Cecil Papers: January 1606, 1-15

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1940.

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'Cecil Papers: January 1606, 1-15', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606, (London, 1940) pp. 1-20. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol18/pp1-20 [accessed 26 April 2024]

January 1606, 1-15

The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605–6, Jan. 1. Immediately upon receipt of your letter by Chaffe the post, who arrived here 27 Dec. I imparted it to his Majesty, who read every word with great attentiveness; my end being therein both that his Majesty himself might see that in the matter and form you had not receded from your commission, but had in all things carried yourself (as much as the circumstances would give you leave) conformable to his Majesty's own directions; as also his Majesty being to deal with the Archduke's Ambassador upon it he might therein be the better informed how all things had passed in your conferences with the Archduke himself and with the President Ricardott, and conceive the reason why you had reserved yourself from enlarging your overtures. According to all which courses his Majesty has very wisely governed himself in his conference with the said Baron, still insisting upon the sending over of Owen into England, as a matter whereon depended many consequences very considerable to his Majesty both in honour and reason of state, especially the party being his own subject, and not only a counsellor of that devilish plot but an animator and furtherer of it. And although it might happily be said by some (as the Baron insinuated) that it is beyond example that any prisoner should be sent over to be tried by the justice of another country when there is not a more stricter alliance than is between his Majesty and the Archdukes, which is only of general friendship and intercourse between each other's subjects, yet it was not forgotten in the reply that the late example of the delivery of the prisoner from Calais might be a sufficient instance for the same; albeit if diligent inquisition should be made in histories there should not want examples enough to enforce that matter. And admitting that there were no examples to be found of it, yet it made no consequence to conclude that therefore it should not be granted now, seeing Princes are not tied in their government to examples of others but to reason itself, which is the life of all things. Besides, the matter whereof Owen stands accused being so far beyond example as the like never entered into man's conceit, and therefore merits well enough to make a new precedent, thereby to leave to posterity a sufficient testimony how much those horrible attempts ought to be detested of all men. But for the answer which it pleased the Archduke to return that Owen being a servant to the King of Spain the Archdukes could not deliver any resolution of him before they had acquainted the King of Spain with it and received his directions in that behalf, his Majesty was to satisfy himself for the present, albeit he found many inconveniences in so long a delay, which the Baron endeavoured to excuse, alleging that his Princes could not send into Spain about it before his Majesty had absolutely declared himself in his further desires, which was but done now of late; and if by the first letter it had been demanded to have had him sent over some such answer might have been by this time returned from Spain as might have ended the matter. To which it was answered by way of discourse that we could not doubt but that the Archdukes out of their own foresight had framed this inference to themselves, that when their first apprehension was required the second demand would follow to have them sent over hither, and so the Archdukes thereby might have prevented the loss of time which is now to be expected. In all these debates concerning Owen his Majesty and the Lords (which had the next day speech about it with both the Ambassadors of Spain and the Archdukes) have still retained themselves within the same limits which you observed, without enlarging themselves so far now as that the prisoner should remain at the Ambassador's house; or that after his conviction he should be returned again thither to receive punishment in the Archdukes' own dominions; but only still protesting as you have done that he should not be drawn in question or charged with any other matters but only with that of the Plot of Gunpowder. So as you may therein still reserve yourself in your future instances from any further enlargement until their answer come out of Spain and you receive direction from hence. Concerning Sir William Stanley, Father Baldwin, and Baily his Majesty has not urged farther but that they may remain thus forthcoming, and so would have you likewise to continue your demands.
And for the visiting of the papers, his Majesty wills you to say that, seeing so many difficulties are made of everything, he has willed you in no sort to trouble yourself or them. Wherein I think his Majesty has done like himself, for a man may be sure that those papers are well visited, and when a man has such liberty no practice to cover shall be left; and so the King told the Baron, who replied, that if you had complained to the Archdukes he assured himself you should have had remedy. Thus you have the principal grounds that have occurred in the handling of this business, wherein his Majesty thought fit that the Spanish Ambassador should be likewise acquainted, to the end he might accordingly represent to the King his master in such sensible form as the importance of the business requires.
The second part of our conference with the said Ambassadors was upon divers grievances which our merchants endure in Spain in their traffic, contrary to the prescript of the treaty; whereunto when the Spanish Ambassador was to make answer he digressed from the point and fell presently into a repetition of some injuries done here in the Narrow Seas and upon the coasts of England; but it was answered him very plainly his complaints were not suitable to ours, because the redressing of our complaints merely consisted in his Majesty's own power, and their complaints were of that nature as his Majesty could not mediate for the redressing of them to another State, who having been often solicited thereunto by his Majesty have still returned this answer, that they were willing to make restitution so as their adverse party would do the like; and to that purpose they have now authorised their Minister to put in sufficient caution of honest merchants to restore all such things as by the justice of our Admiralty shall be judged to be restored, if the Archduke and King of Spain would do the like, wherein as yet they are protracting. Of which offer of the States you may take notice also as occasion shall be offered.
In sum the only fruit of this conference was in delivering each other's complaints and promising to recommend the same to the consideration of their Princes with all the zeal and integrity that may be, for the better strengthening of their peace and amity and furthering their mutual commerce between their subjects. And for most of my Lords' desire here, I think the sending over of that caitiff who can but die will be made such a work of supererogation, as we shall be pressed hereafter to do unjust things for this which is but just. If the Baron of Hoboque haply advertises thither of some sharpness passed in our rencounter between him and me at the conference, and that notice be taken of it, you may excuse it that the occasion grew upon his allegation in the case of Owen that his Majesty received and maintained his masters' rebels within his kingdoms. Whereunto I made a round answer that howsoever his Princes in their own respect did esteem of the Low Countrymen, yet his Majesty held them for no rebels but his confederates, and therefore that it was too absurd an allegation to compare them with so vile and so detestable traitors as Owen and the rest, whom they were so careful to protect as rather out of a kind of stupidity they hazarded their own reputation by exposing themselves to some sinister suspicion which the world would make by their earnest contending in their behalf.
The Baron de Tour has been here to congratulate with his Majesty from the French King for his happy deliverance from these detestable treasons. He has been used with all the respects due to the condition of the King his master, his Majesty's ancient confederate, and to the quality of his own person; being one of whom his Majesty heretofore had conceived a good opinion. He has been presented with the value of above 3000 crowns, and is now dismissed and upon his way homewards.—1 Jan., 1605.
Copy. 4½ pp. (227. p. 159.)
John Arundell to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 1. The manifold favours received at your father's hands, and not unknown to Sir Michael Hix and others, sometimes his lordship's servants, move me to acknowledge my most humble thanks. In token whereof I have sent you by my servant William Maurice a few ounces of plate in one whole piece, in "handsell" of good New Year.—At my lodging at Lambith, 1 Jan., 1605.
Signed: Jo. the son of Roger Arundell. Seal. ½ p. (109. 98.)
Sir Richard Walshe to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 2. According to the Council's warrant for the seizing to his Majesty's use all the goods and chattels of Robert Wynter of Huddington, co. Worcester, lately proclaimed traitor, he has done his uttermost endeavour, but finds that divers of Winter's goods have been embezzled by many who now conceal them, neither will they acknowledge the having thereof, except the Council direct him and others (whom he shall think fit to assist him) a warrant to take their examinations upon oath and to commit the faulty to the common gaol, and bind the better sort to appear before the Council.—Shellesley, 2 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 26.)
Viscount Byndon to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Jan. 3. The second of this month I received your letters for the apprehending of Henry Carey's eldest son. I sent 2 of my servants to Carey's house, 12 miles from me, secretly to inquire of his being at home, which being made assured to them, I gave authority for the gathering of such company to beset his house on all sides as might prevent any escape by any secret place. Thereupon entry was made in such manner as is declared in one of the enclosed papers, perused by your lordships together with the late proclamation I sent, touching both his former and late undutiful, dangerous words and dealings. One other confession this day taken, in my judgment not fit to be concealed, I have sent with the other papers also.
Not long since I received your letters, signifying his Majesty's acceptance of my services, [which] showed more for encouragement unto well doing than for any desert of mine. I acknowledge my thankfulness.—Byndon, 3 Jan., 1605.
PS.—There are obstinate recusants in Carey's house resident 18, besides the ordinary resort of recusants and popish priests: vide, Henry Carey the elder, of long time vehemently suspected to be a sworn servant to the Pope: Henry Carey the younger: Walter Illshey: his wife: William Parhame: his wife: Maude Parham: William Grante: Henry Daw: Henry Wyseman: Geffyrey Durnford: Peper Bysshop: Martyn Rekes: Elynor Bonner: Jone Broker: Rebecca Clarke: Mary Tayler: Henry Carey's wife. The names were sent me from the parson of Carey's parish church, where he formerly showed his traitorous heart in taking away the keys of the church door, with many undutiful words tending to the stirring of others unto rebellion.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 27.)
[? William Skipwith] to Sir John Greay.
1605–6, Jan. 3. I hope you have acquainted my Lord of Salisbury with the letter I wrote to you last, since which time I have been credibly informed that Sir Henry Hastings, of Brannsonne, is very like to have his finger in the business. It is reported that he sent for all his people, and shod all his horses, two days before the villainy should have been effected; and because they should not be seen in troops about his house, he appointed them to go by two and two together, some into the pastures, and some into the woods, and as soon as the news of the discovery came into the country he dismissed his company. Presently after his father went to London, whether sent for or of himself we know not, but Sir Henry having been in displeasure with him long before then went to him, and rode upon the way with him as far as Foxsonne, and there the father and the son lighted under a hedge, and after a long private discourse, they parted with very passionate embracing and weeping, as though they should never meet again. All this smoke cannot be without some fire, and this I hear will be justified by one John Hackett, a rich freeholder, who then dwelt at Brannsonne, now at Elmestorp, to whom Sir Henry Hastings sent one of his father's men, and one of his own, at the first assembling of their company, to borrow 100l. for a month or three weeks (or rather than fail, for one week); and when they could not get that sum, they would have had 50l. or 40l. or 20l., and in the end they were importunate for 10l. I pray you make this known to my Lord of Salisbury, for it will not be fit for you nor me to conceal these pregnant suspicions; but in any case take care that my Lord of Worcester do not know from whence this comes. Hurlestone and Roydon can make this plain if they list.—3 Jan., 1605.
Holograph but the signature has been scribbled over (? William Skipwith). 1 p. (214. 54.)
Sir Charles Calthorpe to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 4. I wrote a former letter to your lordship about Lent last concurring in effect with this present, which I send rather by way of protection than for any occasion to trouble you.
It has been accustomed that Irish consultations the week after Twelfth-tide are resolved upon for the year following. At which time, if there be any speech to translate me to any other place than that which I now hold, I beseech you that without my privity and consent I may not be removed, and that I may be admitted to speak for myself before any resolution be had for my translating. There has been and is a plotting by Mr. Solicitor Davies's friends to prefer him to my place, and that I should be removed to be some second judge, with an augmentation of my fee, without any assurance thereof or my consent thereunto. And yet I am so far contented to hold a correspondency with him for his Majesty's service as I admit that nothing shall pass without his hand and mine together, so as he enjoys thereby the half of the perquisites of my place, which now, by reason of the general peace here, begin to be of some value, though in the late revolts they have not been worth 20l. a year for a dozen years together. It is fully 22 years since my coming into this realm, and so long have I continued as attorney to her late Majesty. At my late being in England I preferred a petition to his Majesty, which remains with Sir Roger Wilbraham, for some portion of a fee farm, wherein I beseech your favour as occasion shall serve.—Dublin, 4 Jan., 1605.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (109. 99.)
The Earl of Bath to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 5. This Christmas time I received his Majesty's letters, by one Mr. Francis Lowman his Majesty's servant, requiring me to admit him to the place of muster-master of this county of Devon before any other, which it seems his Majesty was then persuaded to be void. But the truth is that immediately after the death of the former muster-master, in the beginning of Nov. last, with the assent of my deputies, by virtue of my patents of Lieutenancy, I granted the same to an old servant of mine, aptly qualified for the execution thereof. Present to his Majesty my letters of answer here enclosed, and satisfy him that I have done nothing but what was meet and lawful.—Towstocke, 5 Jan., 1605.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (109. 100.)
Sir John Scott to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 5. Being importuned by a poor distressed widow, who has unfortunately (by act of drowning) lost her husband, to use my best means for the gaining of her son's wardship, I am bold once again to be an humble petitioner to your lordship. The person deceased was a mean yeoman, and his estate not above 100l. a year, out of which his wife is to have a third, besides the maintenance of the heir and the rest of the children, who are five, and those very young.—5 Jan., 1605.
PS.—The name of the deceased is John Burdett of Odymer in Sussex.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 101.)
John Lytler, Mayor of Chester, to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 5. The enclosed packet I this day received from the Earl of Derby, and am by his lordship entreated to dispatch the same to you with all speed. I have accordingly sent the same in post, and beseech you to signify the receipt thereof.—Chester, 7 Jan., 1605.
PS.—The former letter and box which you sent me was delivered speedily according to your commandment.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (109. 102.)
Postal endorsements: "At the citie of Chester of Januarie the vth at viijth of the clocke at night. At Namptwiche at xij the same nighte. Stone at iiij in the morning. Litchfeild at viij in the morninge. Coleshull at xj. Coventrye paste on after nown the 6th of Januarie. Daventrie at v in the afternone the same day. Tocester at 8 the same day. Brickhill at xj. Saint Albons at 4 in ye morning. Barnet past 6 in the morning."
Anthony Chambers to William Stanley.
1605–6, Jan. 5/15. I have forborne to write, hoping to have good news to send you concerning your father's affairs in Spain, but how longer I stay, how more difficulties I find for the satisfying of your request. Money in Spain is so scant and so hard to recover, that I know not what to say. Your father has owing him of the King at least 6,000l. English. If he recovers any part he will not forget you. In the meantime I trust you will have patience. For all news in these parts the bearer can better acquaint you with them than I need write. I thank your good bedfellow for her kind token. I have sent her a remembrance by the bearer. With commendations to your mother, yourself, and your good bedfellow, with your sister and Mrs. Broughton.— Brussels, 15 Jan., 1606.
Holograph. 1 p. (115. 60.)
William Stanley.
1605–6, Jan. 5/15. Passport given by Thomas Arundel, Baron de Warder, "commandeur de l'infanterie anglois en service de leurs Altesses serenissimes," to William Standley, "gentilhomme anglois," of his regiment, to go to England for his personal affairs. —Brussels, 15 Jan., 1606.
Signed. 1 p. (206. 35.)
Sir Henry Butler to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 6. Recommending to his service his son John, who by the death of the Earl of Cumberland is at liberty to serve either about his person, or at the table, or in other employments.— Woodhall Lodge, 6 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 104.)
Sir Thomas Roberts to the Same.
[1605–6], Jan. 6. Having received your letters sent me by Sir John Leveson, witnessing your desire for the replenishing of Canterbury park with deer, wherein though the little store I have answers not to content you in that large measure I desire, yet shall not this so discourage me as that I should omit to make proffer of such furtherance herein as my weak fortunes may conveniently give, which will be to the number of some 20 or 30 deer. Whereof. if you will be pleased to accept, upon further direction from you or Sir John Leveson for the time of having them, I will take speedy order for their delivery.—Glassenbury, 6 Jan., 1604 (sic).
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1605." ½ p. (103. 99.)
Paul de la Haye to Sir William Cooke.
1605–6, Jan. 6. I sent a messenger of purpose by night to Hynan (?) to advertise you of the death of Arnold, as may appear by the letters enclosed; but the messenger had bad entertainment there both by your maidservants and men, as offered to be put in the stocks or to be beaten away with clubs, as my son Jo: in the end of the next week shall acquaint you at large; and what I think fit to be done in the matter of Arnold, and who fit to be commissioners to make means (?) by degrees for the wardship of Arnold's son Nicholas, who is about 7 years old.—Alterenes in haste, 6 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (109. 103.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 6. Reports a late private conference which the Pope's Nuncio had with a confident friend of his concerning the late practices in England. He acquainted his friend how much the Archduke was troubled with his Majesty's demand for the delivery of the persons of Owen and Baldwin. At first he was jealous of the truth of the alleged matters but now held it to be a practice of the devil's working to extirpate wholly the Catholic religion out of England. Before these accidents fell out he would be at no rest for the importunities of Baldwin and Owen who daily represented to him the persecutions used in England against the Catholics. When he told them that the means of the Pope himself were not sufficiently powerful to help them and it was not to be expected that the King of Spain would do anything to the offence of his Majesty and therefore they should advise him to treat effectually on their behalf, nothing would content them but the extremist remedies de feu et de sang. He now received no small ease to be freed of their former importunities. He [the Nuncio] said that he found the Spaniards so much tendered the preserving of their peace with his Majesty that they would be loth to give him apparent cause of discontentment; that Edmondes had made against the said persons une instance bien gaillarde and if the pursuit were continued in the same manner with verification of the proofs against them it would put their favourers here to a great plunge. For his own part he would avoid to have anything to do in the business, though it were sought to interest him in respect of Baldwin's religious quality.
Since then the Nuncio sent White the priest to Edmondes to express his master's and his own great detestation of the treason. He desired to have a meeting which he offered should be at such place as Edmondes should choose without disputing the point of precedency with him. Edmondes prayed White to assure the Nuncio there was no cause to labour further to satisfy the King concerning both his master and himself but where he conceived it likely the Nuncio intended to insist on the making of some favourable motions. on behalf of the Catholies of England he prayed him to let the Nuncio know that he durst not give ear to any such overtures; he might assure himself, however, that though his Majesty would be bound in case of his State and people, to provide for the preventing of dangerous practices of the Catholics, the same would not be stretched to any inhumane proceedings against them.
The next day White returned saying he had charge to offer it to Edmondes's consideration whether, if the Pope to gratify his Majesty would yield to call all the Jesuits out of England, his Majesty would be content to grant any enlargement of favour for toleration of liberty of conscience to the Catholics. Edmondes answered that the King reposed his chief confidence in the favour of God and of his good cause and would employ those ordinary means which God had given him for his defence as other princes would do.
Of late divers of the books of his Majesty's late speech in the Parliament have been brought over and translated by the Jesuits, who are not ashamed to seek to serve their turn by filling men's ears that it now appeared there was no matter to charge Baldwin, seeing he was not so much as named in the book. They will also have Sir Wm. Stanley cleared but it is acknowledged that Owen is fully charged by Winter's confession but not so directly by Faux from whom Winter derived his information. They accuse Edmondes to be passionately affected towards the Hollanders and pretend that the Jesuits having written into France to the brother of their Society, le Pere Cotton, to seek to inform himself from his Majesty's Ambassador there whether he understood that any of the Jesuits' Order were accused for the late treason, the Ambassador assured Father Cotton he had not heard that any mention had been made of them; whereupon the conclusion must follow that Edmondes had exasperated matters against them and had had Baily imprisoned without commission. They give it out that they will have their remedy against him per legem talionis for the slander their Order receives by the wrongful accusing of Baldwin. They have importuned the Archduke that the latter might be permitted to walk at liberty and they would undertake for his forthcoming, whereupon he has since taken the liberty to go to Lorraine and now walks again up and down this town and it is said is shortly to go to St. Omers.
Has lately had speech with Ricardott who denied that it was promised otherwise to restrain Baldwin than only to answer for his forthcoming. Salisbury will see to what straits Edmondes is reduced, Ricardott being only used for the managing of the business and being overawed by the violence of the Spanish Council and the irresolution of the Archduke. Whatsoever the impediments may be, there shall be no failing of any diligence on his part. Has advertised Sir Charles Cornwallis in Spain how matters have passed in his negotiations with these Princes so that he may take opportunity to deal therein for the benefit of his Majesty's service, seeing the resolutions which depend thereof are to come from thence.
Many of the English gentlemen which served here are of late departed remaining ill satisfied of their usage. Captain James Blount has showed himself exceedingly passionate for the death of Catesby on whom he depended for his maintenance. He of late confessed to a friend that he knew nothing of the particulars of the conspiracy but was acquainted how it was designed to have the English regiment here into England for the service of the Catholic cause.
Edmondes has also been informed that the person that passed in last time from hence into England in the company of Guy Faux is one Spiller that went under the name of Bellamy. It is said that he is brother to Spiller the attorney of the Exchequer.—6 Jan., 1605.
Copy. 7 pp. (227. p. 163.)
[Original in P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, S.]
Charles Della Faille to the Earls of Dorset, Suffolk, Northampton and Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 7. On behalf of Mathias de Renzi, merchant stranger, who by the breaking of other merchant strangers is forced to break also. He begs that de Renzi may have protection for 3 years against merchant strangers only; within which time he can gather in his debts. Protections in the same nature have been granted to Balbanio and Paulus Lardus, Italians, and others.—7 Jan., 1606.
Holograph. Endorsed: "7 Jan., 1605." ½ p. (115. 51.)
Sir Thomas Fane to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 8. Having received the enclosed letter from your lordship, I have endeavoured to make stay of the party therein mentioned, if at any time he should offer himself at the sea-side to be transported. As yet I have not heard anything of him, unless it be that this day one Mr. William Nuse having your lordships pass for France (the true copy whereof is here enclosed) has discovered him; for he has in his company two persons whom he calls his servants, whereof one is named Edward Wilson, but whether he be the party intended to be stayed I am uncertain. I have taken order with the owners of the passage boats at Dover, that they shall not be transported until Friday next, pretending some dispatch from myself to Calais to be ready against that time.—From Dover, 8 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 106.)
The Enclosure: Safe-conduct for Mr. William Nuse to transport himself into France.—From the Court at Whitehall, 1 Jan., 1605.
Copy. ½ p. (109. 105.)
? An Enclosure in the foregoing letter.
Case of — Nuse.
In May 1605 he obtained promise of a company of foot under the States, provided he levied it in Ireland out of the English cashiered companies. But Captain Bois had got all the discharged English, and the Irish would not serve against the King of Spain; though if he would serve against the States, he had not only choice of as many men as he desired, but the lords of the countries would arm them and give them cess till their embarking. To repair his broken state he took this offer, and chose 200 foot, who were armed and cessed by the lords at the procurement of the priests. He sailed with them to Riba de Celos in Asturias, where he was imprisoned and his company dispersed. He was examined at Valladolid, Jaques Solevan and all the English and Irish traitors in Spain giving their opinions that he was a spy from Lord Carew, or else to do some dangerous exploit; but by his answers he won credit amongst them, and was held fit to do service for the Catholics. Solevan wished him to seek revenge upon the King and State of England for his many years' service spent without recompense; and said he would frame a good fortune for him, but he must resolution therein and get someone to assist him; and for his hazard he should have 30,000l. or 40,000l. Solevan forebore to tell him what the service was, saying it may fall out there will be no occasion to enter into it.
Incomplete. Endorsed: "Nuse. 1605." 2½ pp. (192. 5.)
Ra: Dobbinson to Levinus Monck.
1605–6, Jan. 8. I have made a little bill and set down my desire, hoping to have some allowance from his Majesty for the keeping of Mr. Carleton and his man, who were with me 11 days. His lordship told me I should be allowed for it, and I entreat your favour herein.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (109. 107.)
Arrest of Robert Winter and Steven Littleton.
1605–6, Jan. 9. Upon Thursday 9 Jan., 1605, about 9 o'clock John Finwood, servant and cook to Mr. Lyttleton of Hagley, co. Worcester, came to Thomas Haselwood, one of Mr. Lyttleton's chief servants, and told him that Robert Winter and Steven Lyttleton were within Mr. Lyttleton's house, and that they were got into the house in the night time after the servants were in bed. Whereupon instantly Haselwood went to the stable and made ready his gelding, and rode post into the village adjoining to raise a few to apprehend them. Meanwhile the constable of Hagley repaired to Mr. Lyttleton's house, upon which the servants and tenants to the number of 10 or 12 assembled, and one Humphrey Lyttleton, commonly called "Red Humphrey" asked them what they did there, who answered that they were come to apprehend Winter and Lyttleton. Thereupon he said that they were not there, and bade them begone, or he would fetch such that should set them packing. Thereupon the traitors got forth of the house at a back door, which being known to one David Bate, a servant in the house, he called to the constable, and he and the servants beset the house and apprehended Winter and Lyttleton in the court adjoining. And they were brought to a house in Hagley where they were in the safe custody of the constable. Upon the apprehension of the traitors Humphrey Lyttleton got his gelding and rode away, and being pursued by some of the servants fled to Prestwood in Staffordshire, where he is apprehended. After the said traitors had rested and refreshed themselves in the ale-house, divers of the merchants of some towns of Staffordshire there assembled would have had the custody of them and have carried them back from Hagley and fromwards Worcester to Sturbridge towards Staffordshire, by reason whereof a great tumult arose amongst them for the conducting of the traitors, and some persons began to lay hold of the prisoners and to pull them, some one way and some another, inasmuch as there was likelihood of a great affray amongst them. Whereupon by the means of William Childe, esq., his Majesty's feodary of Worcestershire, the prisoners were drawn into the alehouse again, and Mr. Childe and one Mr. Pratt causing a proclamation to be made for the peace, the said tumult was appeased. Whereupon the prisoners were conducted by the constable of Hagley and the merchants of the adjoining villages in the direct way towards Worcester. And after they were past 3 or 4 miles, one Sir Thomas Whorwood, knt., of Staffordshire, overtook them with a good company of men well appointed, and said he would have the prisoners from them and carry them into Staffordshire, and gave out that he would raise 1000 men but he would have them; and laid hold upon the bridle upon one of the horses whereon one of the prisoners rode. But the Worcestershire men would not yield their prisoners, encouraged by Mr. Child, and safely brought them to Worcester, where they delivered them to the under-sheriff.
The names of those that made arrest upon the traitors:—Henry Toye, constable of Hagley: John Perckes, Thoms. Davids, servants to Mr. Lyttleton: Willm. Toye, Henr. Olyver, Nicholas More, Richard Perckes, Thoms. Burford, John Peopall, William Jebbar, merchants of Hagley.
Unsigned. 3 pp. (109. 108.)
John Ingleby.
1605–6, Jan. 9. "An abstract of the special points proved" against John Ingleby.
By Thomas Atkinson, Robert Skaife and Miles Stubbes.
That about Michaelmas twelvemonth, by practice of Robert Skaiffe, most of the armour in 4 constabularies was brought to John Ingilbye's, and by him kept till Michaelmas last or longer, being never before used to keep any such thing. So much of it as was new was fetched from Knaresborough Castle. There was that would have furnished 30 men.
By Thomas Atkinson.
Deposes that a little before Michaelmas last he saw together at John Ingilbie's, the said John, Richard Yorke, Thomas Yorke, and as he thinks both the Winters, for he had been formerly with Sir William Ingilbie in Worcestershire and knew them, and he saw his brother take one of them by the hand at Clint. Miles Reynoldes was also with them. It was said they had been at Sir John Yorke's at Netherdale. From Ingilbie's they went to Ripley, and the next day to Ripon, and dined at Thomas Daye's house.
Also that 3 weeks ago Mathew Lewtye told him in secret that Wheelhouse, John Ingilbie's man, had confessed that all the recusants of any account in England were contributories to the gunpowder, and about a week ago did justify the same again: and that Lewty and Wheelhouse be very inward together, and confer in the night, and heard Wheelhouse persuade Lewty very earnestly not to deal against Mr. Ingilbie.
By Mathew Lewty.
Wheelhouse told him he would not have him deal against Mr. John Ingilbie, for Sir William and he were like to become great men within this half year. Lewty asked how that should be. Wheelhouse answered, Didst not thou mind that great assembly of Catholics that were the other day at the lodge in Ripley Park? There is great sessment amongst Catholics in hand, for maintaining poor Catholic prisoners, and for some other use, by which means, if all things proved well, Sir William Ingilbie is like to be a great man in these parts. And he saw at the assembly Thomas Yorke, John Ingilbie, my Lady Anne, and 30 or 40 more, and a great banquet, and within 3 days he saw Robert Winter at Ripley Hall gate, who, as Wheelhouse told him, had been with Sir John Yorke, and John Ingilbie went to meet him at Thomas Dayes, and was to go meet him also at Sir Edward Plumton's. Also that Peter Gudgen fetched in John Ingilbie when old Gudgen lay a dying, and Wheelhouse the tailor came in with him, and a stranger, and they 3 prayed with Gudgen till he died.
By Thomas Atkinson.
Deposes that Leonard Smyth, John Ingilbie's chief man, persuaded old Gudgen in his sickness that his religion was not good, and that they be all damned body and soul to the devil that go to church. Also that Smyth had used the like persuasions to him (Atkinson), and assured him that the Romish religion was the true religion. When old Gudgen "drew awayward," John Ingilbie used speeches and reading on his knees till he died, and caused many crosses of wax candles to be made and sewed within the winding sheet. Also that when his father lay a dying, John Ingilbie came to him with hallowed candles, and water, and books, and laboured curiously to reconcile him to the Romish religion, for which his father gave him 10s. and great thanks, and so died. Also that about Michaelmas last James Ingilbie wished him earnestly to get Sir William's favour, and said if he went not to hear a mass, within a little while he would be burnt. About two days after the Winters were to go out of the country, and James said he was to go with them.
By Robert Thruscrosse, constable.
Deposes that a year and a half ago he, with John Ingilbie, received certain armour from Knaresborough Castle. John had home to his house but one corslet, two muskets, two headpieces and a sword. When certificate was to be made to the King of the number of recusants, he acquainted John Ingilbie therewith, who bid him be sure to set down all. Also deposes to Smith's Romish speeches.
By Christopher Joye.
Deposes that he saw no armour carried to John Ingilbie's saving a musket and a pike.
By Edward Barbor and Leonard Robinson.
Depose to Leonard Smyth's Romish speeches.
By Thomas Burges.
When the late treasons were newly discovered, William Favell of Larkebeckeyate told him there were some afraid and quaked that were not yet discovered, for there was a message sent late in the night from Samwell Thackwrey to Francis Ardington, whereupon the latter and his wife suddenly arose and rode away from their lodging.
By Thomas Umplebie.
Gives details of the armour received from and returned to John Ingilbie.
By William Markingfield, servant to John Ingilbie.
He heard his mistress say the Winters in hay time last once called at his master's and drank there, but did not light.
By Jane Smythe, servant to John Ingilbie.
Deposes as to the armour, and Robert Winter's calling on her master, who did not see him then, but after met him at Thomas Daye's at Ripon or at Ripley, and James Ingilbie stayed for Robert Winter to ride with him to the Bath.
By Leonard Smith, servant to John Ingilbie.
In the latter end of summer Robert Winter was in the country to buy horses, and he was once at his master's and stayed an hour. About a week after Michaelmas there was a meeting of friends at the upper lodge, and there were my Lady Anne, his master and mistress, Thomas Yorke and his wife, and William Cundall and John Atkinson, servants to the Lady Anne, and he and Alexander Vavasor and divers other Catholics, in number about 30, but neither of the Winters that he knew of. They met to make merry, and had no speeches that were hurtful to his knowledge, but of matter concerning their conscience. They had some other such meetings there in summer.
By William Wheelhouse, of Windesley Garthe.
About a week before Michaelmas last there was a great assembly of Catholics at Plumton Hall, and one Williamson, a roper of Spofforth, saw them go. William Wheelhouse the tailor works to all the great recusants, and can make vestments. He was brought up with Samuel Thackwrey and Robert Suttill, great recusants. John Saunders, my Lady Anne's man, is a contriver of caves, and Edward Ledger a carrier of messages, and these 4 are very dangerous and do much hurt.
By William Wheelhouse, tailor.
He knows neither of the Winters, but heard one of them was at John Ingilbie's but stayed not. He heard there was some meeting at the lodge of friends, but heard not of any meeting at Plumton. He was at Gudgeon's death, with his master, and Alexander Vavasor of Spaldington: they did only kneel down and prayed by him, as the country fashion is, and knows not whether he died a papist or a protestant. Confesses he advised Lewty not to meddle against his master, for he could do no good in it.—9 Jan., 1605.
Endorsed: "An abstract against Mr. John Ingleby." 3 pp. (190. 28.)
Sir Edward Coke, Attorney General, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 10. This day have we obtained the commission under the Great Seal, ingrossed the indictment against Sir Everard Digby, and set down a form of such precepts as shall be requisite, lest upon a sudden the Commissioners should be to seek. It were good to accompany the commission with letters to the Commissioners for expedition, and that Justice Yelverton bring up that commission with him. Mr. Corbet had made to be gone to-morrow morning. I have sent the commission herewith that the letters may be directed aright to the Commissioners. I have the examinations ready for this purpose against Mr. Corbet come to me. If you knew what pains have been taken, you would pity the old attorney.—10 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (109. 111.)
William Massam to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 11. By my petition to your lordship I showed that there are at St. Lucar arrested 451 pieces of calicoes, being parcel of the carrack goods which I bought of his Majesty's Commissioners, and paid for them. I have received letters from St. Lucar of Dec. 17 importing that they have sentenced those calicoes to be confiscate, whereupon my factor has appealed to the King of Spain; but withal he advertises there is no hope that they will ever be restored, for he has already there produced 3 witnesses that the goods were bought of his Majesty, which have nothing prevailed. I shipped a small parcel first for which they received the custom and made no question of them, and I shipped another parcel 2 months past, afore I heard that these were arrested, which I fear are likewise come in trouble. Send to the Spanish Ambassador that I may have his letter to the Duke of Medina for the release of those 451 pieces, and for the free disposing of all other calicoes which I have sent or shall send, with due certificate that they are the very same goods bought of the King; and if they have sold or disposed of my calicoes, that I may have restitution in money for them after the rate that my servant sold others of the same kind.—11 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 112.)
Hugh Hamersley to the Earls of Suffolk and Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 11. It pleased your lordships to appoint me unto the managing of the farm of the impost of currants ("corinthes"), and therein by the space of 16 months I have employed myself. My employment being in the servile part thereof by reason of my experience in duly examining and rightly perfecting the bills of entries and attending the weighing of the currants, without which you would have been greatly wronged by unjust entries and counterfeit invoices, which could not be performed without hindrance to my private affairs by which I live, and has drawn upon me a general envy, especially of those that use the trade of currants, for that by my knowledge of that business they are prevented of their practices in doing wrong to the benefit of your Honours' farm; challenging me as a false brother and terming me Judas Apostata. for discovering of the mysteries of this trade, wherein merchants were wont to help themselves. And that my desire to do your service appear not altogether to consist in painstaking, I have withdrawn my own affairs from other employment and designed them solely to bring in currants, and daily expect for myself and partner a ship laden therewith, which will bring into your farm well near 1000l. being laden from the islands of Zante and Zefalonia, contrary to the decree of the state of Venice, not without danger both to ship and goods. Forasmuch as by your providence the trade of the Levant is confirmed unto a company able and sufficient to manage the same, and thereby the main objection of the Levant merchants against the impost of currants in affirming that both trade and impost cannot stand together, is removed: there is no doubt but you shall be solicited to set the same to farm, whereunto if you assent, I entreat that I may be partaker in the said farm for a reasonable part thereof; for having been neglected in the farm of his Majesty's customs by reason of my employment in the currants, if I should not be remembered in partaking in the farm of currants, it would redound to my great disgrace. But if you retain the farm in your own power, and are not better provided of one more sufficient than myself to direct the same, I tender my service.—London, 11 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 2 pp. (109. 113.)
William Whorwood, Sheriff of Worcestershire, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 11. Upon my coming down into the country from your Honour, both Lyttleton and [Robert] Winter had forsaken their former and usual abodes upon the apprehension of Smart and Hollihedd, who had formerly entertained them, and in regard of divers private searches, intelligence thereof as it seems unto them being given. So that they were forced to leave our country and flee into Worcestershire, being their last refuge, where they were entertained by one Humphrey Lyttleton at Hagley, being one Mrs. Lyttleton's house; this Humphrey being an alliance to Stephen Lyttleton, a man very much suspected to be very forward in these traitorous actions. At whose house Lyttleton and Winter were apprehended, whereupon Humphrey Lyttleton with one Charnocke conveyed themselves away, which Charnocke as yet is very much suspected to be an agent in the same action. But by means of myself, Sir Tho. Whorwood and our followers they were taken and committed to Stafford gaol, where they remain until I know your pleasure. Further, I am to entreat you, that whereas there is a suit depending in her Majesty's court very much concerning myself, and especially a great number of poor men depending upon my answer to the said court, which I shall not have time to answer so fittingly as the equity of our cause shall require, that you would give order unto her Majesty's Chancellor that the matter be stayed until the term next following.—From my house at Sandewell this 11 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 114.)
The Justices of Worcestershire to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Jan. 13. Upon the apprehension of Robert Winter and Stephen Lyttleton, we having intelligence that they were harboured by the persons whose examinations we send you, caused the said persons to be apprehended, and have committed them to Worcester gaol, there to remain until your pleasure shall be further understood.—Worcester, 13 Jan., 1605.
Signed: Walter Jones: Jo. Fleett. Seal. ½ p. (109. 115.)
The Earl of Dorset to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 14. His Majesty was heretofore pleased (at the suit of Mr. Edmund Lascells) to bestow upon him the escheat of one John Harmon of Stony Middleton, co. Oxon, lately committed for sheep stealing, if he should be condemned for the same. Sir Henry Goodiere, knt., having made known to his Majesty how deeply he stands engaged for the debt of Mr. Lascells, his Highness has joined Sir Henry Goodyere with Mr. Lascells in the gift of the escheat, that he may be the better able to satisfy such debts as he has undertaken.—From Dorset House, 14 Jan., 1605.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (109. 117.)
Sir Thomas Snell to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Jan. 15. Forasmuch as it is unknown to me whether the Bishop (by Richard Longe mentioned) has acquainted any of your Honours with the substance of the information herein enclosed, I have thought it my duty to acquaint you therewith.— From my house at Kingston [Kington], 15 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (109. 118.)
The Enclosure: Information of Richard Long, gent, of Lineham, Wilts, taken 14 Jan., 1605, by Sir Thomas Snell, of Kington in the same county, knt., a J.P. in the said county.
Shortly after the feast of St. James the Apostle last he and Henry Coxwell of Cirencester, co. Gloucester, gentleman, travelled to St. Lucar in Spain to buy merchandise, in whose company went Anthony Uze of Box, co. Gloucester, gent., Thomas Fox, whom examinate takes to be a Worcestershire gentleman, Thomas Dedham late dwelling in the house of one Ballard in Wales at a place called Urchenfeild, and divers mariners. Dedham at his coming to St. Lucar took a house and there dwells, keeping victualling. And examinate being in Dedham's house about Michaelmas last there came to the house one Thomas whose surname he knows not, who was cook to one Father Martin a priest there, an Englishman; which cook reported that at his master's house there were at that present certain English gentlemen to the number of 9 or 10, one of which was named Percy, which were new come over out of England and had reported that there was in England treason intended against the King going to the Parliament House, and that a great nobleman was the principal doer thereof, and that the same was revealed and the said nobleman imprisoned in the Tower; and that thereupon there was such strict course taken in England against the papists that they, the said gentlemen, were driven to forsake their country and therefore were come thither. And examinate further says that he does not know any of their names but the name of Percy as aforesaid. He also says that the next day the report aforesaid was commonly talked of by many Englishmen which were there buying merchandise, but did not hear any Spaniard talk thereof. And examinate going in the street about his business saw the said gentlemen standing at the said priest's door, whence as he heard they went to the city of Seville to the English college there to study and afterwards to take orders and become either priests or friars. Lastly he says he came from thence and landed at Chepstow in Wales about a month before Christmas last, and together with Anthony Uze gave information of the report aforesaid to the Bishop of Llandaff in Wales.
Signed by Snell and Long. 1 p. (110. 12.)
Brief abstract of the above.
18th century. 1 p. (249. 1.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 15. His Majesty this morning commanded me to signify to your lordship, that although he rest very well satisfied with your answer touching the Spanish Ambassador's complaint about the prize taken from an English pirate by an English merchant, yet would he have my Lord Admiral inform you or adventure his Majesty, what upon examination the true state thereof falls out to be, and likewise of the other complaint; that if the Ambassador renew his speech any more to his Majesty, he may be furnished how to reply to him, thinking for his own judgment that if the case be as the Ambassador informs, the merchant that brought in the pirate should not only not have punishment or trouble, but reward.—From Enfield, 15 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 119.)
Sir Arthur Capell to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 15. Upon the 13th of this month I received the King's letters of privy seal dated Oct. 20, wherein his Majesty's pleasure is I should give him such reasonable number of deer as my grounds may afford for the replenishing of the park and chase at Somersham, to be delivered to such persons as Sir John Cutts, keeper of the said park, shall appoint. My two grounds being both of them small and in truth not sufficient to discharge mine own use, I have had within the space of two years great death of deer in them, so as at this time they are much decayed. I beseech you that I may be freed from this demand, which if I should be forced into I shall not in many years reap the benefit of mine own grounds, for mine own use, or the pleasure of my friends.—From my poor house at Haddham, 15 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 120.)
Sir Henry Bromley to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 15. I am persuaded I cannot proceed to the search before Monday morning, for that I must call unto me some justices of peace and resolve of the search of three or four houses at one instant, which must be done by several persons, and therefore will ask a time to dispose of the course and accommodate people for the purpose. Meantime I will have good espial over the houses suspected. It remains that you will be pleased to send me the description and names of the parties, and if possible one that knows them, as also the proclamation, and your pleasure what I shall do with Mr. Abington, if these parties be not there, if he shall refuse to confess them, considering your lordship is so well assured they have been there. I desire that your messenger may very quietly ride through Worcester without making it known that he is a messenger sent to me.—Wickeham, 15 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 121.)
The Bishop of Durham to the Same.
1605–6, Jan. 15. I entreat your best furtherance of Mr. William Saxey of Lincoln's Inn, a dear friend and countyman of mine, a right honest gentleman, and an ancient counsellor at law of above 46 years continuance, who, before he was employed in public service as Chief Justice of Munster, lived well by the practice of his profession here (the private study whereof he has always and still does continue), but by his service there about 12 years together, he has sustained great loss, yet never relieved by any collateral regard, as others employed in like places have been rewarded. And moreover by that service in Ireland his practice of the common law is in a manner discontinued, to the great decay of his estate, while many of the judges of this realm deceased, and divers yet remaining of his continuance, and all the serjeants now living short of his standing, who quietly attending their own commodity at home have been and are daily enriched by their private practice and by their profession raised to further preferments, where foreign service has hitherto interrupted my good friend's advancement. Who, depending upon hopes of such like reward, has not only failed thereof, but also that public service by him diligently performed is like to grow to his decay, unless by his Majesty's favour he may be bestowed in some like judicial place and his former practice continued, which can only be effected if he may be placed in the room of one of the Council of the Marches of Wales; whereby he may be continued in that quality of service, wherein he has been so long experienced, and remitted to his former mean of maintenance.— At Duresme House, 15 Jan., 1605.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (109. 122.)
Sir Christopher Parkins to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Jan. 15. I send you the bearer my servant Joachim Rytt, born at Wistmer, bred in Denmark, and about nine years since committed to me by some gentleman of that Court. In the Queen's time he was once in Denmark with her Majesty's letters for Duke Charles of Sweden, and this last summer again with the King's letters for a private cause; and otherwise I have such proof of him that I am fully persuaded he will faithfully deliver letters committed to him, solicit and return an answer with convenient speed. I send him that your lordship may see him and give him your order, that whiles the dispatch is making ready he may seek shipping to be the more forward for the service.—15 Jan., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 123.)