Cecil Papers
November 1607, 16-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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M. S. Giuseppi and D. McN. Lockie (editors)

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1965

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326-351

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'Cecil Papers: November 1607, 16-30', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 19: 1607 (1965), pp. 326-351. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112400 Date accessed: 25 October 2014.


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November 1607, 16-30

Levynus Munck to Roger Houghton.
1607, Nov. 16.Has received Salisbury's order to send to Houghton for 30l. for foreign services, to be delivered to him [Munck] for one that goes to Rome.—16 Nov., 1607.
Receipt by John Castle for the above amount at the foot of the letter.
Munck's letter is Holograph. 1 p. (206. 46.)
Richard Stapers to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 17.The Turk is shipped for Constantinople. His diet is provided at the Company's charge to the sum of 100l. and the Company has given him 100l. more, which is paid him in 470 dollars: all which is done in his Majesty's name. He values the 6 pieces of stuffs he gave the King and Queen, and his sword to the Prince, at 250l., of which he has already 100l. given him; so that if his sword were sent him again I think it would content him; and so the other things, being disposed of, may remain as they be, for avoiding of trouble to get them together.—17 Nov., 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (123. 36.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1607, Nov. 18.His Majesty having been made acquainted with your letters of 28 Oct. and 4 Nov. in which you have made particular relation of your proceedings with the ministers of that State upon the arrival of Tyrone and his complices in those parts (as well before they came to the Archduke's presence as since, upon some other circumstances which have succeeded), so well approves of the course you have observed, of the argument which ex re nata you have used before any directions could come unto you, as his Majesty thinks there could not have been any more added unto it, both in retorting upon them their ill grounded pretences for receiving those fugitives into their protection, and in making known what manner of spirit has impelled these fugitives to abandon their country; which was not matter of religion or private inheritance (as they falsely alleged) but their own guiltiness of treasonable attempts against their natural duty and allegiance. [In] all which particulars because there should not remain the least scruple in the Archduke or his ministers that you have urged anything which his Majesty does not avow you in, or [that you have] answered anything which is not agreeable to truth itself and to his Majesty's intentions, his Majesty has at the audience which he gave some few days since to the Baron of Hoboque taken particular notice of all things that had passed between you and the Archdukes' ministers, and to express not only in general terms the resentments he has of the Archdukes' cold and hollow proceedings towards them [sic: him] in receiving and protecting those people, but also in particular to note their ministers' carriage towards you in demanding what commission you had from his Majesty for it. It was also not forgotten to note the President Richardot's question whether you would not be present at Spinola's feast which he made to Tyrone; which question surely might have well been spared in a man of his place and wit, unless he would seem to put some trick upon you. All which circumstances have been the more carefully touched, not [sic: most] of them by his Majesty himself, to preserve your reputation with them and to make you know that his Majesty has avowed you in all things.
And now for the matter itself, his Majesty has thought fit to publish this declaration in print both in Latin and English, that all princes and states may be truly informed of the causes of their flight in such rebellious manner, that they may be received and used abroad accordingly by all such as value his Majesty's friendship. In which case also you may make known to the Archdukes (by delivering them a copy) what his Majesty further expects at their hands now that these persons are described unto them in other colours than they were before, without making any further demands of them [the Archdukes] than the scope of the declaration insinuates; upon the crediting or discrediting whereof his Majesty must be contented to conform his future proceedings towards them. Only you may put them in mind that these persons standing as they do in the predicament of rebels and traitors, his Majesty leaves it to the Archdukes' consciences to bethink themselves what the treaty challenges at their hands in this case, to which they are so solemnly obliged.
Concerning the matter of the United Provinces you have already understood by the return of the Friar of the likelihood there is of a peace or truce to ensue, which you may there declare to have been put forwards by the judgment which his Majesty's commissioners and the French made (when the States' deputies came to them to consult about it); who answered presently that although the King of Spain's ratification was defective in form, yet coming so near in substance to that which the States had prescribed they thought the States could not defer the treaty but wished them to accept of it, the sooner the better; which judgment as the States make it to serve their turn in one kind, so in another kind you may make use of it there as an evident demonstration of his Majesty's purposes, which are far from impeaching any treaty (as it has been so sinisterly suspected by them [the Archdukes]) but rather tend to the advancing of it; in which point (to tell you the truth) it seems to us a little strange that the commissioners should so affirmatively declare themselves before the States, whom it principally concerns, had opened their own intentions. Not that his Majesty's intention is (as is said before) to keep them from peace, but that he holds it safer for him to reserve himself from persuading it, lest if the success prove contrary to the States' expectation his Majesty may not be made the author of it.
I must also impart unto you a proposition which the States have made to the joint commissioners for a league defensive to be made between his Majesty, the French and them before they come to treat with the Archdukes; which league if it takes place, at the first show it may seem that it will be very offensively taken there [in the Spanish Netherlands] as a matter which crosses the purposes of Spain and of those princes whose ends may be by offering so extraordinary benefits to the States to draw them from all dependency from hence and from France; yet if his Majesty's reasons which may move him to it and the cautions which he uses in the same be impartially considered it will appear that he has great cause to accept the same without any purpose of opposing against the Archdukes.
First, because these French have already declared themselves willing to enter into league, yea, and let fall that if the States had not propounded it they had commission to have urged it themselves.
Secondly, because of his Majesty's own interest, which is depending more upon those Provinces than that of France.
Thirdly, because it is very likely if this league be made now before the States agree with the Archdukes, [that] his Majesty may obtain better conditions at the States' hands for reimbursements of moneys and other respects than when the States shall be in a better quality and state than yet they are.
For the cautions which his Majesty observes in it they are these:
That the league be merely dependent upon the success of the treaty with Spain, which if it take no place, then this league to be also void.
That this league be only defensive and do no way extend to an offensive, which is incompatible with his Majesty's friendship with those Princes.
That this league be particular betwixt his Majesty and the States in one instrument, and that betwixt the French and the States in another instrument, because his Majesty would avoid as much as he could at this instant to be drawn into a further league with France than now he is, though for the United Provinces his interest in cautionary towns, in great debts and former confederacies, may draw him into it, all which have not relation with France.
And therefore if you hear anything spoken of this league I have thought good thus to prepare you that you may be the better able to make answer to it, which as yet depends but in discourse till we hear further from our commissioners.
Lastly, concerning the party which brought you my letter, I have seen a letter under your secretary's hand directed in the other's name to Sir Walter Cope; and when I consider how little use I have of one of his quality, that is not able to express his mind in writing when Tyrone may be happily at Rome or at Naples or in any other place where I have no confidant to whom he might declare his mind, I think it better to discharge myself of him; and so you may make it known unto him that he may seek his own ways as he did before he was recommended to me. For the other, known to your secretary, I am confident he may do good service, and therefore encourage him what you can in it and direct him for the conveyance of his letters if he go along with Tyrone, which I could wish he did. I must confess I was a little jealous of some words in your private letter to me under your own hand that of this man's employment the other knows nothing, fearing lest you might have let fall some words to the other fellow whereby he might conceive that some other is employed about Tyrone; which at your discharging of him you must of necessity avoid, and only make the cause to be for his inability of writing and inexperience of sending letters.—From the Court at Whitehall, 18 Nov., 1607.
Copy. 4 pp. (227. 292.)
[There is a draft of the above in S.P. For: Flanders, 8.]
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury].
1607, Nov. 18.Negotiations with the Archduke touching Tyrone; the Archduke said he showed favour to him in regard of his religion and the good usage he gave the Spaniards in Ireland in the year [15]88 when they were defeated, amongst whom Don Rodrigo de Lasso, the Archduke's chief chamberlain, was one. Edmondes answered that extraordinary demonstrations of favour towards him, and continual care for entertaining the Irish regiment with much greater advantages than are allowed to any other nation, give cause to suspect further meaning. The Spanish Ambassador dislikes the good usage of Tyrone and promises to write into Spain that the like may not be done there.
Abstract. (227. 339.)
[The original dispatch in S.P. For. Flanders, 8, is calendared so far as it concerns Tyrone in Cal. S.P. Ireland, 1606–1608, pp. 636–638.]
Sir Roger Aston to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], Nov. 19.His Majesty is in good health, and holds on his journey to-morrow to Newmarket; but if the frost continue as it begins, we shall be shortly at Tebbales. My Lord of Dombar is well, and this night comes to Ware. To-morrow he will see you. This day I received a letter from the Sergeant of the Cellar, desiring me to acquaint his Majesty that there was come certain pieces of Frottenyke [Frontenac] wine out of France, and to know his pleasure what portion he would have. His Majesty is pleased that you shall have one of the best pieces: I have signified so much to the Sergeant. I pray you refuse it not, for we must have a pipe of "tobaccoo" this cold weather. When you write, give his Majesty thanks for his good remembrance. In haste, going to attend my office at the brook side.—Rostorne [Royston], 19 Nov.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (123. 37.)
The Earl of Rutland to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 19.I this day received a letter from the Council to send up a note of such offenders as within this county have received the benefit of his Majesty's proclamation concerning enclosures. Return shall be made speedily. Although I hope the business was here of that little moment as we shall trouble their lordships with a small record, yet out of the observation here made out of the humour of this people, they hope to receive some satisfaction to set their ploughs awork, which this country hereabout stands in great need of.—19 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 38.)
Bisley Manor, Gloucester.
1607, Nov. 14.Particulars of the office of Deputy Steward of the Manor of Bisleigh, made upon the death of George Masters,
Note by Salisbury that a grant of the office is to be made to Lord Danvers and Philip Breache, 19 Nov., 1607.
Partly in Latin. 1 p. (P. 2297.)
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 20.Of the sickness of Lady Arundel. Begs him to return Lord Arundel's answer to the enclosed.
"We have sent our 50 men out of Derbyshire to Chester. My deputy lieutenants assure me there never went thence more able men for that number, nor that were better apparelled and furnished every way, whereof I will write more formally to my Lords when I send up the indented roll."
Of his attack of gout.—Sheffield Lodge, 20 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (123. 39.)
The Mayor and Aldermen of Hull to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 20.Pray that good favour may be shown to the bearers, Mr. John Lister, alderman, and Mr. Peter Proby, burgess of Kingston-upon-Hull, in such affairs concerning the preservation of the ancient liberties and privileges of the town as they shall prefer before the Earl of Salisbury or the Lords of the Privy Council.—From Kingston-upon-Hull, 20 Nov., 1607.
Signed: Tho. Swan, mayor; Robert Tailler; Willm. Barnerd; John Graves; Joseph Feild; Tho. Thackray; James Casson; George Almond; James Hallsay; Christopher Chapman.
1 p. (194. 25.)
Newsletters.
1607, Nov. 21/Dec. 1 to Dec. 8./18.
From Cologne, 18 Dec., 1607.
The letters from Vienna confirm how strong the Haiducks (Hayduggen) once more are in Hungary. (fn. 1) Altogether they have already occupied Calo [Nagy Kallo] together with the castle and are beginning to subject everything to themselves on the other side of the Theyssa. They no longer wish to enter into an agreement with the Emperor but have chosen Valentin Homonnay as their King, who yet refuses this and they have moreover sent a deputy to the Turk to obtain help. Thus this rebellion is bravely increasing. Those who sided with his Imperial Majesty have retired from Cassovia [Kaschau or Kassa now Kosice] to Poland and elsewhere.
From Prague tidings have arrived that the Duke of Brunswick has returned home from this town and before his departure gave the Emperor's councillors fine golden chains and goblets; also to each Imperial page a golden medallion and distributed 500 thalers among them. These presents amount to well over 60 marks Flemish [?–60m fl]. By these means he has gained a good name at Court and by Shrove Tuesday he will once more make his appearance in Prague.
They further write that George Basta has departed this life; and that the religious in the town of Drappau [? Troppau now Opava] in Silesia have had their church closed and have been forbidden the public exercise of their religion. Forty persons have also been arrested there without knowing for what reason.
It is written from Danzig that the "Roccoshans" (fn. 2) had once more to creep up to the cross and ask the King for mercy, all the more because there was no ready money. For which reason the Bishop of Cracow and the "Roccoshanists" will come together in Warsaw to try to settle this disturbance.
It is further stated that after the conquest of Weissenstein King Charles of Sweden has not been able to do anything further in Livonia (Lyfland) but has been forced to retreat with shame and much loss of life among his men. To this it is added that Muscovy after the Polish Diet . . . (fn. 3) for the Jesuits . . . (fn. 3) have insisted on it with the King.
From Germany we hear how thoroughly the Archduke of Graz (fn. 4) has been arming at Regensburg [Ratisbon]. For his guard they have brought him 500 mounted arquebusiers and 200 archers, apart from those of his following which came to the same number. Also that the Duke of Bavaria has been enlisting a great many soldiers in the Emperor's name in order (as people said) to besiege Donauwörth (Donnawert), the citizens of which were bravely equipping themselves for the defence, and it is feared that from this an internal war may arise in Germany and also as the differences between the Bishop of Augsburg and his subjects are increasing daily.
Also it is heard that Count Eric von Leiningen has died at Darmstadt, as also the Cardinal of Lorraine as it is written from Strasburg on November 28th. The Baron von Krickingen, the governor has in several parts of the bishopric accepted the homage of the subjects and installed strong garrisons. Time will show us what will happen further.
From Rome, 1 December, 1607.
Recently a resolution was passed in the Apostolic Camera against Signor Philippo Guicsiardo [?] in favour of the reverend Camera to the amount of 30,000 V[enetian marks?–30,000m V].
The Dukes Sforza and Antonio Orsini have had placed on the gates of their palaces the coats of arms of [? the rulers of] all Christendom as depending from his Majesty [Henry IV], by whom they, along with others, will be honoured before New Year's Day with the Order of the Knights of St. Michael and the Holy Spirit.
All the officers of the infantry and cavalry of the Papal States will shortly visit "the Ariegenstung" (fn. 5) and fortresses and will afterwards proceed to "Rumania" [Romagna] and Ferrara. Messrs. Mario Farnese and Federico G[? h] is l[? i]eri have already travelled to Tivoli to see the buildings where their weapons are made (fn. 6) and such like things for horsemen and foot soldiers, as is also done in "Bressia" [? Brescia].
At the same time a congregation has been held before Cardinal Toschi, newly instituted by the intervention of Cardinals Pamfili, Bufalo, and Barberini on the subject of some differences that have arisen between the King of France and the Duke of Savoy about the commanderies of the religious [and military order] of St. Lazarus and St. Maurice; all the provinces and distributions of which being in France, his Majesty on account of certain privileges claimed they belonged to him and not to Savoy.
Here has also arrived the courier from France with letters from "Vacance" [? Valence] reporting that the King had caused his garrison to leave Sedan and had released that town along with the other towns that belonged to Bouillon: also his Majesty wanted to leave for "Gaglioene" [? Gaillon] and Cardinal Joyeuse with the Duke of Mompellers [sic] having made great preparations in their palace to receive him upon his arrival the negligence of a certain page who had not well guarded a candle caused the entire palace miserably to burn to the ground as the violence of the wind made all resistance impossible. The damage to tapestries and silverware was over 70m V[enetian ?]. But of the Cardinal nothing else has been burnt other than all his writings and the previleges of his family for a number of centuries.
From Naples have arrived the galleys of the Grand Duke [of Tuscany] from Messina, where they have sold all the slaves they obtained from Barbary.
On Wednesday morning in the congregation of the Holy Office . . . (fn. 7) a Theatine Father of Pad[? ua] (fn. 7) publicly retracted what he had written against the Holy See.
From Venice, 7 idem.
It is written from Constantinople that the infection was still strongly raging there, more than 30,000 persons having already died in that town and that the Bassa had been daily trying to induced the Grand Turk to make his peace with the Persians and then to make war with all his strength against the Emperor, adding thereto that about 3,000 houses had been purposely set on fire, according to some by the Janissaries and the Spahis.
It is advised from Milan that the Ambassador of France to the Grisons sent to the communities to learn whether they were willing to accept the league made with his King in the way in which it had been [drawn up and] sealed, which finally they had done and affirmed. We hope therefore that their differences may come to a good end.
Last week twenty English pirates have been brought here with their captain, sent by General Bembo, and there has also been sent to Palma a large quantity of powder and other munitions with a good convoy.
Along with the letters from Genoa we heard that the merchants there were in great confusion because of the decree of the King of Spain that they would not be paid by him within 16 years. Hence they had sent out messages in all directions to suspend payments.
Dutch. 4 pp. (126. 134.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 21.The cause why the post runs at this time is to convey this letter enclosed to the Lord Chamberlain. The contents of it are to signify to his lordship that his Highness had forgotten at his departure to make him acquainted that the Lady Elizabeth, when the Prince was with her, had made suit to his Highness for leave to come see him and the Queen this Christmas and to do her duty to their Majesties; which his Highness had promised to my Lord Harrington by message that she should. Now the time growing on, his Highness has commanded me to signify his pleasure to the Lord Chamberlain and that order be presently taken for it.
I write to his lordship also of another matter by his Majesty's commandment concerning Sir Olyver Cromwell's suit for an exchange of his house and a park in Huntingdonshire with his Majesty for Sommersham, wherewith his lordship will acquaint you, for so he is directed, and with his Highness's resolution therein.
Your lordship shall also receive herewith a letter from the Prince of Nassa to his Majesty and one from a merchant of Antwerp, who has direction from the said Prince to convey to his Highness certain pictures, among which one is of the Queen his mother, taken to the life when the Prince saw her in France. His Majesty would have you give order for the receiving of these pictures, especially of his mother's, which it seems by the merchant's letter are in the hands of Soprani or Barnardi in London. To the Prince his Majesty is pleased you should give order for an answer to be made with all kindness and that he could not have sent him a greater jewel than the image of his mother, and what you shall think fit to be added of that kind. There is also a letter of the Prince's to Sir Henry Lee, which his Majesty is pleased shall be sent to him.
Our hunting matters give me some occasion to trouble you. Here is a hare warren which has been long a-making and is not yet half finished, whereat his Majesty is offended not a little. Bancks who has it in charge lays the fault upon want of money, which he cannot get my Lord Treasurer to allow. This displeases his Majesty, the sum being not above one hundred pounds that will serve, as Bancks says. I answered that I knew there had been a privy seal or two passed about that matter and did assure myself his lordship would obey the warrant. It was replied that my Lord Treasurer's answer still was he should bring him warrant. If my Lord Treasurer or Mr. Chancellor will search they shall find that there has been warrant given once or twice for the making of that warren, which, if they [the warrants] be defective, upon direction from either of them shall be supplied with new. But such delays and slight answers as those, if they be true, in things concerning his Majesty's delight, do not a little move him to choler and ill words. I would have written to my Lord Treasurer but that I think it will have more efficacy being delivered by your lordship. And yet I believe when the matter shall be examined, the fault will be found here in Bancks and not either in the warrant or in his lordship's answers.—From Newmarkett, 21 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 2¼ pp. (128. 42.)
Lawrence Marbury to Sir Walter Cope.
[1607], Nov. 22.I have now collected a few names of such poor recusants as I am most uncertain, if they be granted, whether upon their indictment they will come to church or no. Nevertheless though I shall run the hazard of a great charge in prosecuting them, and the most of them of small ability, yet will I adventure the charge if you move my Lord [Salisbury] therein.— 22 Nov.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (123. 40.)
Lord Lumley to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 22.On behalf of the bearer, his servant, George Smythe, who begs for restoration upon composition to certain lands in the Bishopric of Durham. Smythe has married a gentlewoman of Salisbury's kindred.—My house nigh the Tower Hill, 22 Nov., 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (123. 42.)
The Enclosure:
George Smythe's case.
His father William Smythe enfeoffed his lands to certain persons to the use of himself for life, remainder to the said George. Details of William's connection with the rising of the Earls in the North, and his attainder by act of 13 Eliz. He was pardoned, but not restored to his lands. George now petitions for restoration, for some reasonable fine, he being poor and having a great charge of children.
1 p. (123. 41.)
Sir Robert Wingfield to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 22.You granted my son your letters to the executors of Mr. Darcy of Essex, that he might obtain in marriage the youngest of Darcy's daughters. He found favour by your letters. Yet [on my] making a motion this term to the gentlewoman's friends, in respect my son is young and low of stature, to have a contract but no marriage these 4 years, in respect she is already a woman grown, they utterly distasted my desire therein. Whereupon in loving manner we parted.
Since my coming to London Mr. Thomas Brokas, the only son of Sir Pexall Brokas, by some hard courses taken by his father against him, fled to my house in the country, pretending affection to my daughter as to make her his wife, and if I may believe him the matter is gone so far as he cannot well go back. I protest his love to my daughter was begun without my privity, yet entertained by me since upon knowledge that Sir P. B. had given his consent for his son to make his own choice. So I desire you to direct your letters to Mr. Justice Crooke, uncle to my daughter, and Sir Thomas Sherley, grandfather to young Mr. Brocas, whereby they may call before them Sir P. B. and myself, and so to mediate the matter betwixt him and his son for reconciliation, and betwixt Sir P. B. and me, that the young couple's love, begun in good manner, may have such an end as all parties may be pleased; for I am willing to deal kindly with my daughter so he may be won to love his son and to do something for him; and in case they shall not accord all matters, to certify you where the fault is.—22 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 43.)
William Udall to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 22.If ever there were a time to do his Majesty service I think no time more necessary than this. Never more seditious books ready to come abroad than now are in hand, as well in England as beyond the seas. The books of mitigation, of which I sent you one, are coming over in greater plenty than as yet they have done. The book intended in answer of my Lord of Northampton has been surceased, but now it is almost "finished the print." Concerning the presses in England within these ten days I will presume to send to you some of the first books. Afterwards I will attend your further pleasure. I have within these three years discovered and caused to be taken five presses for printing, without any recompense. The late Lord Chief Justice ever promised, but death prevented his performance. I beg that out of such things which at his death remained in the custody of Mr. Pemmarton his servant, I may have some consideration. There is one thing held for the work incomparable which Mr. Levinus [Munck] has seen. I have delivered to him a note of the particulars. Consider of my reasonable suit; I have no other refuge in my great extremity. I delivered this vacation to my Lord of London a print valued at 80l.—22 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 44.)
The Earl of Nottingham to the Earl of Suffolk and the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], Nov. 22.He understands by Sir John Trevor that they value the Arundel House tenements at 300l. yearly, and at 15 years' purchase, coming to 4,500l.; which, deducting 3,000l. for 30 years' lease, leaves clear for the tenements 1,500l. Also that they value Arundel House at 150l. yearly, which at 20 years purchase, and deducting 5 years' purchase for my Lady's life, leaves clear for the House 2,250l., total 3,750l. Nevertheless they make him offer of 4,000l. in Lord Arundel's name, and require his answer. Discusses the various items of the valuation claiming the total should be 7,431l. Mentions his desire to have such a seat for his posterity, being unfurnished of any house in London, and the difficulty of getting convenient place to build in, and the charge to build far greater than the sum he set down. His respect to his Majesty, who pleased to move it, and his love to Lord Arundel, who is so desirous of it, leads him to part with it; else 10,000l. should not make him forego it. These are his reasons for maintaining the enclosed note; and he has delivered more particulars to Sir John Trevor, and refers the matter to their lordships' indifference.—Halyng, 22 Nov. [See pp. 479–80 below.]
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 3 pp. (214. 58.)
The Earl of Mar to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 23.Has directed the bearer his servant to attend upon his Majesty. His affairs in this country press him so that it will be near Christmas before he can come himself. Offers services. Renews his old suit for Sir Henry Carmichael.—Stirling, 23 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp. (123. 45.)
Sir Thomas Crompton to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 23.Sends copy of the answer which the Council delivered to Monsieur Boderie, upon the complaint of Hareneder against Basset, for restitution of a seized ship. There is since question made thereof causelessly. That reprisals should for this cause be granted in France is against law and the treaties. Under French law there was no cause to give Hareneder a penny; for in the ship for which he pursues restitution there were enemies and enemies' goods. He had more favour than he deserved, and to enforce a reprisal cannot be justified.—23 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 47.)
The Enclosure:
Answer of the Lords [of the Council] to M. Boderie in summer last concerning the cause of Hareneder and Haristigny against Basset and Cole: with notes out of articles of treaties of 1564, 1599 and 1605 between England and France as to reprisals.
Partly in French and Latin. 1½ pp. (123. 46.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 24.Your letters concerning Mr. Fuller came hither this evening about six, his Majesty being at supper. He was exceedingly well pleased with the advertisement, longing to hear the success, as still jealous of the Judges. He commanded me to pray you to signify to my Lord of Canterbury that his Majesty, being so careful of the Church and of his reputation, expects from him the like care of his honour in this matter concerning Askew, of whom his Majesty marvels why the proceeding is thus delayed and says he cannot understand the reason but expects satisfaction from his Grace; and added withal that if the man despised the authority of the Church or the High Commission, he should be convented before your lordships, and by you [be] made [to] know his fault and receive punishment. For to pass it over his Majesty is not minded; it sits so near his honour, as he says.—Court at Newmarket, 24 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 48.)
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 24.Recommends the bearer, Mr. Fowler, who desires a pension. Fowler is aggrieved, having served their Majesties above 20 years, to see so many others so liberally rewarded beyond him; he still resting with 100 marks yearly, and no more, by his office.—Sheffield Lodge, 24 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 49.)
Sir William Browne to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Dec. 4 ?There come now over two messengers from our Commissioners at the Hague. I imagine the latter messenger's dispatch advertises you of a late letter which the French King has sent to induce them [the States], or rather constrainingly to urge them, to proceed with all speed to a conference, and to bring matters to a jump, thereby, as he says, to sound the depth of the King of Spain's meaning; and that if thus they will do he will stand by them to the last, and give them all the furtherance in peace or war that he is able; and uses arguments how dangerous it is for the State to hold matters longer in suspense, and therefore concludes absolutely that he will not have them to continue any longer suspension of arms than at the furthest for 3 months. If they do otherwise, he says he will withdraw his hand from them, and not yield them one penny of money more. I have seen a letter from Aersens, their agent in France, wherein this also is added that he wonders they do not enter with the Kings into a league. You are at full advertised from our Commissioners. I will only add what I said to some of these men as touching this point, for till these letters came there was yet some little hope left that the treaty might "happely" have been broken off, especially with any underhand offer of comfort: I said that they must carefully look about them, and think upon the peace the French King made for the Pope with the Venetians, and consider that what show soever he make to please the Pope, and to assure his estate with hope to win the Spanish King, he might not practise the like here, howsoever he made "semblant" to the contrary. It was answered that by all his writings and deeds he showed himself most affectionate to their State, and their judgment is that there is hatred irreconcilable between him and the King of Spain: in fine, that to a communication they must come; and though perhaps by that King (if he means well) it is imagined that in the treaty matters will be propounded sufficient to break off the handling and the issue of peace, yet truly I fear, as I ever have thought, that if it come so far a peace will ensue. It may be imagined that the King of France is brought, by underhand means of such as have first projected this plot, to write his allowance, for he writes that man's wisdom (or in such terms) could have conceived a more wise and substantial managing of so great a business than has been hitherto practised by the States. This will make them proud that first began it, and to persuade the King thus far they have a knavish, yea and a corrupt instrument in Aersens; but he must do somewhat for his father, who is known sufficiently to be corrupted. The best affected yet here will not deny but that a peace will be their ruin in short time; and yet that thereto it must come it is greatly to be feared. It is true that the States' demand to the Kings for money was exorbitant; but they say (I mean some well affected) that if they ask too much the Kings may offer half of that they ask them, but that hitherto there is nothing presented; and if the Kings will not treat publicly of any assistance, let them only offer it unto them underhand. So that I perceive that if they could possibly be encouraged, the best affected to our State and [to] their own do not affect the peace. The King of France says that his opinion is that the Spanish King only seeks to win time, and thinks that he will never come to a peace upon any fit terms for the States.— Vlushing, 4 Dec., 1607 [almost certainly not N.S.].
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "Received 7 Dec." 2 pp. (123. 86.)
William Resoulde to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 24/Dec. 4.I lately wrote to you how this King, owing to the Genoeses twelve millions which was largely to be paid to them upon the arrival of his treasure, failed with them; and by his Council's order here now these kingdoms, upon conditions to take away certain taxes imposed formerly upon them, and they to lay others better befitting them, have bound themselves in 20 years to pay that sum, with allowance to the Genoeses of 5 per cento for interest; by which means the King is freed of that debt. Also how his Majesty had taken away the half of the pay of pension which he gave to his entertenydos all his kingdoms over; and how whereas all the double houses in this Court paid to him the one half of their rent, now he has ordered that all the single houses, which before paid nothing, shall pay him the quarter part of their rent, which is supposed will be worth a million to him per year; how he is reducing his household into a lesser number, and drawing the clergy unto some allowance, by which means "questionless" he will bring himself into moneys, to what end time will show.
The Germany Ambassadors of the Free Cities which 8 months had lain here at 6 thousand D°s [? ducats] per month upon the King's charge, were lately "dispeded" hence to great content, the King bestowing upon them large rewards, and their followers chains of gold. What they have agreed upon, unknown; yet [it is] spoken how they have bound themselves to furnish the King yearly with great store of shipping, corn, "pother" [? powder] and other munition; not doubting but [that], seeing all must pass by where his Majesty of England and his brother Denmark is commander, if anything be sent that may be prejudicial to that State some good order will be taken for the intercepting thereof.
One Captain Webb came hither out of Barbary, promising to perform great wonders: he had not entertainment to his liking, whereupon he is departed this Court, and gave out he would go for England. He had dealings here with Romish Catholics, and in coming thither is to be looked unto.
This Lord Ambassador "pretends" to depart hence in March next. It were not unfitting, in respect that he loses here a great estate in Church assemblies, that the next that comes over may be tied to bestow a good part of his allowance to maintain good store of followers, that he may make the greater show at his going abroad in his other occasions: that such gentlemen and others of sort which he shall bring over with him may put in sureties there for their return into England, and not to turn papists here, to the discredit of our country. I beseech you some care may be had for merchants' factors which remain in these parts about merchandising, that they may have no longer goods consigned unto them than while they continue protestants. Many turn and are of this religion, "which in forsaking that of England it is no reason they should any longer receive any benefit from that island," no, not so much as any English subject any more to have to deal with them, and their masters ordered to send for them home; "which they in refusing," some law to be ordained to deprive them of their return into the land. This would bridle a great sort which possibly already have [altered], and others which hereafter may alter their religion.
Sir Antony Sherley has promised this King to serve him in the Levant seas with 12 ships at his own charge, which "absolutely" in respect he is a man so "desolute," he will not omit to commit some insolency upon the honest merchant ships which shall trade into Turkey, Venice and other places. Therefore if it may stand with your good liking that his Majesty would take some order with this King, that before Sherley shall go forth with any such fleet, he may promise his Majesty satisfaction for all such spoils as Sherley shall commit upon his subjects: for being once out with such a force, God knows whether he will return to put himself under obedience again or no, for he is of a turbulent spirit.
My Lord Ambassador now has got a "sedula" [schedule] to be sent for Lisheborne [Lisbon] for the release of Squier and others there that were taken in the Indias. The matter for the trial against the Duke of Feria shall this week be presented, having wished that by my Lord Ambassador's means, considering the fact was committed 42 days after the peace, we might have proceeded against them criminally as against pirates, and without further proofs have had restitution, and them to be punished. The cause for the Vineyard my Lord labours to draw hither, but before his departure little hope that anything will be done therein.
I am a suitor that if there be any vacancy of place betwixt the departure of this Ambassador and the coming of the next, wherein there shall be appointed an agent for his Majesty, that you would remember me. When no agent is permitted, it will not be unfitting that the merchants traders into Spain should have an agent resident here, to whom all the consuls at the seaports should write for procuring of remedy of aggrievances, and what he cannot effect of himself, to crave the assistance of the Ambassador that shall be here. This would save them a great charge, and ease them of remedy for many aggrievances, and less pains to him that shall be Ambassador. Such as shall be appointed for consuls may be his Majesty's loyal subjects, protestants and no others. For this place I have written to friends in my behalf, and beseech your favour therein.
The King is at the Pardo "in solace."—Madrid, 4 Dec., 1607.
Holograph. 3¼ pp. (123. 87.)
Lord Buckhurst to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 24.In answer to his wife's "late exclamation" before the Council that he affords her neither meat, drink, apparel, fuel nor lodging, he gives particulars of the allowances made to her, being 400 marks paid yearly by my Lord Mounteagle, and the profits of hides and wool worth 100l. a year, merely for her apparel; and all the wages of her women servants, and charges of physic, journeys, rewards and alms. He has besides never limited her expense of diet. Gives details of the offers for separation he has made to her, in regard of her "continual violent tempestuousness in domestical conversation, greater than flesh and blood could endure." Sir Walter Cope, the Countess of Derby her sister, Sir Richard Spencer her brother, and Sir William Mounson who is allied to her in marriage, are mentioned as endeavouring in vain to mediate. She rejected all Sir Richard's articles, and underwrote them with certain foolish rhymes of her own devising, as namely one of them was:—
"The fool hath more wit
Than such a part to commit. Falentido Dilly."
Another was:—
"To this cunning piece of law
He that shooteth at a bussard may catch a daw. Falentido Dilly."
These made Sir Richard angry and the Countess merry.— 24 Nov., 1607.
Signed. 2 pp. (195. 121.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury.]
1607, Nov. 25.Tyrone stayed by order from Spain from going thither, at which he is discontented and his company discouraged. Gerard the Jesuit come to Louvain [Brussels].
Abstract. (227. 340.) [Original in S.P. For. Flanders 8.]
Henry Lok to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 25.As he cannot follow further, for want of means, his suit for lands withheld from him, he desires to absent himself till next term, to hide his wants and preserve his liberty by going over to the Hague to see his sons. Begs for a pass and packet thither, and some small employment to relieve his charge.— 25 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (123. 51.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 25.Your lordship desired to know how the posts had run. Your letters dated yesterday at two of the clock came this morning about seven before his Majesty was stirring, which was time enough for this case but no great speed if the case had required it. The others what hour they came I advertised yesternight in a letter by Mr. Lepton.
Your first letters require nothing in answer but the return of those things that were to be signed, which it may please you to receive herewith. The Latin letter I have directed to Sir Tho. Smith and that for the hare warren to Sir Julius Cesar.
For the matter of Mr. Fuller his Majesty is not a little contented with what has passed, and though the new day put him in some doubt because of his jealousy of the Judges, yet he holds himself secure upon the confidence he finds in your lordship of your good success, and specially in your providence that it may be none otherwise than is expected. In the meantime he would needs have the post to go to thank you for this good beginning and to pray you to thank in his name as well the Judges for their good caring, as also Mr. Attorney whom he would have required to be there to-morrow and well armed against all events. (fn. 8) The time is so short as it will be impossible he should hear of this much before he go to the bar, but yet I must obey. This day his Majesty lay long abed and goes not forth and therefore his mind is the busier about this matter.—From the Court at Newmarkett this 25 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. 1¼ pp. (194. 26.)
Sir Henry Fowke to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], Nov. 26.Salisbury expressed an honorable disposition towards him in his late suit to have his wife and one of his sons inserted into his patent, after his hurt received in suppressing the late tumultuous rebellions in Northamptonshire, whereof he has ever since languished. Since then he has remained the miserable subject of the physicians and surgeons at Cambridge, Bath and London for recovery of his wounds. Begs Salisbury's favour with the King for relief of his present wants.—London, 26 Nov.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1607." 1 p. (123. 52.)
John Savage, mayor of Chester, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 26.Sends by the bearer, Thomas Whitby, gentleman, a letter to the Earl from the Countess of Derby: also to the Lord Treasurer his charges for the transportation of 400 soldiers from Chester to Dublin, amounting to 238l. 19s. 11½d., which he borrowed of the citizens there, and of which he begs speedy payment.—Chester, 26 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 53.)
Henry Davy to [Thomas] Wilson.
1607, Nov. 27.Mr. Buxton of Norfolk is lately dead, much indebted, and Mr. Cock and Mr. Howard his sons-in-law are his executors. He begs Wilson to prefer enclosed petition to his lord and master [Salisbury], that the executors may have a grant of the King's third part of the lands, which they will employ in payment of the debts. They will not be unmindful to gratify Wilson's pains in the matter, "which I am sorry cannot be of that value that you do deserve for obtaining a suit from your Lord and Master."—Lincoln's Inn, 27 Nov., 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (123. 54.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 27.His Majesty came in late this evening, and so it was late before he read your letters concerning Mr. Fuller, which have exceedingly contented him; and after he uttered his liking he repeated that which I advertised you before that he had said, and bound it with an oath: that the Judges had done well for themselves as well as for him, for that he was resolved if they had done otherwise, and maintained their habeas corpus, he would have committed them. And upon that point which you mention of their declaration that they would grant prohibitions, he spake angrily that by their leaves they should not use their liberty therein, but be proscribed.
This care being ended, we are engaged in other on the contrary part, whereabouts his Majesty has spent all Wednesday and Thursday, this day hunted, and resumes it again to-morrow: which is about an answer to a letter of Bellarmyne's written to Blackwell, in which work none is of counsel but Mr. Dean of the Chapel. And much turning of books is here about it, and sending to London for notes.
I have sent you herewith the warrant for the mines, and the bill for my Lord Admiral.—Court at Newmarket, 27 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 55.)
William Pert to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 27.Is again a prisoner in the Fleet for not doing that which he has no power to do, and whereof no proof is made against him. The Lord Chancellor's pleasure has been to try him by these means, which trial his aged and sick body cannot endure. Encloses record of the case. Begs relief.—27 Nov., 1607.
Signed. 1 p. (123. 58.)
The Enclosure:
William Pert to Lord Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor.—Details reasons for his inability to comply with his lordship's order of 7 Nov., 1607, in the cause of Thomas Tindall, junr., against himself, with regard to the lease of certain lands. Has been a prisoner for 12 months, and begs that he may be relieved from the plaintiff's deadly molestations and receive recompense.—Undated.
Petition. Copy. ½ p. (123. 58.)
The Earl of Salisbury to the King.
[1607, Nov. 28.]I am bold at this time, under your former pardon, to use another man's hand, only for sparing of mine eyes, the rather because I desire to give your Majesty some account what child this day has brought forth.
It is very true we expected something would be said to-day that should touch the string of the [High] Commissioners' power to imprison: which has fallen out in some degree, but not so directly as there was sufficient cause to conceive but that the proceeding on Tuesday gave men some taste what would be the answer to any such wild and licentious arguments. When Fuller's counsel spake they insisted upon the return, affirming that the Judges were to proceed formally upon that information and no other, interlacing their argument with divers reasons to enforce that course, without any one irreverent or popular argument by them that were assigned to speak for it; and so inferred upon the return that it was defective, and not sufficient to stay the Judges from setting a subject at liberty. Of this nicety, though it may be tedious to you because it produced so good an effect, I will be bold to give your Majesty some taste how it might have helped him for the present, as often you know in cases of judgment small formalities do, though Fuller knew the issue would prove bad for him; only he could have been glad, by winning this day, to have given a stop to that direct end which now is had. You shall therefore understand that the authority by which the Commissioners proceed in anything is by your letters patents under the Great Seal, which are grounded upon an Act of Parliament. You then can easily conclude that if they do more than you have authorised them their acts are void; so if then you have not given them in your letters patent authority to commit (which [it] is certain you have done), then if Fuller be committed by them the Judges may deliver him. Now because the Judges do set free or send back the body according to the proof they have what is the cause of his commitment, for so runs the writ habeas corpus cum causa, he would have inferred that the return should have made it appear to the Judges—as they are Judges and not as they do know it otherwise—that he was committed by them [the Commissioners] and that they were authorised so to do by your letters patent. In this case your learned counsel made their reply to so good satisfaction as could be; wherein I will be bold to make you smile at an argument used by the Attorney: that he did wonder at so frivolous an exception, especially because Fuller and all the world might know what was contained in a letters patent [sic] under the Great Seal; adding that in these exorbitant cases upon schismatical words, there need be no more doubt of commitment than was in the time of King Edward 3, where an assize was brought by a private man against one that had committed a madman and beaten him; to which the Judges gave an answer that all laws that had any reason could admit no other exposition but that a madman was to be committed, nay, which was more, might lawfully be beaten. So was there another case in the same King's time about a leper, who for prevention of infection was adjudged justly and lawfully to be committed.
To conclude, the Judges without variation peremptorily pronounced that upon this return they had no more to do with him, and so dismissed him. Whereupon Fuller's counsel in his name began to intimate how sorry their agent was if he had offended, craving pardon for his fault; on which the Attorney then took this hold, that conditional submissions were of no value. Whereupon he confessed that he saw he had offended and was very sorry for it. The Judges did in the course of their arguments also interlace something for themselves: that they were one of the King's strong arms: that as they knew how much they ought to respect the dignity of that Commission, and did at no time suspect that the Bishops or principal Commissioners would or had ever allowed of any encroachment to the blemish of the temporal dignity, so they would wish that such inferior Commissioners as might err often out of ignorance, and all other men that spoke by tradition and out of their element, some in pulpits, and some in other places, to the disgrace of their authority or the execution of it, might understand that the temporal courts both might grant prohibitions, and had granted them duly; and would so continue as long as his Majesty should think them worthy to sit in such cases as would bear it, and [as long as] was agreeable to their oath and place they serve in.—Undated.
Draft, in hand of Salisbury's secretary. Endorsed: "Nov. 28, 1607. Minute from my Lord to his Majesty concerning Fuller's cause." 5 pp. (123. 59.)
Dorothy Lady Pakington to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 28.Whereas I have understood of your late care had of two of my daughters in taking them from the place of danger and putting them into safe keeping, at what time one of their sisters was by the practice of Sir Francis Bacon in marriage with one Cunstabell cast away, I testify my thankfulness for the same. I have also heard that you and others of the Council, examining his proceedings in contracting my daughter to Cunstabell (she being but 12 years of age), and finding her age abused, and how slenderly she was provided for without jointure or other provision, in pity of her estate took some further care for her. I have sent to Bacon to know what is done for her, and instead of satisfaction have received an insolent letter of contempt, penned after his proud manner of writing. My husband nor brother knowing nothing, being thrust out from all privity of dealing therein, I am forced to beseech you to let me know what order is taken for her. Being sorry I have such cause to complain of his bad dealing whom you recommended to me, and whose folly has lately more abounded in procuring Cunstabell to be knighted, being a man of very mean estate, whereby he has taken all ordinary means of thriving from him.—Drury Lane, 28 Nov., 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (123. 63.)
George Murray to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 28.On behalf of John Lawson, suitor for a number of old "doted" trees in the manor of Asperton and Stratton [co. Hereford], the said manor and park having come to Salisbury's hands by exchange with the King.—Newmarket, 28 Nov., 1607.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (123. 62.)
Sir John Ogle to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 28/Dec. 8Has sent the Earl a book, more for the rarity's sake than the service he can receive from it.
In every man's mouth here is a general expectation of peace, howbeit some not the worst judgments do not so confidently apprehend it. I have learned that the Friar should say at his last being here that he did assure himself to see open intercourse of traffic betwixt Antwerp and those Provinces ere New Year's day. The world names Commissioners already for the treaty, and yet we cannot say that these men are resolved to treat. The Marquis Spinola, Count Buchoy, Count Arenbergh, Richardote, Verreyken and the Friar, Jhon Nayen, together with a Spaniard that is Secretary to the Archduke, are all upon the list of common opinion; the place they say shall be the Hague. The Ambassadors of Denmark are here, and those from the Emperor expected.— Haghe, 8 Dec., 1607, stilo novo.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 98.)
[The Earl of Salisbury] to [Sir Thomas Edmondes.]
1607, Nov. 28.My Lord Treasurer avows the former treaties touching Tyrone: taxes the Commissioners with the States for their forwardness in the treaty.
In favour of Mr. George Greames.
Abstract. (227. 340.)
The Earl of Huntingdon to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 29.Since sending my last letter to the Lords, Sir William Turpyn my other deputy lieutenant is returned from London, of whom I received the enclosed, which are the names of all, with the other formerly sent, that have in this county according to his Majesty's proclamation submitted themselves and acknowledged their faults.—Ashby, 29 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (123. 64.)
The Earl of Dorset to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 29.I am informed that Mr. Serjeant Dodrige first and after Mr. Serjeant Foster have been assigned by warrant from his Majesty as serjeant-at-law for the Prince. I know of none so worthy to succeed in that place as Mr. Serjeant Nicols. In all his actions of the law he shows himself to be so excellent a learned man, so discreet, so modest, and full of all good parts of worthiness as I do not think, though you may make choice of many worthy men, yet of none so worthy as he is and no doubt in the proof will so show himself to be. I will be most ready to join in suit to his Majesty with you for him, not by any motion of his unto me but merely out of my duty to his Majesty and the Prince.—29 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. 1 p. (194. 27.)
Sir Henry Lee to the Council.
1607, Nov. 30.By your favourable letter I perceive the respect his Majesty has to the liberties and privileges of Woodstock, and your consideration of them and myself. My decayed credit of late has diminished such respects as beforetime has been had of me, wherein was performed more duty to our late mistress and his Majesty until now of late. But this I hope will be a means to keep things hereabouts in better order, that I may leave this place in such sort as shall become me.—Leesrest, 30 Nov., 1607.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (123. 65.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury.
1607, Nov. 30.My Lord Fenton giving me warning that he dispatched to my Lord of Northampton, I thought good to return to you this bill for the reprises; and to advertise that I received not till yesternight your letters concerning the pictures, although dated before those which brought the dispatch of the Low Countries. This morning came that which conveyed my Lord of Canterbury's, upon the reading whereof his Majesty commanded me to signify that he perceives by my Lord of Canterbury that you have dealt soundly in the matter of Mr. Fuller, so as his Grace beseeches that you may be trusted with other Church causes, whereby his Majesty says he finds that howsoever you be somewhat puritan in affection, yet in anything which he commands to you, or is in his affection to have done, he shall not be beguiled but that he may safely trust as he has done and will do. His pleasure is further that you should in his name thank all his learned counsel who have taken pains in this matter, and let them know in how good part he takes their travails; but especially the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, who could not have done his Majesty a service more pleasing than in this he has done, and to pray him to continue his advices and conferences with my Lord of Canterbury for the settling of those differences between the King's Bench and the High Commission. The letter I mentioned to be sent by Mr. Lepton is the same which Sir Thomas Penruddock delivered.—Court at Newmarket, 30 Nov., 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1¼ pp. (123. 66.)
The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Council.
1607, Nov. 30.Reports the delivery at Chester on the 12th inst. of 50 soldiers levied in Derbyshire for service in Ireland, and encloses indentures relating thereto. The Mayor of Chester writes that they are the handsomest men, the best apparelled, and of the best government of all the 400 that were brought thither. Recommends for their great diligence in the matter Sir John Manors, Sir Francis Leake and Sir John Harpur; also Captain Wyeld their conductor.—Sheffield, last of November, 1607.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (123. 67.)
Sir H. Towneshend to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1607], Nov. 30.I thought it my duty, premising that our Lord President was of your raising to the honour of this place, to acquaint you that I find his carrying of himself [such] that truly the whole Marches and this court are happy to possess so worthy and judicial [a] magistrate, to the pleasing of the subjects of Wales, and so much to the inhabitants of the four English shires adjoining that I am resolved the general sort wish to be remitted to be under this authority; for it is found by experience what the justice of the peace at their quarter sessions yields and does, and the expenses and travel to seek relief at Westminster requires; so as a little more encouragement to this place, with some admonition to the justices not to grant prohibition so common as they do, will cause this government daily to increase, which is already more than expected for in this sudden.—Ludlow Castle, last of November.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1607. Justice Towneshend." 1 p. (123. 68.)
The Earl of Nottingham.
1607, Nov.Warrant granting to the Earl of Nottingham an annuity of [blank] out of the customs of wines in Ireland.—Court at Whitehall, [blank] Nov., 1607.
Draft. 1 p. (123. 69.)
Case of N[icholas] F[uller].
[1607, (? Nov.)]N. F[uller], being assigned with others by the Judges to plead for poor men imprisoned by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, he used some offensive words in his arguments at the bar for which he was excommunicated by the Commissioners as for schism, was fined 200l., and sustained 9 weeks' imprisonment. He had written at large his argument in the above case, with intent only to utter it at the bar and not to print it, and being imprisoned, he delivered it to his client on condition that he should deliver it to the counsel assigned and none others; by which occasion, as he thinks, some copy being obtained, it is lately printed during his imprisonment in the Fleet, he knows not where or by whom. Being much troubled thereat and not knowing whether some scandalous thing had been printed in his name to detain him in prison, he wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury to suppress the books, and has laboured to the same purpose with the Master of the Company of Bookbinders. Yet he is a second time for this cause imprisoned by the Council at the house of the Dean of Paul's, where he now remains.—Undated.
Endorsed: "1607. Fuller his punishment for speaking of certain words." 1 p. (124. 59.)
[See Gardiner, History of England, 1603–42, Vol. II, pp. 36, seq.]
The Earl of Salisbury to Dr. Perse, President of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge.
[1607, Nov.]When as I lately directed my letters to you (fn. 9) requiring of you the due performance, according to the duty of your seniority and place, of all those offices which now in the vacancy of the Mastership appertain unto you as President of that College, and according to the words of your Statute as senior et sanior socius vicegerens custodis collegii, custode vacante, especially in those particulars of making your audit and appointing of your officers at this time to be done, which I particularly intended in those my letters; which my letters I understand have not "sorted" to that good effect I expected, for that some were less willing to make application of those generalities in my letters to those particularities which at this time are necessarily to be performed and heretofore have at this time or sooner been executed; I have thought good hereby to descend a little farther to the particularities which I in those my former letters meant, giving you to understand that I did therein [require], and by these do require of you that peaceably you do proceed to the making up of your audit, according to your accustomed manner and to the choosing of your college officers, as deans, bursars, steward or any other whatsoever eligible at this time according to the accustomed usages of your College. Herewith I pray you to acquaint the company, and thereupon to proceed to the finishing of the business that neither the state of the College may take any detriment, nor any good exercises in what kind soever be neglected, notwithstanding the present vacancy of the Mastership; wherein I will be careful that you may receive satisfaction with all convenient expedition.—Undated.
Draft, the last fourteen words in Salisbury's hand. Endorsed: "Nov. 1607. Second letter." 1½ pp. (136. 157.)
[The Earl of Salisbury] to the Earl of Dunbar.
[1607, (Nov.)]The news of your ill disposition troubles me much. My heart has ever gone against it that you should put yourself to these winter journeys. Therefore I beseech you to hasten hitherwards that you may once be in the place of rest, where I make no question of your well doing. For that which you write that you have heard of his Majesty's offence about the delay of answer, receive from me the truth and do not forget how many tales will be raised by officious idle fools whose end is to pick a thank with reporting such toys. When the resolution was taken by his Majesty to levy men in those parts and he [was] acquainted what we had written unto you, he looked to hear from you what place you thought fit for their embarking, which was to depend upon the nearness to the places where the men should be levied. Some twelve days after he enquired what we had heard. I answered that in this winter time no posts could run with that speed to and fro, much more in such cases as these where you should have to deal for levying of men in those parts which had been exempted from such charge in respect that they were Borders in the Queen's time. Some few days after being demanded again whether we had any word from you or my Lord of Cumberland, I reported that either the packet might be lost or your lordship might be in Scotland one way and my Lord of Cumberland another and so your conference and resolution hindered, or else that you were on the way hitherward and were desirous to confer with us about it. This I confess I believed out of two reasons. One, because October was within ten days of ending, at which time all men looked for you; another, because I was and am yet doubtful whether you shall find it easy to draw the country to contribute to the clothing and arming, which they must do or else other countries may take example by their refusal. Lastly, when my Lord Burghley returned, it is true that, his Majesty enquiring still what we had heard, I answered him that I was now persuaded that there was some mistaking of both sides, except the packet was lost. It might be you understood by our letters that we would send you further direction, which was indeed necessary because you had no authority to levy. On the other side it is true that we did expect to hear from you, because we could not direct the ports against what time to make ready the shipping without some information from you of that particular. It is always the custom to assign the day for the men to come to the sea-side according as we hear from the mayor or officers in the ports that they are able to furnish shipping. Thus you have the plain truth of all my proceeding, whereof, when you shall consider, you will find that I would have proceeded no otherwise with my own brother. If you know from the King or any honest man that ever he imputed the least negligence in you in this business, I can say no more but this, that it is more than ever my ears heard.— Undated. (fn. 10)
Draft in the handwriting of a secretary. Endorsed: "1607. Minute to the Lo: Dumbarr." 4 pp. (194. 86.)

Footnotes

1 For their recent part in Hungarian affairs under Bocskay, see L. Makkai Histoire de Transylvanie (1946), pp. 206—11.
2 Derived from the Polish word rokosz meaning rebellion: c.f. the expression "Rockusaners" used on pp. 185—6 above. There is a brief account of this crisis in The Cambridge History of Poland, I, pp. 463—4.
3 Hole in letter.
4 Ferdinand of Styria later the Emperor Ferdinand II.
5 This almost certainly refers to an area of the Po delta east of the town of Ferrara near Santa Maria di Ariano. The Pope had laid claim to the Duchy of Ferrara in 1597.
6 See Pastor History of the Popes (English ed.), vol. xxv., p. 103 note 2, p. 104, vol. xxvi, p. 495.
7 Hole in letter.
8 See Salisbury's letter, pp. 463—4 below.
9 Probably the letter printed on pp. 466–7 below.
10 The letter is evidently in answer to Dunbar's of 6 Nov. above.