Cecil Papers
December 1603, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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M. S. Giuseppi (editor)

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1930

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325-345

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'Cecil Papers: December 1603, 16-31', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 15: 1603 (1930), pp. 325-345. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112171 Date accessed: 20 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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December 1603, 16-31

William Udall to the Lord Treasurer of Scotland.
[1603], Dec. 16.I have sent you somewhat this night, tomorrow I will perform the rest by God's grace. Let me know by bearer how long you stay this Saturday before you go to the Court, that I may have as long time to dispatch at large as your stay will afford me. I have here sent you those articles again for I have a copy of them.—At the Gatehouse, 16 Dec.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1603." ⅓ p. (102. 75.)
The Same to the Same.
[1603], Dec. 17.You are worthily directed by his Majesty to receive what I deliver to you for him, so let me crave to be plain with you in all matters. I beseech you that my letters be not known to any Englishman whatsoever till I have brought my proofs for all matters, which shall be in all haste so soon as his Majesty command any course for me. I am right heartily sorry that Sir Wm. Waad saw any of my articles, of all men; in my last to the Bishop of Bristol who delivered them to his Majesty I gave a special note that he should not be acquainted with anything when as he only kept me close upon Watson's speeches, and at my being before him used me so cruelly, how soever before you he seemed more moderate and not to deny anything I said.
You will find I have many potent enemies; I protest I have no enemies nor any disgrace in anything but for matters which especially concern his Majesty. The malice against me especially arises for the late Earl of Essex in that it is reported I dealt against him. Mr. James Hamilton knows, when that Earl was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, what I informed against him concerned his Majesty now; and that was that the Earl of Tirone and he confederated against the King at that time, and to justify that I brought my author to my Lord of Nottingham, Lord Cecil and Sir John Stanhope. He is yet living, an esquire in Worcestershire called Thomas Blount of Astley, and at this hour I have his hand that I did nothing but what at that time in my zeal to his Majesty I held myself bound to do: but I have been and am miserably plagued for it. Consider that improbable slander lately raised of me mentioned by the keeper, that I should practise to be Lord Chief Justice of England with Watson the priest without all reason or ground but only devised to make me odious. For his sovereign never man endured the like cruelty, injustice and oppression. I have no refuge but to his Majesty and now to you for my miserable extremity, which concerns his Majesty as he is a sovereign to command that no such oppressions be tolerated in his happy government. I am kept from all I have to relieve myself and 2 starving children without all show of justice. I have lately had since my close imprisonment for want of relief four children perished, my wife lamentably murthered, carried out of her bed for dead and laid in an outroom, all night alone. In the night she crept to her bed again, and in the morning without all company was found dead in her bed. In eight weeks I could not be suffered to make this known. My children lay unburied till they began to savour, I in close prison without means to do anything to save their lives, having pawned and sold all my apparel, left myself almost naked in rags, no compassion, no justice to be found. Might overcomes right: that which is due unto me [is] above a thousand marks; I have now two children remaining ready to starve, not a penny to relieve them. Did you ever hear so lamentable a case? A man of no base education, to be touched with no suspicion of bad life, in three years never heard, till now his gracious Majesty directed you. I never made suit but for justice, but to come to trial; if I had obtained either, innocent blood had not been cast away.
No man could have endured to lie loaded with irons for his solace, except he had prolonged his life in regard there is a God and not to die basely but let his Sovereign know for whose cause he endureth. No one of all my enemies can allege one fault or bring one proof against me; the true cause of my hatreds I have partly touched in the Earl of Essex, and the rest remaineth in those proofs I am able to make of crown lands fraudulently taken from her late Majesty, of infinite abuses in the treasure, of subornation to accuse me for money, of extortions, cosenages, treasons and all such crimes.
I sue for nothing from his Majesty but justice. What joy can I take in anything now my dearest wife and most dear children are taken from me? I cannot desire a greater blessing than to come to trial to make proof of my offers, and then having cleared my name and my loyalty towards my sovereign, might I obtain of God to take my last farewell of this world, who so joyful as myself to leave my sovereign in secure possession.— At the Gatehouse, 17 Dec.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1603." 2¼ pp. (102. 78, 79.)
Sir G. Harvy to Lord Cecil.
1603, Dec. 17.Has heretofore left his son to himself, without making apology for him. Now that the law and his Majesty's mercies have had their course sends the enclosed written to him by Lord Cobham 24 Oct. last, whereby he manifested his desire (without any instigation of Harvy's) to justify Sir W[alter] R[alegh]. In his last he certified his willingness to leave the place he holds so as it might be without disgrace. If he should upon this sudden be put from it, his son's errors being in fresh memory, it would touch his reputation very much; besides his whole provisions and his household cannot be removed in winter time without infinite trouble. Prays therefore he may be continued until one year expired, or at the least until Lady day next. Yesterday received direction from their lordships to lodge Lord Grey in the brick tower, which belongs to the Master of the Ordnance. In his predecessor's time has known divers prisoners lodged there.—The Tower, 17 Dec., 1603.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (102. 77.)
The Enclosure:
1603, Oct. 24.Lord Cobham to [Sir George Harvy], Lieutenant of the Tower.—If he may write to the lords he would, touching Sir Walter Ralegh, besides his letter to Lord Cecil. God is his witness it troubles his conscience. His letter shall be ready against Harvy's son going. Would very fain have the words that the lords used of his barbarousness in accusing him falsely.
Underwritten: "Received 24° Octobris."
Holograph on slip of paper. ⅓ p. (102. 76.)
[The letter and enclosure printed in extenso in Edwards, Life of Ralegh, ii, 483–485.]
William Udall.
1603, Dec. 17.Answers to certain articles, those to 1 and 2 wanting.
3. The weight of this third article shall appear in this main discovery.
4. Udall's suit for trial stands in two respects:—first, for trial of his cruel usages since his Majesty's coming to this crown. If he have given any cause for three years miserable employment, he beseeches to be used as a traitor to God and his Majesty. If no just cause can be alleged against him it must follow that having offered discoveries for his Majesty all his oppressions have been but to suppress his services. Secondly he prays trial of what he informs.
5. By whom has Udall endured all misery but by Englishmen, and who are to be discovered but Englishmen? and for what cause has he been disgraced but for his offers for the King? as shall appear if his letters intercepted and suppressed be examined: which if he do not obtain either by his Majesty or by some Scottish noblemen so long restraint does not easily prove he had been buried in prison and all men terrified by his example not to dare to prosecute this or any further discovery.
6. His answer to the second article partly proves the practices, as also his late irons, his close imprisonment, his letters intercepted, his wife's death make proof there was no intent that ever Udall should be made known to the King. "I had and have a warrant for my liberty under 7 of the lords of his Majesty's Council's hands, which was recalled for no cause in the world, and I committed close but that Sir William Waad alleged against me that in Easter term last I should say and send word to Watson the priest that I was able to charge great men with high matters; never examined what I could prove but strangely committed for what I did speak."
7. The seventh remains to be considered in the particulars of the discovery.
8. Udall was assured that suits would be made for them which practised against the King long before the arraignment, and his letter to the King before the arraignment insinuated as much. His reason for this was because he knew by his authors that Lord Cobham and Ralegh were joined with such as would be suitors for them and haply gave them assurance of their lives beforehand that they should make the show there was no further plot, when as others as far in or further than themselves might be secured and have means to work for them. If Udall spake this now and not before the King's coming to York his credit might well be rejected; but having made the first offer of any subject when there was nothing suspected it must appear he would not have done it but upon some greater cause.
The other articles will be answered in the discovery itself, which is as follows
Holograph. 1⅓ pp. (102. 80.)
Subjoined: Discovery by William Udall.
The Christmas before her Majesty died were sent to this prison two gentlemen students at Paris, lately come out of France. These gentlemen, conversing with me concerning the priests which were sent to Rome from hence, discovered that not past the number of three or four knew the true cause of their sending, which was to deal with the French King to possess him with the crown of England. For that effect they carried letters from hence to the French King, and so to the Pope. The French King offered to bring England to the obedience of the church, under that colour to obtain the Pope's authority, with less discovery of those offers out of England, to levy forces in France to join when time served with those means in England. This I durst not speak of in her Majesty's time because I was then in hold and in danger for his Majesty's title.
But when her Majesty was dead some three weeks after three gentlemen, one of them acquainted in most of the courts of Christendom, came to me and asked what means I had to make a dangerous plot known to his Majesty. I told them my opportunities which they rather seemed to like, in that they knew my imprisonment was for the King. They bade me make all haste to send to his Majesty that myself might bring them to make a discovery of some plot then in hand against him, and that they feared some attempt would be made by the way as he came towards London. All this I discovered to Mr. James Hamilton and Alexander Danielston with others. This discovery I offered to make upon my life upon an hour's warning. But whilst we were in daily expectation to hear from Mr. Hamilton, at that time posting towards his Majesty at York, I learned of them as much as they would discover to me, reserving the rest to grace themselves as the principal authors: which consists in these particulars:
First, that in England were some who had engaged themselves with the French King to possess him of the crown of England. They alleged for their knowledge a book printed in Paris, in French and English, to entitle the French King to the crown of England.
Secondly, they were privy to the discourse which the French King had upon the offers made him with certain Englishmen, as Mr. Hill, now employed by the French King, what they thought might be effected in England; and that in conclusion the French King should say why should not his bastard be King of England as well as the Bastard of Normandy?
Thirdly, they were inward with the priests employed out of England about that practice. One of the priests is now in England, but to be examined if he be not sent away within these 20 days.
Fourthly, they alleged as the other gentlemen did, the French King's letters to the Pope and his ambassadors to have authority to levy an army for reducing England to the Catholic obedience, which they offered directly to prove, as also for a search that was made in Rome for a dispensation concerning the marriage of the King's mother, which being not found might the rather move the Pope to consent to the French King in this action.
Fifthly, they alleged that the French ambassador here upon the Queen's death dealt underhand with some Catholics here to make a head, assuring them of present supply out of France.
Sixthly, they affirmed their acquaintance with them who negotiated the plot from the French King with the Earl of Tyrone and others.
Lastly, they affirmed if they might come face to face they would make proof that this plot at that time would be shortly put in practice. How earnestly I dealt with Mr. Hamilton to have this discovery effected I leave to his report. If I had been then heard I could at an hour's warning have charged Sir Walter Ralegh, Lord Cobham and others with these matters.
But I still making all means to bring this discovery to pass, the time passed till at last Sir W. Ralegh, Lord Cobham and the rest were discovered; when I asked of the gentlemen whether this matter were not the same which they intended to discover, they said no, except others were made known. At length they told me that this plot was but some second device to cover the greater, and withal assured me that either these lords should never come to trial, or if they came to trial their lives were secured, and then, quoth they, the King is in greater danger. My letter written to his Majesty before the arraignment insinuates as much. What intent can there be why my letters so many, especially that before the arraignment, should be suppressed? Might not that offer, which I made, cause some to whom my letters came anticipare scelus: and in my cause when my offers came to their hands who, as your Honour heard, sought to bring in the danger of Watson's plot and Sir Griffith Markham's, when they knew the contrary, as you heard Sir W. Waad justify all that I did with Watson to be true and to keep me close and in irons and before you could give no reasonable cause—what can be the intent towards the King?
A little after Michaelmas I found time to enquire from those gentlemen how matters stood. They assured me by a secret note conveyed to me in tobacco, that the French plot held and that the effect was adjourned to the expectation of public disputations; and this is my meaning in that article where I ask what King was that which was invited to a public triumph at Oxford? Presently after Michaelmas I found means to write to the Bishop of Bristol importuning him then as lately I did to make so much known as I find not he has. That letter also was intercepted and never came to the Bishop. But of all the letters intercepted none touches me so much as that I wrote before the arraignment; for upon that letter I was put in irons and special warning given by the keeper and watch kept upon my window that no person should so much as call me. This course you know is confessed by the keeper to be without all warrant or cause, and will perhaps put me to longer time to find out my proofs. Notwithstanding I am assured to go through being furnished with means, which remains in his Majesty to command.
For the second article, consider how improbable it is that Ralegh and the rest in regard of their general disposition, of their general hatred in the world, would or durst without greater associates enterprise any action against the King. It follows that this second plot for which they were arraigned was but an enterprise to cover a greater, and that the greater remains undiscovered.
Further it is much wondered at that they were so desperate to hazard themselves where they had no former assurance upon such a sudden. When all I have written is viewed of his Majesty, he will consider by whom the examination of those lords has been taken and certified, and by whom and what motives their lives have been hitherto preserved.
Time does not serve me to deliver all discontents and causes which might move these lords to practise against his Majesty. My life or death is now engaged upon this proof, and affliction enforces me to crave speedy means to procure my authors to justify what I have written. In her Majesty's time when I discovered by the Bishop of Bristol a plot of invasion by West Chester intended by Spain, as also a gold mine concealed from her in Lancashire, it was objected these offers were but my own inventions to procure liberty. Now the case is altered and that objection can have no ground; first for that this offer of mine was made upon his Majesty's entrance to the crown when I was assured of liberty; secondly I had my liberty this summer and have the warrant now under 7 of the English councillors' hands, yet having that warrant I never gave over this discovery; thirdly you did not find by Sir William Waad any cause of my imprisonment or my irons except it were in Ireland upon the Spanish invasion, which I of all men first discovered, that I did there by speeches and writing justify his Majesty's title to the crown of England, for which I have dearly paid as ever subject did. I hope his Majesty will not suffer me to stay in prison and not enable me to effect this offer.—From the Gatehouse this 17 of December, 1603.
Holograph. Endorsed by Cecil: "Udall's answer to Articles." 4½ pp. (102. 81–83.)
Lord Cecil to Sir George Harvy, Lieutenant of the Tower.
[1603, Dec. 20.]Sir W. Ralegh being desirous to have this little trunk again, sends it him. Has only stayed three papers: the K[ing] of Sp[ain's] will, a discourse of Sp[anish] government, and a little collection of commonplaces.
PS.—Tell Sir W. R[alegh] that Cecil will deliver any letter of his to the King to whom he thinks it fit that he write thanks. For the rest of his letter by Sir Robert Mansfield Ralegh can be no more sensible of Cecil's part towards him than Cecil would be glad of his future good.
Holograph. Endorsed: "Rec. 20 Dec., 1603." Seal. 1 p. (102. 84.)
[Printed in extenso in Edwards, Life of Ralegh, ii, 486.]
George Bowes to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain.
1603, Dec. 22.I have received your letter by Mr. Bulmer, hoping my letters dated 12 and 15 November at Carlisle together with my letter dated December 10 at Leadhill in Crawfordmore are already delivered you; by which last I certified my opinion of the gold works, since which time the snows have covered the earth so as nothing done in our trials. Mr. Bulmer acknowledges to have received 100l., whereof he disbursed about 10l. to the workmen in washing for gold, and the remainder will little more than defray our charges at Edinburgh and his charges to Court, the rest being disbursed in riding charges and in our twenty-one days attendance at Crawfordmore, whereof we had not above seven days wherein we could work. I therefore entreated Mr. Bulmer in presence of the lord of Markeston the 3 of December either to continue alone at Leadhill house or to accompany me to mine own house till the weather served to follow the works. But he pretending he was enjoined to attend in that place, I fearing to be blamed if by my departure the service should have been neglected, did after much debate yield to stay so long whereby the time and foresaid 100l. are spent, the works untried, and we disabled to satisfy the contents of the letter from your lordship and others of the Privy Council.
These reasons make me doubtful the gold is not in veins. First, gold has been found by the lord of Markeston at Pently hills within 4 miles of Edinburgh and about 28 miles from Leadhill house in Crawfordmore, and in Meggett water 14 miles, and Lowgham water 12 miles, from Leadhill, and I have heard it constantly reported that gold has been got by washing in other places further from the Leadhill, so as if veins [were] found in Crawfordmore those other places are like also to have veins, which if you please that I view some of those places I shall deliver my opinion to you. Secondly, there have been 'awdits' driven cross the rocks, one awdit about fourscore fathoms, some two other about 20 fathoms, near to which awdits and at a lower level gold has been plentifully got by washing, but no vein discovered in those drifts or awdits wrought for conveying water from the lead veins. Thirdly, gold washing has been in use 90 or 100 years since, and in peaceable times 300 workmen at once labouring and washing the brooks and gills along the sides of the waters. Most of those works lie within 4 miles of Leadhill house yet none of those workmen discovered known veins of gold, but say they have sometimes found gold in a mother of clay between two rocks. If so it is a very great show of veins of gold, but I find the people very ignorant and rather preferring to please than to speak truth, desiring to be continued in work and to have English pay, which moves them to speak what they know or can learn to move me to consent and confess that there are certainly veins of gold. I yield to matter and not words, conceiving if we can find but one vein there will in few months many more be opened.
Although these causes make me doubtful, by sundry mineral shows I am encouraged and persuade myself as yet that there are veins of gold.
First, the rocks are very mineral like and hold their course in ascent to the south south east and descent pendently more than diagonally into the depth, some of them 100 fathoms. I find no flat rocks nor soft beds within 3 miles of Leadhill house: but between the rocks I have found not formerly known sundry leaders or mothers, some red, some blue, some yellow, some of divers colours, and I found one leader between two rocks mixed with spar, brimstone and keall, all which are found together in all places where I have seen gold washed.
Secondly, I found the gold in clewghes and gills above the level of the waters about fourscore fathoms, and having made two days' trial could find no gold in the heights of the mountains; neither is the gold found in all gills, but I conceive where the veins cross between the rocks, and the little waters which run violently in winter thaws and summer showers crossing the veins break some thereof and scatter the gold into the gills, and sometimes drive the gold into the great waters at the bottom of the hills—in which waters great works have been made for gold.
Thirdly, I have three days made trials along the heads of gills and can find no gold, which will require longer time ere I can be satisfied therein.
Fourthly, the lord of Markeston has showed me one piece of gold weighing ¾ oz. in which gold there is much spar, and many other pieces of gold mixed with spar, some of them flat as though they had grown in a vein, which he affirms to be all got within four miles of the Leadhill house; and for reports of pieces found of many ounces weight I have had them from very many persons voluntarily swearing they saw those pieces got within the same space.
We cannot satisfy the letters from the Privy Council to Markeston, myself and Mr. Bulmer to certify by our own inspections whether the works be like to be worth the undertaking, the charges, and the hope of future profit; both in regard of the continuing frosts and snow as also it will require longer time and more charges. Notwithstanding if your lordship, Lord Henry Howard and Lord Cecil hold it meet to have me offer this service to his Majesty, I will undertake if not hindered by frost and snow in two months or ten weeks' time to send 120l. charges to be bestowed in three several places, either to discover a vein of gold or to make an estimate at what charges and in what time three other such places may be tried: in all which six places if no veins of gold be found I shall be out of hope that there are not any veins in those parts. If you like this offer I desire some sufficient man may disburse the money by my direction, so as that sum may be only bestowed to the use of the works, and I will bring two of my own clerks to assist me; and when the work is done that the lord of Markeston or whom you may appoint may view the works and accounts and examine the workmen, fearing if I do not prevail such as have had to do may censure me otherwise than fitting my credit; though I will undertake with the 120l. to make more work than such as heretofore had dealings in the gold works have wrought by their own computation for five times so much. And if with the foresaid time and charges I find cause to continue the work though I utter not the vein, I will in two years more either discover a vein of gold or disburse 2,000l. of mine own money, though I sell that for 2,000l. ready money for which I have paid 3,600l. If I find no vein his Majesty may make use of my charges, and if God bless my adventures I am out of doubt of your commendations and recompense from his Majesty. For better performance of which offers I mean presently to order my estate, expecting within twenty days to understand your pleasure herein; trusting in the meantime to recover my health.
Three places I prefer before all other parts of Scotland I have yet seen for their aptness for veins of gold. Conferring many times with an old gold washer, in whom I find more knowledge, by his often conference with Mr. Bulmer than in any other Scotch workman, whose father before washing of gold was used in Scotland was an underworkman to sundry Germans (which more than 90 years ago wrought in a gill in Crawfordmore called Glangrosse), his father showed him the place where he saw them work upon a bright yellow shining vein about half an inch broad between two rocks; and what they got all the day they brought home at night in a cap; at the leaving of which work they broke down the rocks, hiding their work, whereby much more earth is fallen upon it, which with 20 persons in 40 days may be cleansed and opened, and assuredly known whether that vein be gold. That there are copper veins a little distant from that place I am assured, one vein whereof the Dutchmen and Fowles have wrought; so the vein to be showed me by the gold washer may be copper, and why he should prefer me to this show of kindness before Mr. Bulmer, who formerly dealt bountifully with him and relied more of him than any of the Scotch workmen, makes me doubtful. I have conferred many times with the gold washer, thereby taking occasion to give him money, and have promised him 100l. and to place him in England upon a farm of mine own if I find a vein of gold in that place. But this offer I doubt was intended to make me spend time and to rely so confidently thereof as to neglect trials in other places. Notwithstanding, I like well to work in that gill as one of those three places I have preferred before the rest, being informed it has been six several times washed and gold got every time so much as defrayed the charges; and it is a very mineral gill and of no great circumference, and having appointed two days washing there since my coming I have both days got gold above all the old works.
I acquainted you concerning Fowles's estate from the King of the gold mines in Crawfordmore, wherein I desire your direction what to do; it imports these gold works greatly.
Although nothing wanting which Mr. Bulmer could procure for our entertainments at Leadhill, yet the moist cold smoky house and like lodgings have made me subject to an ague, and as the snow will not be out of the gills for twenty days I came to Edinburgh to confer with the lord of Markeston and to return answer to our letter from the Council: Mr. Bulmer intending next day to repair to Court and I to return to mine own house till further direction, whither if you direct your letters, the postmaster of Durham or Newcastle—my house being within six miles of either place—will convey them to me.—Edinburgh, 22 Dec., 1603.
Holograph. 3⅓ pp. (102. 85, 86.)
John Crane to Lord Cecil.
1603, Dec. 23.Has received a royal commission directed to Sir William Bowes, Sir William Selby, Sir Ralph Gray, Sir Robert Delaval, kts., and himself, touching the garrison of Berwick. A letter has now come from the Lord Treasurer with a note of the number and rates of the new garrison, and commandment not only to take a muster of them now at Christmas but also to keep a register of their deaths and defaults. This, he takes, appertains to him, having had the muster rolls in his charge for many years and being still his Majesty's muster master there, and had the charge of the town this half year. The Treasurer's letter being directed to the captain of the new garrison of Berwick bred some doubt to whom it should appertain. Beseeches Cecil's direction therein. Has served 37 years and has a great charge of wife, children and family and nothing to maintain them but his stipend of 3s. 6d. per diem.— Berwick, 23 Dec., 1603.
Holograph. 1½ pp. (102. 87.)
The Same to [Lord Treasurer Buckhurst].
1603, Dec. 23.To the same effect as the above.—Berwick, 23 Dec., 1603.
Note by the Lord Treasurer:—" I directed it to the Commissioners, and the captain from henceforth to keep a register book, and as he is half yearly paid so to deliver the said book to the receiver, according to which he is to be paid. T. B."
Holograph. 1¼ pp. (102. 88.)
Lord Zouch, President of Wales, to Lord Cecil.
1603, Dec. 23.I am glad his Majesty has inclined to mercy and shall pray the same may increase to the making trial of their better carriage, which cannot be tried in prison. I now long to hear what his Highness is pleased to do in this matter of Stephens, which was wrought from Ambler. I am persuaded if he were throughly informed thereof some would be found to have had little respect in what they move him. Since I desire but either to be held here in honour or leave to live a private life with his favour, let it be his work by your mediation; for as I can willingly serve in any place if my commander give me credit therein, so if by distance of place men may work my disgrace what comfort can I find? It is true this place which Stephens seems to have got was laboured for in her late Majesty's time when the Council had it, which after she bestowed of me; and then my now Lord Chancellor could be strong enough to keep them from prejudice, notwithstanding any pretence. Till my time all the warrants for taking the oaths of the sheriffs of the twelve shires could be directed to the President and Council. Now his lordship may make choice of some of them for certain and others for the rest. I desire no favour from him but that his Highness may hold me worthy of so much as belongs to the place or has been used by those enjoying it, or that I might know from him that I m[ust] undergo. If by your motion I might leave the place I would think myself happier than to live therein with any disgrace. I never sued for place but for Guernsey, whither if I might yet be confined with his Highness's good favour I would willingly give well to her Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain for his interest and take it as a benefit from his Highness. You see how little comfort I take in this high place, but the burthen is so great for me and the fear of disgraces so converse as I should take much to be freed.— Ludlow, 23 Dec., 1603.
Holograph. Seal broken. 2 pp. (102. 89.)
The Mayor and Aldermen of Berwick to the Same.
1603, Dec. 23.They pray him to have consideration of the discomforted estate of this garrison, and their extremely poor families, for whose recomforting they assure themselves of the King's favour, touching the relief that the bounds and fields of this town may afford. The town and garrison are and must be all one body; the garrison's stipends are so small and their families so great, and they have lived so long together, that the townspeople are content the garrison shall have every liberty with them: and they will want together. Ask that the Mayor may be employed to keep a book of the musters with the captain. Advise that the now remain of the victualling office be vended for present relief of the garrison, which afterward will not be needful. They understand that upon return of this present Commission, an establishment will be concluded upon for the government of the garrison; and pray the stay thereof till they be heard. They are ready to set forward to Court to attend the Council.—Barwick, 23 Dec., 1603.
Signed: Michaell Sanderson, Mayor; Thomas Parkinson; Mark Saltonstall; Hew Grigson; Lionell Strother; John Shotton. 1 p. (187. 138.)
William Palmer to Thomas Brookes, in Valadolid.
1603, Dec. 24/1604, Jan. 3.My last unto you was of the 1st of December, wherein I certified you of the receipt of yours by the conveyance of my master Jno. Delbridg, with the enclosed for Senor Perony, which I sent away forthwith under a cover of Mr. Burdettes. Since which time yours of the 18th December dated in Valadolid I have received this present day. The effect of your letter I have perused, and as confirming the first point thereof, be you assured that it shall be concealed in the depth of my thoughts; and what letters you send unto me, I will God willing convey them by the very first conveyances that shall present and therefore when you do direct any letters unto me, do you write thus, A Guillem Palmer en casa de Martin de Errasquin en San Sebastian, with port accustomed, and then they will come safely to my hands; which letters you may cast in to the postmaster's window, without enclosing them in the Fleming's letters, for that he is but a [sic]: you know my meaning. I pray you write me unto whom I shall direct your letters, for that it is necessary that you make choice of another. Whensoever you want any moneys, advise me thereof and I will furnish you therewith in the same city. As concerning such news as passeth here, this shall serve to advertise you, that some four days past Monsieur de Agremont received a letter from his father-in-law from the Court of France, wherein he advised him that the King had made a new alliance with our King of England and all things well and firmly established in good sort. More he wrote him that Lord Cobham, Lord Gray and Sir Walter Rawly were executed and that upon their execution the Spanish Ambassador was commanded to depart out of England. But I hope there is no such matter, for as yet we do not hear anything concerning the same out of England. If it were so I make account we should bear from thence with all expedition; for there are divers English ships and barques in Spain, and men would be loth to lose their goods there for want of giving advice. At Sansans [San Sebastian] there is a ship of London of 200 tons that came from Moscovy laden with wax, tallow, cordage, and hides, who will be ready to depart from thence within fifteen days. It is reported here by the French that there is an English ship "confisked" at Civil, and some of the company committed to the Inquisition. The "30 per Ciento" continueth still in Sansans and the King of France hath also established the same at Roan, Amians, and Callis, and it is thought that it will be also conformed in this town, whereby to bridle the Spaniard, by which means, there cannot be anything brought out of Spain into France, nor transported out of France into Spain without paying the "30 per Ciento"; which if it should continue would be the utter destruction of merchants. Some seven days before the receipt of your letter, I understood of your being at Bilbow, for being upon the bridge in company with Mr. Cox Carpenter and others, there was a pilchard merchant that told us that one of his consorts spoke with you in Bilbow. By yours I perceive that it was your chance to happen into the same beggarly lodging where I lay; in which bed I am assured you could not well take your rest, for when I was there I could very hardly sleep for chinches, and if it had not been that I did expect to be every day dispatched, I would have changed lodgings which I make account you have done.—Bayon the 3rd January 1604.
Holograph. 2 pp. (188. 35.)
Sir Ralph Gray, Sir Robert Delaval and John Crane, Commissioners at Berwick, to Lord Cecil.
1603, Dec. 26.The 21st inst we received a commission under his Majesty's hand and made our repair to Berwick, and the next day made known to the whole garrison his Majesty's pleasure towards them, with such good speeches as they seemed all very well contented. Thereupon we proceeded to effect his Majesty's commission according to the book sent down from the Earl of Cumberland, and intend to continue together until we have finished it. In the interim one Barwick Cairston, a horseman of this garrison, made an affray on a country gentleman on the market day, which might have caused a great uproar, whereupon might have ensued great inconvenience if it had not been carefully handled and avoided. The man is and hath been of a turbulent mind, being a former actor in the fray made here in the time of his Majesty and our late Sovereign's last commission held here between the nations, who is committed to prison until we know your further pleasure.—From Berwick, 26 Dec. 1603.
Signed. Seal broken. 1 p. (102. 90.)
George Bowes to the Same.
1603, Dec. 27.Your lordship and other councillors by letter to the lord of Markeston, myself and Mr. Bulmer command us to certify whether these works be like to be worth the undertaking, what may be the charges to any good trials, and what hope of future profit. I am of opinion that with less than 200l. and three months time, and that before the beginning of the work ten days be bestowed in providing work tools and meet workmen, such trials may be made in Crawfordmore as thereby may be some apparent likelihood of benefit to continue these works to his Majesty's use, or a near estimate at what charges and in what time eight other trials may be made in several most choice places for discovery of the veins of gold, or if no veins. In which eight trials if the benefit of the gold washes with such copper and lead ores as will be discovered at his Majesty's charges be converted to his Majesty's use, I am out of doubt, though the gold shall not be found in veins, yet a great part of the charges may be defrayed.—Edinburgh, 27 Dec. 1603.
Holograph. 1 p. (102. 91.)
John Hammond to his brother —
[? 1603], Dec. 28./[? 1604], Jan. 7.Has written to all his friends but can get help from none to enable him to present himself to any prince. As he is here and has experience his brother Hammond might deal with Sir Edward Dier, and Mr. Lessier, that was here ambassador, and Mr. Harry Wotton, that if his Majesty confederates with the Emperor, the writer may be commended to some service. Is grown grey with grief and infirmed with mere adversity. Desires him to signify the following news to some of his Majesty's Council. There was here William Turner, an English captain, commended by the King of Denmark to the Emperor, who entertained him in his wars. Turner asked the writer to certify into England that, in the leager in Hungary and at Vienna, he heard that certain English suspected men are to come shortly into England, to meet the Spanish ambassador there, visit the Catholics, and establish new orders, "and do no good, as may be conjectured."
They are Edward Hanmar, born in North Wales, who giveth himself out to be cousin to Sir John Salsburye of Denbezth, and was once ensign bearer to Captain William Harvie and to Sir Robert Drurye. This Hanmar came late from Rome, where he handled with the Jesuits about some suspected purpose, upon which he came to the Duke of Bavaria, where Mr. Talbott procured him the Duke's letters of recommendation to Oythered Colonits, general of the horsemen in the Emperor's wars, and coming into Grats got by one [Pryce his means letters like wi] (fn. 1) se from the duke of Styria to the said general, who being of our religion gave him no entertainment and showed him no countenance.
James Gylman, born at York, sometime my lord of Burrowe's man in Ireland and after was made lieutenant to Thomas Williams, lying in the fort of Blackwater, and after was follower of my lord Burly, and after that was lieutenant to Captain Dakins before the siege of Grave, from whence he ran to the King of Spain and there offered his service to Sir William Standly, who would not trust him or show him any countenance. He came now into the leager in Hungary, where he gave out words that he would shortly make in England the North Parts too hot for the South.
Sotherland, a Scotsman, a captain that served the King of Spain, and was here in the leager in Hungary sergeant major of the Walloons horsemen, a mischievous boaster against our country.
Father Tleissone (?), a Scotsman, a Jesuit in the college of Vien. Father Wryte, an English Jesuit well known, who is accompanied with a Spanish governor. And these with divers others are to come into England disguised to meet the King of Spain's ambassador there. And there is one Price, before mentioned, which long hath served the duke of Grats, and hath the likelihood of a Romish order, and is to come into England commended from princes to be his Majesty's chamberlain and to be a patron unto all the Catholics and a due helper of the said company in their purposes importing (without doubt) little good. Wherefore I thought it necessary to give this advertisement of them, that a good providence might prevent ill attempts; and no doubt the faction against our country is very busy, seeing the time which they looked should bring their advantage hath brought altogether their disadvantage. Therefore, I pray, have a special care that these things be timely bewrayed to such as may take order therein.—Prage, 7 Jan.
Holograph. 2 pp. (48. 71.)
The Laird of Markeston, George Bowes, Bevys Bullmer and John Brode to the Privy Council.
1603, Dec. 29.By your letters dated at Wilton 3 Nov. 1603 you commanded us in his Majesty's name to meet upon Craufurdmoor to search and try for gold in such places as Mr. Bulmer should show us, which we have done. By your letters we understand Mr. Bulmer has informed his Majesty there is great likelihood of some good mines of gold to be found in those parts, some in the waters and others in the veins of the earth upon the hills whence those rivers wash; which places we have viewed, and examined the workmen who laboured for Mr. Bulmer and found the gold he showed his Majesty, who all constantly affirm it was got in those places, and namely towards the head of the long cleuch descending into Alwan water and part in the rising of a hill called the Steroc bray descending into Wonlok water. Further Mr. Bulmer has showed us four waters which fall forth of one ridge of mountains called Loderis. The first is Alwan water which runs forth of the east side of the mountains and running about three miles falls into the Clyde. The second is Glangouer water issuing of the north side of the mountains and running five miles into the Clyde. The third is Wonlok water west of the said hills and running three miles into a water called Crayke and so into the Neath. The fourth issues from the said hills called Tedderis [sic] to the south west and is called Menock, running some three miles into the Neath. In all which four waters have been great workings for gold, and as the ancient workmen affirm they have had also rich works in divers gills and on the rising of the hills; which great works as we can learn were never made at the cost of any Kings of Scotland nor of many rich subjects, but chiefly at the adventure of the labourers themselves who maintained their labours by the gold they got, which they sold but for five, six or seven pounds Scottish the ounce during the time of the great working. And being commanded to sell the gold to none but the officers of the King's mint upon pain of death to buyer and seller, yet we are informed the workers sold much by stealth into England and other countries for greater prices. When we think of the small prices they had for the gold and consider the great works we have seen and heard of, lying some twenty miles and some less from this place, as Hinderland Meget water, Glangaver burne, Lawghan water, Overfyndland and divers other places, we think that if the like quantities of ground were to be broken and wrought at the rates and wages now used they would not be wrought for 100,000l. sterling; and yet in all these works we cannot hear of any veins of gold to have been found, and yet they say there have been found many great lumps of gold with a white spar mixed with it, very likely as we think to have been broken off from veins either by the great deluge or some other furious rains from the hills. Now we crave leave to deliver our simple opinions and reasons why the workmen which washed for gold have not found any veins of gold, First, neither the gold, copper, lead or any other metals have been much sought or wrought in these parts of ancient time as has been in Germany, England and other countries until within these last 100 years, neither have they that washed for gold taken any knowledge of the veins of burnstone and keele, ores which commonly run with the gold, which they called the metals of gold. And although many of the veins of burnstone and keele are very great and have cast off the upper parts of them great quantities of keele and burnstone, yet the people would never be persuaded the keele and burnstone grew in veins until Mr. Bulmer and Thomas Foules at great charges of late years working for copper and lead, have discovered the same to lie in veins, as the copper, lead, spars, and other veins of the earth there do; and Mr. Bulmer now says he verily thinks that by the veins of burnstone and keele the veins or beds of gold will be found in time. Now we seeing that parts of the several metals of copper, lead, keele and burnstone have been broken from their veins by the force of waters and scattered from the hills, and to be found with the gold, we demanded of Mr. Bulmer why he had not found the veins of gold as well as the veins of all other metals lying with the gold in the valleys? He answered he was commanded by the late Queen to the contrary, and that he should in no ways discover it but by all means hide the same, which then he had done. Yet he confesses that in his travail he sought as near as he durst to try whether the gold were but in several parts of the hills and valleys or universally scattered upon those mountains which had fed the rivers and valleys with gold, or no. He says by many trials he found the gold neither grows dispersedly and everywhere in the common rocks of the mountains, neither in the moved 'runs' or base earth, yet lying upon the hills, but he has found it in several parts of the 'runne' or loose earth and not generally in all parts of the hills whence the gold in the valleys proceeds. Wherefore he verily believes the gold must needs come from several beds and veins as all the other metals there do, seeing great plenty of gold has been found in several valleys and cleughs and not everywhere. Yet we according to your directions appointed him to make several trials as well on the hills as in the valleys, whereby we might more certainly know the gold not to have descended universally from all parts of the hills into the valleys nor to be found in every part of the rivers and valleys; but being by our own inspections assured there is gold in divers places and that it is come from the hills into the valleys, we might the better certify his Majesty and your lordships of our judgment herein. But by reason of the extreme snows falling on a sudden with frost he could not make us so many trials as we desired, yet he showed many places above Alwan water and Wonloke water where he had made trenches and other works, where gold has been and yet is to be got, and as he says found none. We also called before us divers old men who had wrought in the washes for themselves, and also with Mr. Bulmer. They told us in all their working of old time for themselves and of late for Mr. Bulmer they had found the gold is not got everywhere in the waters and valleys nor everywhere upon the sides of the hills, but that it is fallen and come from several places, which they have followed (as it is to be seen) so far as either they had water to wash the earth or the gold paid them wages, and they called such special places the eyes or 'rinkis' of gold. Which circumstances considered we think the work is likely to be worth the undertakiug. Further, we three with the advice of Mr. John Brode think it fit there be one hundred workmen besides governors, clerks and other officers employed upon such parts of the waters and gills as shall be thought meet; but the place being mountainous there is very little habitation for people and none at all for governors and overseers within four miles of the chief works but such as are to be built, which will require an extraordinary charge by reason the timber must be brought from Leith 23 miles, and that by horse only. We think the gold works lying in such large bounds, if there were houses already in the country to entertain workmen, the greater number were employed the sooner would the secret be revealed, and something would be got in the meantime towards the charges.— Edinburgh, 29 Dec., 1603.
Signed. 2½ pp. (102. 92, 93.)
The Deputies of Berwick to Lord Cecil.
1603, Dec. 29.Upon Wednesday the 21st instant we received a royal commission together with a book of survey of the whole garrison here taken by the Earl of Cumberland, whereupon we came to Berwick and before the 25th instant made known the King's pleasure to the garrison; since which time we have set down every person of this garrison to be continued according to the said commission and book; which being ready to be sent up to you, we received on the 29th instant a new commission dated the 10th instant referring us to a new establishment sent down by the Lord Treasurer to be delivered over to John Crane, controller of the musters here. This last establishment abridges sundry allowances given to diverse of this garrison under our first commission and set down in the Earl of Cumberland's book, as by several additions of letters in that book appears; e.g., the letter C in that book containing the number of xl or thereabouts to have their whole pay, and others to the number of lx or thereabouts to have half pay marked .O. Also constables or leaders of the horsebands with some officers there, not mentioned in the horsebands, saving only the eighty horsemen at half pay; the six lieutenants of the companies of fifty quite forgot also; more xlij gunners of the new crews with their officers wholly left out, unto all which we have given allowance under our first commission and the book of the Earl; and made public the same to them and sent for such of Carlisle as here must receive their entertainment. So as his Majesty is engaged and ourselves upon the delivery of his bounty intended to them deeply touched. We would add that these men must of necessity be regarded, for they are old, serviceable, and of great charge, and so in the book most of all noted.
For further particulars we refer to Captain Borer's report. —Berwick, 29 Dec. 1603.
Signed: Ralph Graye, Robert di Lavale, John Crane. Seal. 2 pp. (96. 145.)
John Crane to the Same.
1603, Dec. 29.Sir Robert Vernon, surveyor of his Majesty's victuals here, being discharged since Christmas last, his ministers dare not deliver any victuals to the garrison without sufficient warrant albeit they have a great mass of provisions. In consideration whereof, as of the great poverty of the garrison, I holding the charge of the town for the time thought it my duty to advertise you hereof, hoping you will provide timely order herein. Being now discharged of my office by his Majesty's said commission I have not wherewith to maintain the table I keep and of necessity must so long as I hold the charge of the place, nor yet to relieve the great charge of wife and children, wherein I use all the frugality I can. I have now continued the government of this town these 26 weeks, having never any allowance but my poor stipend of 3s. 6d. per diem, which by your means our Sovereign gave me as muster master here, which is now also taken from me.—Berwick, 29 Dec. 1603.
Holograph. 1⅓ pp. (102. 95).
Sir Griffin Markham to Lord Cecil.
[1603], Dec. 31.I understand by my wife that you should speak to her about a debt due to Mr. Ferdinando and another to Mr. Hicks. I hope as you have showed yourself most careful in my distresses for my life you will be conscionable to me in my poor estate and give me leave to answer any calumniation or accusation before it possess you to my prejudice.
My father is engaged for my brother Skinner for 12,000l. as I think, if not more. I was enforced to be bound for some of this and am bound to divers by my father's command, to whom I refused to give my word being by them rather moved to that than bound. To pay these debts I solicited my father and mother to consent to the sale of a lordship assured to me, and out of conscience was desirous for the good of my father's soul (though my engagement was nothing near the value of that) to importune my own loss. This is assured to Mr. Sheldon to be sold for the best use, more than this I am not able to deal. But since it pleaseth you in conscience to deal for the payment of our debts to others, as you have heretofore done, still persist to forward that we may have some right from that unconscionable prodigal brother of mine, that neither respecting aequum, justum nor debitum, nor his oath under his hand, striveth only to play upon some advantages given as he pretendeth by the weakness of my father and my want of experience and delighteth to speak that by his wit he will ruin us.
For Mr. Ferdinando, since you take care of it, when my father's people return, the speediest order possible shall be taken for it. For Mr. Michael Hicks his love and kindness made me engage my word to him, and if I once get free (though I hope he shall not stay so long) I will rather leave myself worth nothing than fail him for a penny. I so infinitely desire your good opinion and the continuance of it as every motion of yours shall be an absolute command to me. From the Tower, this last of December.
Signed. Endorsed: "1603." Seal. 1⅓ pp. (102. 97.)
Lord Grey to the King.
[1603, Dec.]I grieve to trouble you, yet must ever humbly remember, admire and thank you. Zeal fortifies my fear and craves from the same wonderful grace value, acceptance of these poor but passionate lines, only until heart, blood and life may sincerely soundly seal an unmatched loyalty. In restraint I joyfully suffer and ever pray for you: when you please to make free I will serve you only under God.
Holograph. 1 p. (102. 105.)
Sir Walter Ralegh to Lord Cecil.
[1603, Dec.]To give him thanks, to promise gratefulness, to return words is all he can do. He cannot use defences for the errors of former times, for he has failed both in friendship and judgment. Let him be esteemed as a man raised from the dead, though not in body yet in mind, for neither fortune, or rather vanity, shall again turn his eyes from Cecil. Although he must first attribute to God and, after God, to his Sovereign, goodness and mercy without comparison and example, yet must he never forget what was in Cecil's desire, and in his words and works, so far as could become him as a councillor.
PS.—All the rest have written to his Majesty since the receiving of his grace. Hopes he may presume to do the like.
Holograph. ½ p. (102. 112.)
[Printed in extenso in Edwards, Life of Ralegh, ii. 288.]
The Earl of Cumberland to the Same.
[1603, Dec.]I have received your letter with the proclamations concerning the Greames and have dispatched them away according to their directions. For Sir Ra. Grey's course concerning Berwick and the East March I much wonder at it. For Berwick I never gave him any power nor direction to meddle with it, and for the other he knew, though it was included within my patent as Lieutenant of Northumberland, I neither had fee for it neither was it his Majesty's pleasure to use warders longer than the quieting of Border disorders, which we hoped would not be long. Mr. Crane very honestly a fortnight ago advertised me of this proceeding, whereto I both writ him answer it was contrary to my directions, and also writ to Sir Ra. Grey that he [should] not meddle any more with anything concerning Berwick by any authority from me. So as if you hear any more of this I pray you clear me of blame.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1603." Seal. 1 p. (102. 167.)

Footnotes

1 Almost illegible.