would rather be committed to the Tower, he meant never to marry with such a person where he could not be sure of his pillow,” &c.|
|4. Nevertheless, with a few days he secretly conferred thereof in the park at Hampton Court with the Earl of Murray. The proof is the said writing declaratory of the said Earl; also the Duke's confession on the Earl moving him to know whether he could assent thereto, that if he (the Earl) could set his Queen free in her realm, and thereby make her fit for a good husband, then he would answer him thereto.|
|5. After this he did directly with other Lords prosecute the marriage, not making the Queen privy thereof. The proof is the Bp. of Ross' confession that he was required to move this marriage to the Queen of Scots, who would not assent except she first understood that the Queen should like of it.|
|6. Letters were written to the Queen of Scots for certain Lords at the Duke's soliciting to move her thereto.|
|7. The Duke confesses writing 10 or 12 letters to her, put into cipher by Liggons and sent by the Bp. of Ross : and sending her a ring and such like tokens.|
|8. He received letters from her, in cipher.|
|9. He sent Cantrell, his servant, secretly, to the Earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Derby, and Sussex, to move them to allow of it; but some of them did not.|
|10. He wrote an earnest long letter to Murray in cipher after Murray's return to Scotland to further it, with offers of great friendship. All these things he did without making her Majesty privy thereto.|
|Cecil's draft. 2½ pp. [Haynes, p. 573. In extenso.]|
|1465. Sir Henry Gates and Sir Wm. Drury to the Earl of Sussex,|
|1569/70, Jan. 20.
||Had an interview with the Regent at Stirling on me 19th inst., to whom they delivered her Majesty's letter assuring him of her thankful acceptation of his great goodwill in pursuing her rebels and of her commendation of his ready and speedy action therein. They also required him to deliver up the Earl of Northumberland to them and the rest of the rebels to the Wardens of the Marches of England, but this he begged to be allowed to defer until he had consulted with the Earl of Morton, the Earl of Mar, and the others of the nobility, whom he would appoint to meet him at Edinburgh in a few days, so that they might take no offence at his dealing in such a weighty matter. They had therefore deferred writing to Her Majesty until they can obtain a certain answer from him. Lythcoo, 20 Jan. 1569.|
|1¼ pp. [Lodge, Vol. I., pp. 491–494. In extenso.]|
|1466. Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Jan. 22.
||Has received his letters, from which he perceives that her Majesty and the Council are persuaded that the Wardens with their garrisons are able not only to withstand any attempt made against England, but also to join with the Regent in invading Scotland, if occasion serve. Is sorry to see that her Majesty's purse is more accounted of than either her honour or the present necessity of her service. Touching the lying of any garrison upon the borders, it is not necessary, so far as he can see, for the defence of any enemy; but if her Majesty or the Council think them in any way able to invade Scotland, they are much deceived. The garrison of this town (Berwick) is only 500 foot and 80 horse, many of whom are old and unserviceable. Would not willingly be driven to trust to any companies of the borderers in these matters, for he finds the whole country, saving a very few, more addicted to the rebels than to her Majesty. If the Earls (of Northumberland and Westmoreland) are to be delivered up, her Majesty need be at no further charges; but if they be denied, as he thinks they will be, either her Majesty must sit with that dishonour, or else she must send a better force than her borders can yield her. Berwick, 22 Jan. 1569.|
|1¼ pp. [Lodge, Vol. I., pp. 495–497. In extenso.]|
|1467. The Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Jan, 23.
||Has received his letters, by which he perceives that Her Majesty has granted the custody of the goods and lands of Edward Dacre (which he had long before granted to his cousin George Carey) to his cousin Knevett, to whom Carey shall deliver them over according to her Majesty's pleasure. Has also already given general order to the sheriff for the delivery of the other matters to Mr. Stanhope according to the grants made by the E. of Warwick and the Admiral, which he trusts will be satisfactory to her Majesty, however little it is to himself. Complains that he was first a lieutenant, afterwards little better than a marshal, having nothing left to him but to direct hanging matters, and now he is to be made a sheriff's bailiff to deliver over possessions.|
|Begs Cecil to blame him not, “though his pen utter somewhat of the swell in his stomach,” for he sees that he is kept but for a broom, and
when he has done his office is to be thrown out at the door. True service deserves honour and credit, and not reproach and open defaming, which latter have been his reward. Must therefore either cease to serve or lose his honour, which having continued so long in his house, he would be loth should receive blemish from him. Seeing therefore that he must be “still a camelion, and yield no other show than as it shall please others to give the colour,” he will content himself to live a private life. May God send her Majesty others that mean as well as he has done.—Darnton, 23 Jan. 1569.|
|1 p. [Lodge, Vol. I., pp. 498–500. In extenso.]|
|1468. Mary, Queen of Scots, to the Earl of Sussex.|
|1570, Jan. 23.
||Begging him not to stay her servants, James Lawder and Alexander Bog, who have passports from Queen Elizabeth, and who carry letters to her subjects in Scotland, which are open for his perusal. If he have any command to the contrary he is to advertise her thereof.—Tutbury, 23 January 1569.|
|Signed :—“Your richt good cousignes and frind,|
|[P.S.] “I wisch to be hertli commended to me good ledi your bedfalow.”|
|1469. The Earl of Lennox's Petition.|
||Supplication to the Queen by Mathew, Earl of Lennox, and Lady Margaret, his wife, that she would consider the great danger, Murray being murdered, “that your Majesty's fatherless and desolate poor orphan and kinsman remaineth presently in,” and take in hand the protection and defence of the said King and his realm, so that his enemies, both those at liberty and those in captivity, may not prevail against him; otherwise to have him delivered into her hands for greater safety, &c.|
|1 p. [Haynes, p. 576. In extenso.]|
|1470. Sir H. Nevill to Sir W. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Feb. 4.
||Has sent him a letter from his Grace (the D. of Norfolk) to the Council, praying to be set at liberty on account of his health. Suggests that “he should be sent to serve her Majesty in the North this summer and that the Queen of Scots should be put here in his place.”—From the Tower, this 4th of Feb.|
|1471. Sir Henry Nevill to the Privy Council.|
|[1569/70], Feb. 15.
||On behalf of the Duke of Norfolk, who, feeling his sickness grow upon him, and that his body inclines to the state he was in before, requests the Queen's permission to go to his own house to “enter into the diet,” for the unfitness of that kind of physic to be taken in the Tower their Lordships well know.—From the Tower of London this 15 February.|
|Endorsed : —“15 Feb, 1569.”|
|1472. The Treasurer of the Chamber.|
|1569/70, Feb. 17.
||Copy of a Warrant to the Treasurer, Chancellor, and Barons of the Exchequer, for taking the account of the Treasurer of the Chamber.—Westminster, 17 Feb. ao 12.|
|[There is another page of MS., containing two passages to be interpolated in the foregoing Warrant.]|
|1473. Christopher Mundt to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
||These new arisen disturbances in the Low Countries do much hinder their purposes, and certain merchants who were well affected do now revoke their words. When the marriage shall take place between the Duke Casimir and the daughter of the Elector of Saxony, certain great men would wish her Majesty to send an envoy with congratulatory messages, and so to renew the old amity and confederacy with the Protestant princes. In going down to Cologne did deflect to Heidelberg where the D. of Bipont then was, and in her Majesty's name saluted the Elector who at that time was marrying his daughter to one of the Landgrave's sons. Amongst other friendly remembrances to the Queen's Majesty, the Elector told him that he had lent his cousin the Duke 100,000 thalers to help him forward in this begun expedition. The D. of Bipont required him to make his humble commendations and assurance of all possible service to her Majesty and with continual importunity did exhort him to take this long and tedious journey to Cologne to haste the matter forward.—From Cologne, 18 Feb. 1569.|
|1474.—Sir H. Nevill to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Feb. 18.
||Sends herewith for his consideration, at the request of the Duke of Norfolk, a letter written to Banaster, his Grace's servant, from the North. Thinks the men that come out of that part “have but a slender opinion of their dutiful proceedings,” and trusts some good order will be taken to reduce them to submission.—From the Tower this 18th Feb.|
|1 p. Encloses,|
|Edmund Turner to Laurence Banaster.|
|Marvels much what made him write that Leonard Dacre is fled. No such matter is intended by him, but he means to defend his possessions till death, and hath made provision in Naward and other places accordingly. The country is in such a state that they care not what they do. Has received many warnings that if he stirs from Stockbridge he will be slain, but will not stay for all their brags. If his Grace had but ten men in this country whom he could trust, he would not care, but he knows not six. Is content, by reason of his (Banaster's) commandment, to join with John Middleton, but “a falser villain is not in Cumberland.” Thinks the Lord Warden and the sheriff neither will nor dare deal with the Dacres. The rebels never were at any time so stout as they are now. — From Stockbridge, 8 Feb. 1569.|
|1475. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Feb. 25.
||Understanding Cecil's disposition towards him to be better than he deserves or could expect, begs him to use his credit with the Queen for his enlargement, for which the Lord Keeper and the Chancellors of the Duchy and of the Exchequer will also become suitors to the Queen. Forbears his further defence.—At Casalton, 25 February.|
|1 p. [Haynes, p. 577. In extenso.]|
|1476. The Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Mar. 4.
||At his late interview with her Majesty was convinced of her good opinion and favour towards him, being assured thereof by herself in most liberal words. Nevertheless he declared to her Majesty in plain words that the world seeing contrary actions would not be so satisfied. Her Majesty thereupon answered that she would so deal with him that the world should see the trust and credit she committed to him. He afterwards learnt that it was her Majesty's intention to continue him in those offices, which he held when he was under the greatest suspicion. Is ready to perform his duty to her Majesty in the government of the borders wheresoever she shall command him. Denies that he had ever been guilty of any “protracting of time” or lack of speedy execution of her service, notwithstanding the statements to that effect made by the rebels in their letters. Appends a note of the expenses he has been put to during the 12 years he has spent in her Majesty's service, and denies that he has ever received, directly or indirectly, any other benefit than was incident to the ordinary fees belonging to the offices committed to him.—4 March 1569.|
|Holograph. 3½ pp. (torn). [Lodge, Vol. I., pp. 500–503. In extenso.]|
|1477. Levies for the North.|
|1569/70, March 8.
||Warrant to Sir Wm. Cecil to stamp and seal letters under the signet to knights and others in 13 shires for levying lances and light horsemen for the Queen's service in the north.—Hampton Court, 8 March 1569.|
|Signed by the Queen. 2 pp. [Haynes, p. 578. In extenso.]|
|Copy of the said letters dated 10 March 1569.|
|1478. Memorial by Cecil at Hampton Court.|
|1569/70, March 10.
||To favour the Regent is needful now that 1o the rebels are coupled with a faction of Scotland, and 2o the French enter into the aid of the contrary faction.|
|Perils : 1o The Queen of Scots faction in Scotland is increased.|
|2o The Regent's decay for want.|
|3o The rebels now in Scotland increase the humour of the Scottish Queen's faction there.|
|4o The French now enter into the succour of her faction at Donbrytton.|
|Resolution : 1o To give order to take the rebels in Scotland.|
|2o To aid him with money [the Regent].|
|3o To return home the Queen of Scots.|
|1 p. [Haynes, p. 579. In extenso.]|
|1479. John Lee to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1569/70, Mar. 20.
||Has had further discourse with John Prestall who by his talk and the provision he makes seems to intend departing presently either to England or Scotland. On the 17th March Story came from Louvain to Antwerp and brought a letter from the Council, the effect of which was to cause Prestall to depart in great haste to Holland where certain ships are held in readiness. Prestall has taken means to buy from Mr. Smith a chest of iron tools which will break any prison, be it never so strong, which chest is to be conveyed to Sir John Conway, whom Prestall states he will set at liberty or else lose his life. Trusts Cecil will have a regard to the Queen's ships, and also to his own security, for he fears that an attempt will be made shortly. From Antwerp, 20th March.|
|Endorsed by Cecil : —“Jo. Lee. 20 March 1569. Prestall. Sir Jho. Conwey. Mr. Smyth.”|
|1480. The Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1570. April 10.
||Has, in accordance with Her Majesty's instructions, earnestly moved the Queen of Scots to open her mind with full confidence to Her Majesty in some secret letter, which he promised to have safely delivered to Elizabeth's hands, no part of it to be disclosed, otherwise than she would herself. His want of success. Mary still desirous of a personal interview with Elizabeth, alleging her strong doubts that whatever she might write would obtain no credit with her Majesty. Her great willingness and earnestness to conform herself to Elizabeth. Has thought good to advertise Cecil of the words used by Mary to him that day to this effect.—Tutbury, 10 April 1570.|
|[Postcript]. At the sealing of the above letter, the Queen of Scots came to him, and required him to signify to Cecil that, if Elizabeth would grant her leave to come to her, she would reveal such matter as would be advantageous to Her Majesty and to herself; she will utter it to no creature else. Her desire was to go to Elizabeth just as the latter should appoint. Had refused to let her write to Cecil in the matter, but had moved her to express her mind plainly in her own letters to Elizabeth. Had thought it not amiss to advertise what she said.|
|Seal. 1¼ pp. [Haynes, pp. 593, 594. In extenso.]|
|1481. Interrogatories for Hameling.|
|1570, April 18.
||Referring to the rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and chiefly to the intrigues of the former with the Queen of Scots.|
|Endorsed.—18th April 1570.|
|Draft by Cecil. ¾ p. [Haynes, p. 594. In extenso.]|
|1482. Hameling's Examination.|
|1570, April 18.
||Examination of Hameling by Sir Francis Knollys and Sir Wm. Cecil. The particulars here given by Hameling are, in great measure, in reply to the foregoing interrogatories, and tell of various persons who were privy to the Earl of Northumberland's conspiracy, of the intrigues of that Earl and his Countess with the Queen of Scots, of the designs for the rescue of Mary, and of other matters in connexion with the rebellion of the two Earls.|
|Endorsed : —18 April 1570,|
|[This document is in Cecils handwriting, and is subscribed and signed by him” Written by me, W. Burghley.” These words, however,
have been added subsequently; in his endorsement of the paper he styles himself Sir Wm. Cecil.]|
|3 pp. [Haynes, pp. 594–596. In extenso.]|
|1483. The Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1570, Apr. 25.
||Perceives by Cecil's letters of the 21st his desire to hear of some revenge made against the false Scots. But for the folly in the carrying away of the draught horses, thinks the journey has been well knit up in the end by the taking of Hume Castle. The Lord of Cesforth and all the principal gentlemen of the Marsh profess obedience to the King, and Buccleuch, who has married the Earl of Angus's sister, will by the Earl of Morton's procurement turn on that side. This packing in Scotland is by Liddington's devices, who plainly gives out that our Queen is resolved to restore his mistress. Morton and his faction say that if her Majesty will presently enter into public maintenance of their King's authority, and send money to entertain 1,000 soldiers for three months, and command the forces here to aid them, they will bring all Scotland in effect to obey that authority. Therefore it were good her Majesty would resolve what she will do. These matters have too long slept; it is time now to wake. Scotland perhaps is in greater fear of this small company, well chosen and appointed, than it hath been of a far greater force in other times. Urges Cecil to bring her Majesty to some resolution, so that he [Sussex] may know what he shall do with surety.—Berwick, 25 April 1570.|
|Signed. 2 pp. [Lodge, I. pp. 504–507. In extenso.]|
|1484. Danyell Houghsetter to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1570, April 29.
||A memorial “touchinge the Mynes Royall,” with reference to a bargain, made with the English Government, for 2,000 quintals of copper. It states the price of copper “beyond the seas” (at the Frankfort fair in Lent of this year the quintal is said here to have obtained 65s.), and permission is sought from the Queen by the Company to which Houghsetter belonged, to transport their copper into France, Spain, or Portugal. In reply to a request of Sir Wm. Cecil, it is stated that 50 tuns of wine per annum would serve for the allowance to be made for the Company's workmen. It is also inquired to whom the Queen's portion of copper, reserved upon the indenture, should be delivered.—29 April 1570.|
|1485. —to [Sir Wm. Cecil?].|
||A letter, without signature or address, touching the delivery of the leases of certain manors to Mrs. Southwell. The manors named are, Carbrok, Latymers, and Wodhall. A few details are given concerning these, and also regarding the manor of Mourton-cum-Ringland. A representation is made as to the ownership of the manors of Totington and Mortymers.|
|Endorsed : —April 1570.|
|1486. Loan Money.|
||List of the sums of money paid on Privy Seals by the various counties of England in April of this year by way of loan : total, 9,200l.|
|1487. Examination of Thomas Norton.|
|1570, May 10.
||Examinate whilst in arms was never made privy to any conference, but was always excluded by commandment. The first proclamation that he heard was penned at Brancepeth, by whom he knows not. Takes it that religion was the only cause of the rising. He was at Naworth when they fled thence, and he “made chase” rather to offer himself to the Queen's mercy than to flee into Scotland; his brother Richard did advise him thereunto. Is utterly ignorant of the devisers of the conspiracy.—10 May 1570.|
|1488. Examination of Thomas Bishop.|
|1570, May 10.
||Examined before Gilbert Gerard and Thomas Bromley, Attorney and Solicitor General, the examinate saith that Thomas Taylor of Tadcaster, servant of the E. of Northumberland, first told him of the conspiracy of the late rebellion, walking together in Gray's Inn Fields, the same day that the D. of Norfolk was at St. Alban's when he came out of Norfolk towards Windsor, and that one Seyes, a servant of the Q. of Scots, was the cause of the information so given; whereupon, the examinate sent his son Francis down to the Queen, advising her to stay the enterprise, for that it could not be entered upon without danger for her life. After which, the Q. of Scots sent letters back, requiring the examinate to go to the E. of Northumberland to advise him to stay either altogether or at the least for twenty days, which the examinate did; and at his repair thither they were then risen and at Wetherby. The Earl and Countess of Northumberland declared unto him that Gerard Lowther brought letters from the Scottish Queen to the Earl about October before the rebellion. Can say nothing touching Hussey, now prisoner in the Tower.—10 May 1570.|
|Signed. 1 p.|
|1489. Examination of John Hamlyn.|
|1570, May 10.
||The examinate saith that Thomas Bates was at Beamish about three weeks before the rebellion, and had secret conference with the Earl of Northumberland and Leonard Dacre. That about ten days before the rebellion began, the said Earl, Richard Norton, Francis Norton, Bishop, W. Norton, and Oswald Wilkinson, met together in a close called Balterby Brome near Topcliff, where they had conference two hours, and the servants commanded to stand afar off. T. Bishop being brought face to face with Hamlyn, confirmed his declaration touching this conference. The examinate further thinks that Oswald Wilkinson and Dr. Lee, the physician, understood the whole conspiracy. The Earl of Northumberland also gave William Plumton an armour of proof, and unto John Vavasor a white armour graven and gilt, about five weeks before the rebellion began. These two, and Andrew Oglethorpe, who was slain, came to Wetherby to the Earl's and promised both men and victual, and after that night departed and promised to return again the next day with their powers, which they did not. Gerrard Lowther was with both the Earls at Topcliff about six weeks before the rebellion.— 10 May 1570.|
|1490. Thomas Bishop to [the Council.]|
|1570, May 22.
||Your worships' pleasure was, I might from time to time write my knowledge of the late rebellion, and in other matters. In the night of our dispersement from the Earls, with strokes and wounds given me because I would not go in Scotland, I induced seven score horsemen and some “schott” [foot-soldiers who carried fire-arms] to flee home to the mercy pf the Queen Being the 10th day of May last convened at the sudden before your worships, my brain through troubles distempered, my memory then not ripe, being also charged with that I had forgotten; yet for declaration of my own innocence I answer as followeth :—|
|Touching the late rebellion in the North, my first knowledge thereof was : having taken a house beside St. John's, pertaining to the servant of the Scullery (as I suppose), where I had intended to have brought my wife and family, not liking of the North; walking from the same with my eldest son with one William Harris servant to the Scots' Queen, and my servant, met us one Thomas Taylor. Harris said, “Yonder is one of my acquaintance, a servant of the Earl of Northumberland's, we shall hear what news from the North,” who, after salutation by Harris, being demanded, said, “Sire, I understand you to be honest men and friends, I will not 'lane [conceal] with you.” “The morrow,” said he, “being the 28th day of September, will the Earl my master, accompanied with twenty thousand men, be in the fields, and ray master in the bravest armour any subject hath in this London; if the incoming of the D. of Norfolk be not a discourager to them, whereof and what ye hear of him I pray you tell me.” We said, it was thought he will be the same night at St.Alban's coming into the Court, and his apparel for the Court was provided. I remained at London until the 10th of October, the plague increasing I departed, the same day I met Robert Bowes upon this side Ware, the same night also I lay at the Bull in Ware, where the Abbot of Dunfermline was lodged going to the Court. Arriving at Pocklington my bailiff told me how Thurkill, the Earl's receiver, said, my Lord would distrain for the arrears of my free rent reserved upon Pocklington. For these my private, as for the discovery of the Earl's intentions, I went to Toplvye [Topcliffe] the 17th of October. I sent for Thurkill and desired his friendship to my lord, who brought me word my lord would speak with me himself. The Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, Lord Talbot, the Earl's wife, and Lady Talbot riding for their pastime abroad, John Hameling was sent to my lodging in Topcliff Town. The Earl of Northumberland leaving the rest and riding a mile or two from Toplyve, I followed with Hameling and my men. There, met the Earl, old Mr. Norton the sheriff, with Francis and William Norton, and they, with Oswald Wilkinson lighting down by a hedge-side and a hill which they now call Bawderbin Bromes, I went to the Earl, who took me by the hand. He asked me what I heard of the Duke of Norfolk, I answered, I heard by the way he was committed to the Tower the 11th of October, he also asked of Arundel, Pembroke, and Lumley. 1 walked a whole hour by the hedge-side not speaking with them any more, they four being together. In my walk by the hedge I took acquaintance to William Norton, he asked, “I am sure you have heard by the Earl or his Lady since your coming, that there was aid promised us by Spain, what think ye thereof?” To discourage him, as I did always the rest, I advised delay. The Earl and the others ending their talk, the Earl asked, “Heard ye nothing of any rising in the North by me and Westmoreland?” “Yes, my lord, I heard by Tailor and by the way I heard of the taking of Sknaysborough [Knaresborough]
Castle by Sir William Inglebye, Mr. Malzerye [Mallory] and Mr. Slingsby. The Earl said, “Those be honest men, and have used me well, I would have been loath also to have set the Queen of Scotland in any danger, and I pray you as ye will shew me pleasure and I you courtesy, to get me true word how and in what manner she is kept and who guardeth her, for I can get no sure knowledge by none of my own, nor I have not heard word this long time, I would be loath, said he, she were put to any more peril.” I told him I would get him sure and perfect knowledge, and so took my leave. Markinfield was not at that hedge-side, as Hamelin saith. 1 learned that the Scots' Queen was very strait kept in the custody of the Earls of Shrewsbury, Huntingdon, and Viscount Hereford, with great guard and great watch of the country; whereof, about the last of October, the Earl afore that time having departed to Beamish where his mother died, I sent my son to him to show him how the Scots' Queen was kept, and willed him to learn if they intended any rising. My son, returning from Durham and Beamish declared thanks to me from the Earl, and said, “Sir, I cannot perceive by the Earl's self that he hath any mind to rise, but to quiet himself, yet I see such provision of fair geldings, dagges, and armour, and his servants and gentlemen so earnestly bent to unquietness, the Nortons also, and Markinfield, flocking to Brauncepeth, and his lady as they say earnestly bent, that I doubt they will provoke him and compel him to stir.” Then said I, “Thou shalt go towards Tutbury, and if thou canst get in word to her and learn what is become of thy brother, and from me send in word to the Queen, that I doubt their rising in the north, which will not fall forth without slander and hazard until her person, albeit she deal not with them therein, and desire she may write for their stay if she can, or at least for 20 days after thy coming home, for then the winter will draw on.” He departed about the 8th of November. In this meantime, the Earl of Northumberland came from Beamish to Topcliff, being in mind fully determined not to rise, as I learned after being with him; and in the night he was advertised that he was betrayed, and should be taken by Sir Oswald Wolstrop, Sir William Malzerye [Mallory], and Sir William Ingleby, with a band of horsemen; so that he at the sudden got up, caused take up the bridge of the river the bells of the town rang “ackward” as they use in time of commotion and so escaped. But for this warning, this unhappy rebellion had never chanced. After his departure musters were made with open warning to the Justices and people, to assemble for the Earl's apprehension at Durham upon the 15th of November. So that their rising proceeded upon a mistrust of pardon for their first intended rebellion in September last, and now, upon a plain desperation conceived by the Earl upon his escape at Topcliff. Whereupon, the 14th of November, being Monday, the Earl of Northumberland, threatened with dagges by his company, who said, “If ye will cast yourself away, ye shall not cast us,” they took arms and marched to Richmond, to Ripon, and so forwards. The letters coming from the Scots' Queen the 15th of November I went with the same, not knowing of any rising, being distant from them 60 miles. I rode to Brockenborough, where, upon Thursday, the 17th of November, the lady of Northumberland arriving in the night, stayed me. And upon Sunday, the 20th of November, guarding me with some of her men, sent to Boroughbridge, where, in Tancred's house, the Earls and their chief assistants in a gallery at council, I delivered the letters, containing in effect, as I have in my former examination written, for their stay. To whom I declared they had overthrown themselves assembling in that
order. The Earl of Westmoreland answered, “We were compelled for safety of our lives, and now we mon stick to it.” And said to me, “You know York; we intend upon the side next Todcastle to assault it. What is your opinion?” I answered, it was evil counsel, that was the strongest bar, the highest and strongest wall. “If ye get repulse, having no ordnance, it will discourage your people, if ye win that part it shall be with great loss of men; the inhabitants be your friends as I hear say, and being spoiled and sacked, ye shall be cried out upon not only of them but of all England as robbers and destroyers of the second town of this realm. And yet, getting this part of the town, ye win but a 'streit,' having the bridge and river to win, beyond which standeth the three best parts of the town.” Old Mr. Norton said, “It is in him, he telleth you truth.” Then said the Earls, “We have set our footmen too far forwards.” The bishoprick men, hearing of their recall from the enterprise of York, and fearing the spoil of Sir George Bowes behind them, allured the Earls to Barnard Castle, whereunto Westmoreland was well willing. And upon their return they lost four thousand men, and never after were above two thousand naked footmen and seven hundred horsemen. I alleged this my persuasion, and safety of York, at the bar, and there were there standing that heard, when I did the same at Boroughbridge. Methinks, if I had done but those two services in the Queen's reign, that is, the disclosing of the conspiracy of rebellion intended in the third year, and this last saving of York, I ought to have some favour for life at least. The same time, after delivery of my letters, the Earl of Westmoreland and Christopher Nevill taking me aside, the Earl said, “I have heard often of you, and now I perceive something, I am but a young man, and is (sic) compelled to this for our safeguard, we have need of counsel, I pray you tarry with us.” I answered, “My lord, I came not for that purpose, I have neither brought men, furniture, nor armour, ye shall not lack such, no, my lord, I will wear no armour against my Sovereign. I will go home, and perhaps hereafter will come to ycu.” Perceiving that I would depart, misliking their number and purpose might discover them, and be a let for aid, and of intent they might by my countenance animate their company in hope of aid from the Scot's Queen, caused Northumberland write a letter secretly to bis lady to entertain me courteously, and yet with a secret restraint. So that I was lodged where the Earl and she lay, and my horses kept in her stable. Understanding myself thus to be dealt with, and neither I nor my son could get back, I dissembled the matter, and perceiving her both to have the head and the most “stroke” [influence], I insinuated myself to her, and by that means wrought all the good I could to every man, and to desist from all spoils or any other attempt that might offend the prince. And to verify this my assertion, in saving my lady Lennox's gentlemen and a servant of the Queen's, then taken at Richmond, I told Mr. Mann, her servant, demanding my chance there, I said—upon an occasion for good, and now was kept against my will. If Sir George Bowes had kept that castle one day longer, with a like persuasion I had brought them from it. At Whitsedge I never came, but lay at Durham. As for my knowledge from that lady, and all other my confessions before made, for briefness at this time, I do affirm, and refer me to the same.—22 May 1570.|
|Signed : —“Your poor orator, Thomas Bishop.”|
|1491. Loan Monet.|
||List of those who contributed to the loan in Lancashire, with the amounts of their subscriptions. Total, 1,233l. 6s. 8d. —May 1570.|
|1492. Loan Money.|
||List of the sums of money paid by way of loan, for the month of May. Total sum paid, 17,633l.|
|1493. “Interrogatories to be answered by Thomas Bishop.”|
||Requiring him to write his knowledge of the sundry intentions of moving rebellions in the realm, for religion, or for the Q. of Scots; of all persons that have intermeddled with the making of any books concerning the Scottish Queen's title to the crown of England; of the devices used for the Q. of Scots' escaping from Bolton; of the first motions of the late rebellion, and its intent, if it had not been suppressed; of the persons that did treat with any of the ambassadors, for the Scottish Queen, or for stirring of the rebellion; and of what Christopher and William Norton, Leonard Dacres, and Thomas Bates had done in these matters.|
|Minute in Cecil's hand. 1 p.|
|1494. Edward Dyer to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1570, June 9.
||Requesting a letter to the Lord Treasurer, declaring that the writer is he to whom her Majesty has granted the “office and demesnes” of Woodstock, “in such ample manner as any of the Chamberlains have had it heretofore.” Asks that some phrase may be used to quicken the Lord Treasurer, who wishes to benefit some of his sons, and thereof have been delays.—9 June 1570.|
|1495. The Duke of Norfolk to Sir Wm, Cecil.|
|1570, June 17.
||Thanks him for the small liberty he has obtained for him, and hopes by his friendly labour to enjoy the freedom of his own house. Has written to the Queen, but leaves it to Cecil's discretion whether the letter should be delivered. His health fails daily as Sir H. Nevill, to whom he begs Cecil to give credit, will declare.—17 June 1567 (sic).|
|Endorsed by Cecil : —“17th June 1570.”|
|Holograph. 1 p.|
|1496. The Duke of Norfolk to [Henry, Earl of Arundel].|
|1570, June 20.
||“The long friendship, besides alliance, hath wrought much with me, as I assure you I have no brother nor sister dearer to me than you and your wife, and so I pray you good brother to account of me as of yourself in any things that may lie in my power. I do most thankfully accept your most friendly offer, but when I consider what present use of moneys the case doth require, and how unprovided I am
to disburse, I find more will in myself to supply the present necessity than ability; and therefore, because I would not seem forgetful whose daughter I have married, nor who was mother to my eldest; son, I have determined, seeing I am not able to perform both the office of a purchaser and a loving son-in-law, I had rather strain myself to the last, which both nature and honour binds me to, than the other, which may chance fall out more gainful to me. And therefore I will not enter into no purchase of the land, but I will be contented to seal some portion of mine own land for my lord's better furniture towards his great debt; seeking nothing again therefor, neither during my lord's life whereby he should be driven to abate his part, nor yet any ways either to hinder you or my good sister; not doubting, but that this being considered, that my lord will consider that Philip is one of his next heirs. And thus for haste I end, minding, if you think well of my true meaning herein, to entreat the Master of the Rolls to commune with you for the same and other things, seeing froward fortune will not suffer us two to meet. And thus thinking your own demand most reasonable of 500l. land, I end with my most hearty commendations to you and my good sister, this 20 of June 1570, your loving brother-in-law.—T. Norfolk.”|
|Holograph. 1 p.|
|1497. The Duke of Norfolk's First Submission.|
|1570. June 23.
||Acknowledges his offence, vows future good service to her Majesty, renounces entirely his proposed marriage with the Queen of Scots, craves her Majesty's forgiveness, and again promises all fidelity.—23 June, 1570.|
|Copy. 1½ pp [Haynes, pp. 597, 598. In extenso.]|
|1498. Sir Henry Nevell to Sir Wm. Cecil.|
|1570, June 30.
||Thought good, having a messenger, to trouble Cecil with these few lines to let him understand their affairs there. So much of Felton's confessions as they had that day taken is sent to him. The Lieutenant went early to the Lord Treasurer to Chelsea, and he is a Commissioner to see it done, therefore they could not rack Felton without his presence. Further for his part, he [Nevell] has to look to himself, for he perceives that his service depends upon the Lieutenant's report to Lord Leicester. The day before, Leicester wrote to the Lieutenant, as Nevell heard from a friend of his who secretly saw the letter, that he should send him word of all Nevell's dealings, saying that, if the latter dealt not well with him and his, “he wold sytapon” his “schyrts.” Has entered into a piece of service which, if he knew her Majesty did not approve of in him, he could quickly leave where it is, and as for any further dealing, seeing her Majesty doth so much depend upon him who defends all those they should deal against, for his part he [Nevell] can be content to keep his finger out of the fire, or [? nor] to enter any more. “I assure ye sir I pity my Lord, for I see these spiteful dealings with him will be some means to throw him into some evil sickness; he cannot hold, but must needs utter unto my lord his “color” [choler] as well tempered as may be by “bools” [bowls]. Surely sir I think by him as by self I should digest the better a sennight after my meat. God send her Majesty to see and discern traitors from good subjects; here is liberty looked for by divers whose promises pay well for it, for it is thought to come by our friends to help us.”|
|Endorsed : —30 June, 1570.|
|Seal. 1 p.|
|1499. Lord Morley to [his son] Edward Parker.|
||It was no small grief to dissemble his departure from him, and to think what sorrow it should be to him to hear of it. Trusts he will now rejoice to hear of his safe arrival, having escaped the hands of them who would have sought his ruin. Desires his children to serve God, and obey their mother's counsel, trusting shortly to obtain so much favour at the Queen's hands, as they all, and their mother, shall for a time come over to him. Warns them not to be led with evil persuasions, nor to company with lewd persons, who will entice them to fantasies, to alter their profession of faith in which they have been brought up, or to make breach of the promise “which you know what I mean.” Tells them to observe their faith and duty to the Queen, to whom he will bear true and faithful loyalty. “Thus praying you all to pray for me, and as you may, to write to me, how all things stands at Hallingley, I give you all God's blessing and mine.”—Bruges, June, 1570.|
|[Postscript.]—“I pray you see that my horses and spaniels may be well looked to, for I trust you shall come over to me shortly.”|