Cecil Papers
October 1608

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Institute of Historical Research

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M. S. Giuseppi and G. Dyfnallt Owen (editors)

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1968

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247-264

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'Cecil Papers: October 1608', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 20: 1608 (1968), pp. 247-264. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112416 Date accessed: 17 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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October 1608

Donell O'Carroll to the King
[before 1 Oct. 1608].Two petitions. (1) Served the late Queen in the wars of Ireland, wherein his cousin the Lord O'Carroll was slain. Was under his cousin's leading, was left for dead, received many mortal wounds, was maimed, and lost the use of his hands. Prays for pension, being unable to relieve himself.—Undated.
½ p. (P. 40.)
(2) His services in the Irish wars. Prays for pension or other maintenance.—Undated.
½ p. (P. 341.)
[See Cal. S.P. Ireland. 1608–1610, p. 512.]
Daniell O'Caroll to the Earl of Salisbury
[?1608, before Oct. 1.]His military services in Ireland under his cousin Sir Charles O'Caroll. Prays for pension.—Undated.
1 p. (P. 1127.)
[See Cal. S.P. Ireland, 1608–1610, p. 512.]
Lord Gray to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, October 3.It is neither requisite for you nor me to say much for silence after a long correspondency, neither for writing after long silence, correspondency having lost the own natural definition on my part; it being certain that your Lordship was furnished with sufficient matter (but not necessary) to have written to me ever since it pleased God [to] call on her Majesty, your last sovereign, but I had no matter at all of requital: which made me eschew the opinion both yourself and the world might conceive of my oversight, only now and then as occasion did offer to disturb your services with some my idle letters of compliments, and yet of this sort not so frequently as willingly I would have done if I had not concurred in opinion with you, that best counsel for both was discontinuation of frequent intercourse, till time might both clear the hard constructions of our former correspondency, as likewise produce haply some new subject of exchange. Not that ever I had a meaning the same should flow from me, for the day of his Majesty's preferment concluded all my ambitious thoughts, and now my carriage these five last years and your dutiful service and continual endeavours both in his Majesty's first purviewing to that crown and continuance since have cleared the designs of the correspondency I had not only with yourself, but before with your father of good memory; but I think fitter now to pass with silence all their extravagant dis courses than to revive my mortified senses by commemoration of them. Discontinuation and disease of my body both have so oppressed and dulled the little wit and memory I had, that before I can take on me to send you sufficient answer whereupon to ground apology for preservation of his Majesty's princely reputation, or yet an assured way to set you on the right grounds for exposing the mysteries of this knavery, I must commit my engine of new to the grindstone, for it is become all rusted and obtuse; yet I rather make choice to show my own weakness than, through not making answer at all, to furnish subject unto you to esteem that I am changed either in affection to his Majesty's service or in duty to yourself. I know nothing can come to the heart of a sincere man more contrarious than such imputations, and knowing his Majesty's humour I am well assured these malicious reports from Rome is (sic) even more ingracious nor the summons or challenge of a mighty neighbour prince for a dangerous war. What was my conceit, at my returning from Rome at that time when Sir Richard Preston was gone from his Majesty towards your late sovereign, of those letters alleged written by his Majesty to the Pope and certain cardinals, your Lordship very well sets down in your letter to me. Certain it is such letters came to Rome at sundry times, and alleged commissions, but none so far as ever I could remember so notorious as those carried by one Edward Drommond, who, if I rightly remember, came to Rome about the beginning of March 1600, one to the Pope, others to the Cardinals Aldebrandino, nephew to Clement 8, then Pope, to Bellarminio, and, which this note you send me touches not at all, one to Cardinal Caietano; the contents whereof all tended in substance to the preferment of the Bishop of Veson to the cardinalate, albeit certainly the meaning of either the impetrator or surpriser went further on. The letters concluded in end credit to the bearer of them, he likewise giving the reason why his Majesty did crave the Bishop's preferment to the hat. Thus I may write the more confidently, for that my eyes did see not only the letter direct to the Pope, but likewise that direct to Caietano, (fn. 1) who was at the date of the letter protector of Scotland at the Court of Rome, and cousin through Parma to K[ing] Ja[mes] the First, but dead before the letter came to Rome. I came first to knowledge of those letters by Cardinal Burgeso, now Pope, who a little before I came to Rome was admitted protector in Caietano's place for Scotland, and at my first arrival offered me great courtesies. The Pope, having after the delivery of the first letter understood that yet there rested another for Caietano, thought meet that the same should be delivered to Burgeso; and Chrichtoun, your Lordship's man, the Jesuit, was deliverer of it in plain consistory. For in all this comely negotiation the Jesuit Chrichtoun carried the vogue more than Drommond, and was till that time confined at Avingeon. He likewise sent to Rome a letter of his Majesty's written to himself, on sight whereof Belarimino, then his superior, released him, and the sight of his Majesty's letters graced him more in that Court than ever he was, and gave better faith to the other letters. So soon as the letter came to Burgeso he sent for me and asked my opinion. Indeed, I said abruptly to him that I scarce could believe the King had written, for he showed me not the letter at that time, yet was glad that I had said so much, for if he durst he abhorred at that time the Jesuits, like as did all, for the most part, the cardinals. So he told the Pope what I had said to him, and on the just morrow sent his own coach for me to come to the Pope to St Peters, which was the 2 time I saw him. He asked of me if I knew the King's hand and cachet. I answered if any man knew it, I did. So he showed me the letter, and if I do truly remember the reason of the letters for the Bishop's preferment was quo facilius quis sit status vestrae curiae intelligamus, or near these words, and not as is writ in this note, and concluded caetera hisce nuntiis committimus. This was Chrichtoun and Drommond. When the Pope asked of me whether I knew it to be the King's hand or no, I answered mihi videtur sed certo definire non possum. On this answer it was inferred that I concluded to the Pope that it was feigned, so the Jesuits who had absolute government of that Pope did take such indignation that they gave out to the Pope that I was a spy for the Queen of England; and if I had not without saying farewell taken post, it had stood hard for my life, as indeed this same Pope told after to some now in service with his Majesty, and said to myself that if all my business was at an end, his opinion was that I should stay no longer either at Rome or within the Pope's dominions. Albeit Persones, the Jesuit, and Chrichtoun concurred not in the Bishop's preferment, yet they all concurred against me and to have the letters to be accounted authentic. Persones desired no favour to proceed from Rome to his Majesty, but his authorising the letters proceeded for that it was the point whereat of a long time they had shot very curiously, ever since the '87, to have some show of intelligence between his Majesty and the Pope: not that they meant it effectually, but only to bring his Majesty in disgrace with her Majesty then of England, and with all other both Protestant princes and subjects in Europe, thinking thereby that necessity should compel him to a Catholic course and so should fall loose (?) at all hands. For the book for the Spanish title sufficiently witnesses their malice, but to explode this matter, and to express the same clearly to the world ab ipsis incunabilis it will rather appear a volume than a missive; and if my wit, memory and health were as they have been, I should search all my dispersed papers throughout the world, and I think might say as much as truly in this for his Majesty as any now has life, his Majesty's self only excepted. But my health is so variable, that I dare neither promise nor attempt any such burden. I leave then to further occasion and better memory the pedigree from the infancy of this malicious design, and have answered only to the first point of your Lordship's letter directly; that such letters they have at Rome, at what time received and by whom. Now, my Lord, whether false or true, his Majesty can best resolve that doubt; but till I hear from his own mouth the contrary, I shall ever hold it for a plain contrived falsehood, knowing how deeply his Majesty ever studied to the contrary course. And for me, I am to denounce a defiance to all my ill-willers, that ever I sounded that way since the '83 that I fell in the English course, and his Majesty can best be my witness if ever I did counsel him, being in Court or since, but to keep soundly his own course, for I have to rejoice that I was the first that had the happiness to bring it from doubtfulness to that blessed amity which ended effectual all the happiness of this part. And if my fortune be to live, I am not in despair for it yet to reap my own thanks. Your Lordship now has of me all I remember necessary to be written in this errand for the present, and my disease is vehement as I think you shall have hard reading of my writ, yet I thought no[t] fit to commit this subject to the hand of any other. If you have occasion to write back, I would be glad to see the book triplici nodo triplex cunaeus, together with the reports from Rome, and I shall return all in security. Sir William Bowyer sent your letter to me from Barwick the 29,yr [29 September], which I received 2/8r [2 October] and dispatched the same that night towards him; but the stay of passage for vehemency of the plague is hinder (sic) Fowelis, 3 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. Endorsed (in Salisbury's hand): "The L. Greys l're to me." 5½ pp. (126 59.)
[See Gardiner, History of England, ii, 31.]
Justices of the Peace in Devonshire to the Privy Council
1608, Oct. 4.They have used their best endeavours to abate the great price of corn, according to the Council's order of last summer. Notwithstanding this, the present high prices—wheat at 8s the bushel of 8 gallons, rye at 6s 8d, barley at 5s 4d and oats at 2s 8d—in consequence of a very rainy and unfavourable harvest, are like to grow far higher unless provision be had from other countries.—Castle of Exon. 4 Oct. 1608.
Signed: William Strode; Chr. Harris; Thomas Drewe; George Smythe; Robert Haydon; Jo. Northcot; Nicho. Gilberd; William Barnard; Gregory Sprint; Anthony Copleston; Marcus Cottell; Ri. Waltham. 1 p. (195 52.)
Ri[chard] Cocks to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, Oct. 5.The first day of this present month of October I received your letter dated the 20th ult. with the enclosed for Mr Skrymser, and the morrow after I went to Aquilat and delivered it to his own hands. I find the gentleman very willing to do all he may to assist you to bring in his nephew Jones for ward. He has delivered to me an indenture tripartite wherein is the particular of all his nephew's lands, and I have given him a receipt to return the said indenture within 20 days after lawful demand made by him. He says further that the gentlemen commissioners are all ready to perform what they promised when it shall please Mr Lawley to sit upon it, most of them being enemies to Mr Flood who married his daughter to your ward, and they will be sworn that the land was held in capite both in the father's and grandfather's days of this Jones. Besides he can bring in proof that the father of this young Jones has encroached or enclosed ground, since the Earl of Leicester obtained the change of copy, for above 20l per annum, and the order in these parts is, if any encroachment be made, it brings in all other lands which before was free. Also Mr Lawley has wrote Mr Skrymser that neither Mr Flood nor his son-in-law Jones cannot show any warrant or writing to confirm any such grant obtained by the said Earl. I doubt not but it will be very easy for you to prove Jones ward to the King.
Mr Skrymser tells me he will ride into Wales or any other place to help you what he may, provided that you will bear his charges, and if you prove the ward he expects you will pay him the charge he has already laid out, and do him a pleasure when time shall serve; and if you cannot prove the ward, then that you will be content with the loss he has already without bringing him into any further trouble for any promise he has past, offering, if ever you prove that he has been about to compound with Jones, Flood or any other, or ever received the value of a penny from them, to give you all the lands he has. He presumes so far upon your letter sent him that he will not appear to answer to the privy seal served on him. Mr Lawley has written me another letter how the privy seal is served on Mr Flood; his letter I will bring along with me as also Mr Skrymser's indenture, and be with you very shortly in company of my brother, who will bring up his lease and provide money ready to compound, only all must be done in your name and you shall be contented to your own contentment, and keep Mr Tupper sure; and he shall have whatsoever you appoint if we may get the fee simple or fee farm from the King, for Mr Bowyer bought it over our heads without giving us any notice thereof, only, having gotten the old Lord Stafford into a merry vein, got both the manors from him for two hundred and odd pounds; but my father stood out long and would not pay Bowyer any rent, and it is certain that my ancestors have held Stalbrok in possession since the time of Edward the Fourth, so I hope his Majesty will have compassion on us and confirm us still in it, that we may remain his Majesty's tenants and Mr Bowyer be content to receive his money back, if you think it so requisite.
As touching Mr Broughton I have made inquiry. The house is some 9 or 10 miles from Stafford, hard by my Lord Jarrat's house, a very fair house and well seated, being moated about and a park belonging to it with some store of deer in it. He is accounted to be a gentleman of as great antiquity as most in Staffordshire. The old man which is alive now is grandfather to him which is heir; he is a man of some 80 years of age and more, and has two uncles alive which are belonging to my Lord Jarrat; the one of them is as a companion or company keeper with him, and the other wears his cloth and is his falconer. The land may be worth some 240l or 300l a year at most, and there is woods upon it esteemed worth 1000 marks or 1000l. The old gentleman was in hand not long since to have married the heir to a gentleman's daughter in this country, because he would prevent his falling into ward. This I write you is truth and all I can hear concerning that matter.—Stalbrok, 5 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. Unaddressed. 3½ pp. (126 62.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, Oct. 5.Touching the truce with the States desired to be enlarged 30 years. Colonel Simple going towards Calais to consult with some of his countrymen to stir some troubles in Scotland. Nothing more done touching Willford. Owen 2 hours in secret conference with the Nuntio. Bainham coming back from Antwerp to Brussels commanded by the Archduke to be gone.
Abstract. (227 p. 351.)
Jane Jobson to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 7.I wrote unto you last Trinity term, wherein I was suitor to you to pity and favour poor Anthony Atkinson, who was thrust out of his office by the wicked practices of Emanuel Fenton, now searcher of the port of Hull. Atkinson was there placed by my uncle, your father, upon his own desert at my request; and during the 14 years he was searcher he used himself like a just servant and officer to the late Queen. Then were prohibited goods and unlawful passengers restrained, but now the port is open whereby danger and dearth increase, which proof will verify, if your Lordship will hear it, or else never own me for your kinswoman. I could write more on his behalf but I would not be thought partial. My husband has been justice of peace 28 years, and now put out of the commission without cause, and young men placed on the bench. I have had great loss by fire, but this is more grief to me to see him thus disgraced without desert.—Brantingham, 7 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. ½ p. (126 64.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 8.I send herewith the two tables for suits, signed by his Majesty. The other copies shall come tomorrow. I send also the commission for the Cinque Ports, for the Lieutenancy of Surrey, a bill for Shelbury, and another for Sir Robert Stewart. The gentlemen you commanded me to warn to attend you at London are not here, nor came not down with the King, so they are to be found about London. His Majesty signed these things this morning, but forbore to read your letters; when he has, you shall receive his answer. I have sent your letters to my Lord Chamberlain by a man of my Lord of Montgomery's. —Court at Royston. 8 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. 1 p. (195 53.)
Tobias Dehemme
1608, Oct. 11.Certificate by Sir John Pettus, Mayor of Norwich, and George Downy and Joshua Cully, Justices and Aldermen, that Tobyas Dehemme was born in the parish of St Andrew, Norwich, on 8 March, 1587, and has ever since that time very honestly behaved himself.—11 Oct. 1608.
1 m. (219 7.)
The Earl of Salisbury to [Sir Thomas Edmondes]
1608, Oct. 13.The proceedings in Willford's cause well approved. Advice not to go further in it lest our Ambassador should draw to himself or my Lord a greater obligation than is meet. In the treaty of the truce our Ambassador is advised to value our King's mediation above the French, and this out of friendship not out of weakness.
Abstract. (227 p. 351.)
King James to the Privy Council
1608, Oct. 17.Because we know that whosoever loves our person or our honour now as King of England will hold no less dear anything that concerned our reputation as King of Scotland even before we came into this kingdom, we have in a late accident which nearly touches our reputation reposed ourselves upon your faith and loves to us to discover the truth and advise us how to clear our reputation in so public a role cast upon us. The matter is concerning the defamation wherewith we are charged in a book lately published in the name of a chaplain (fn. 2) of the Cardinal Bellarmine's, that we should have written letters to the Pope and certain Cardinals of the tenor mentioned in the said book. Now though from the beginning we know ourselves innocent, yet we were forced to bethink ourselves how we might make this innocency manifest, and having called to mind such ancient circumstances as might serve to that end, in our late speech with our Secretary of Scotland we have drawn from him a confession that the said letters were written by him or by his privity, but how our hand was gotten to them it is not yet clearly discovered. Wherefore we have thought good to use your service in a diligent examination of him, and have conceived certain interrogatories to be ministered unto him, by which we assure ourselves that the truth will be brought to light. Wherefore our pleasure is that you call before you the Lord Balmerinoch, our Secretary of Scotland, and first admonish him of his breach of duty in that being at his departure from us at Royston commanded to keep his chamber he hath shown himself abroad, as well in our Palace at Westminster as in other places; and then to examine him upon the articles sent herein and upon any other circumstances that may occur to you. Given under our signet at Newmarket, the seventeenth day of October in the sixth year of our reign.
PS. In James's hand. Though ye were born strangers to the country where this was done, yet are ye no strangers to the King thereof, and ye know if the King of Scotland prove a knave the King of England can never be an honest man; work so therefore in this as having interest in your King's reputation.
Signed at the top. 1½ pp. (134 123.)
The Enclosure
Interrogatories to be demanded by the Lords of the Council at my Lord Balmerino, Secretary of Scotland, concerning a letter written from us to Pope Clement the 8th.
Whether did not the said Lord Balmerino at many several times urge earnestly that such a letter should have been written, and if we did not ever refuse the same, and what were the reasons of our refusal.
Whether in his knowledge any such letter without our privity was passed our hand or not after we had refused the directing of the same.
In what manner was our hand purchased thereto and who was the presenter of the same.
If in all the time of his being our Secretary in Scotland any man did ever present any foreign letters except he or his deputy.
To demand the particular time when this letter was passed, and who was then his deputy for presenting of any foreign letters unto us.
What the contents of the letter was, and if it contained nothing else but a recommendation in favour of the Bishop of Vaizom.
Whether did not the same letter contain credit to the bearer or no; whether was the commission of credit to more than one and who they were.
Whether did we write any letter to Mr William Chreichton, alias Father Chreichton. In what language and what were the contents of the same.
Whether he did ever hear Sir Edward Drummond move us for the writing of such letters to the Pope or not.
Whether did Sir Edward Drummond at any time present any letter to have been signed by us or no.
If he knoweth of whose handwriting the same letter sent to the Pope is. And the cause of his knowledge.
If he himself did ever draw up that letter in form before it was written in mundo or not, or of whose draught the letter was.
Whether ever he read to us that letter or the copy thereof, or if we read the same ourself, or if he gave us the copy thereof to read.
In what form did the letter begin; for if it had not been written in the accustomed form with the styles of father and holiness, it would never have been accepted at Rome.
When our subscription was had thereto, who did then write the superscription above the same, and in what terms the same was set down, whether frater or filius.
Concerning the sealing of the letter, whether the same was done with our great signet or little cachet.
If he should pretend ignorance or lack of memory in any of those particular (but very substantial) circumstances, the small likelihood of any truth therein would be objected to him that in a matter that he himself was so many times an urger and which was refused, the letter being also singular, in regard there was never any such letter before or since, whereas a multitude or variety of such like letters might have bred perhaps some confusion in his memory to have remembered particularly upon all the circumstances of the passing of any of the same; that therefore he being our Secretary, having the charge and trust in these affairs, could in any sort in a matter of such moment be so forgetful.
And as it is without all question that the whole circumstances and manner of passing of the same is sufficiently known unto him, so you would demand of him if Sir Edward Drummond did carry that letter from him, and if the same was not closed up and sealed before he did take the same away.
It is to be demanded of him if he remembers that, before our coming from Scotland, at any time we caused Sir Edward Drummond to be taken and examined concerning the carriage of such a letter, and whether the same was at the time denied by the same Sir Edward or not.
To demand which of our Council of Scotland were at the examination, and what was deponed by the said Drummond.
If he should pretend his ignorance of the same as not being present thereat, yet it is certain he did know the same in so far as he was a special suitor unto us for the said Drummond's relief out of ward. And therefore it shall be asked of him whether he did not approve Sir Edward's denial of these letters, by assuring us at that same time that there was never any such thing passed, and herein to inquire of the time of this examination, and how long it was after the first passing of the letter.
Whether we ever asked of him after Sir Edward's departure any news concerning these letters, and whether there was any hope of making the said Bishop a Cardinal or not, or ever talked with him in that purpose, before it was laid to our charge by Henry Bruncard in the late Queen's name.
Let him be inquired upon his great oath if at any time since Sir Edward did carry that letter to Rome (but specially in that time of his being in Scotland and when he was apprehended and examined for that matter), he had any conference with the said Sir Edward concerning that letter and the delivery thereof. And specially if he did not ask Sir Edward how the same was accepted by the Pope.
Whether did not Sir Edward in private conference betwixt them regret and lament the death of Cardinal Caietane, who was protector of the Scots nation in Rome, and died in the time the letter was in carrying thither.
Whether he did not, after the time of Sir Edward's examination and denial of the letter, specially will him at his return to Rome to take some course for the obtaining of the said letter.
And specially it is to be demanded of him, if within this twelvemonth he hath had any correspondence either with the Bishop of Vaizom or with Drummond, and, if there has been any intercourse of letters betwixt them, who were the bearers; and if anything was written concerning this point.
It is to be demanded of him how many letters were written to several Cardinals at that same time, and if any letter was written to Caietane; and to ask of him if he did require of Sir Edward an account of the letter which was sent to him, because he was dead before Sir Edward's arrival at Rome.
Whether did not he himself write letters in his own name to any in Rome with the said Sir Edward, and to whom.
Whether he did at any time receive any answer of the said letters back.
Whether did not the Bishop of Vaizom by missive take notice of the favour done to him in purchasing those letters from us.
Whether he have any copy of that letter among his papers, and whether he did not keep a register of all foreign letters or no; and if this letter was insert in the same; and who hath the keeping of the book.
Whether any other foreign letter, in the time of his being Secretary, was ever sent to us the answer whereof we ourself did not either indite the whole body of the letter or at least reform and correct it before the passing thereof, except for matters concerning merchants or such ordinary trifles.
Endorsed: "Oct. 17, 1608." and by Salisbury: "Interrogatories sent by the K." (134 124.)
Christopher Musgrave to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 18.I gave you notice by a letter that I sent from Stilton of a misfortune that did befall me by breaking a horse's leg, yet notwithstanding that the buying of another made my money very short and the fall of my horse had much bruised my body, I made shift to arrive in Northumberland, where now I am with the deputy-lieutenants with the best means we may, ready to purchase those lands your Lordship sent me about. I entreat you to send down some money to furnish me with another horse and things necessary, and to direct them to Mr John Carve's house, postmaster of Newcastle. The deputy-lieutenants are loth to write before some good be done in our purchase, which we fear so much the less by how much we have notice of the same lands by a third person, and nevertheless we must do all things very quietly because R. Musgrave is very often remaining (?removing) from place to place and of him must we make our purchase.—18 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. 1 p. (126 66.)
King James to the Earl of Salisbury
[1608] Oct. 19.I have received your joined letter whereof I am so amazed as I am forced to seek from you a further resolution in them by these few lines. First ye write a riddle, for after that by a large preface ye have promised first to inform me of the truth, next to let me know a way how to effect my just desire, and last how to free myself from importunity; yet when ye come to the matter ye say nothing in that second point which is most material of all, save that it is thought necessary I be thought earnest out of my own sense, and not out of the infusion of others. How I should work this ye make no mention, neither how I could do more in that than I have done, as yet, for trial [of Balmerino] must precede any thinking of punishment, and by this time every man knows how earnest I am in that; and the more I wonder that ye make no mention of the receipt of my letter to the Council anent that, so as ye may be sure that I will leave no means (if I know them) that may satisfy the world of the truth of my part. The other point is that I cannot wonder enough how these false reports can be spread; for Hay himself was a witness with other two or three more that at my first entering with him [Balmerino] in that purpose, he made no sticks to confess at the first that he himself was the maker of that dispatch to the Pope and the Cardinals, that he had oft solicited me in it for the well of my service, and that I had oft refused him. Indeed he would fain have bound it upon me that at the last, through his importunity, I had granted unto it, but there we differed. This was in my withdrawing chamber in Royston, when I confess I purposely left my bed-chamber door open that two or three there might hear what passed betwixt us, whereof Hay, as I said, was one, but how far after noon he confessed his own guilt in the presence of his fellow secretary, how on his knees he craved pardon wishing he had never been born, and how I told him that I could not resolve what pardon to bestow upon him till first I had clearly tried all, and then would advise how far mine own honour would permit me to pardon him; of all this, I say, I am sure ye are long ago informed by him that was the only witness at our afternoon's meeting, so as his false suggestions shall, I hope, produce no other effect but the just aggravating of his own punishment. As to behaviour towards Hay, I could say no other ways to him nor no man, except I were not true nor honest to myself, and the better I may say it unto him since he himself hath already taught me that lesson, for not a day before his parting out of this he began purpose with me anent that man, protesting unto me that he never saw man look as he did that Sunday, and of himself concluded that if any rigour were spared in that man's punishment, my honour could never be cleared, for he said the least sparing of him would ever be thought collusion betwixt me and him. But since it goes so, the publicer my actions be in this the better it is. To conclude, I remit to you and all honest men to think upon all the ways that may be for clearing of my honesty in it; which I had the more need to do considering his treachery. I only pray you to think that never thing in this world touched me nearlier than this doth. God knows I am and ever was upright and innocent. But how the world may know it, that must chiefly be done by some public course of his punishment, wherein I look to hear your advice after his examination, and so farewell.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed by Salisbury: "His Majesty, 19 Oct." 3 pp. (134 104.)
The Earl of Lincoln to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 19.I understand by my son that the Lord Chief Baron has made a motion that your Lordship might be entreated to end and order the cause that was opened before him concerning his Majesty's lease which he has given to my son, and sent him also to me to know whether I would do the like. I therefore send my son to you to procure your acceptance of his offer, and to excuse my not coming at this time in person, till I am somewhat better able to endure the air. I know not whether my son or I shall be more beholden to you if you hear and determine both our causes; for though my son and all his counsel be so confident in the cause that they make no doubt nor fear thereof, yet knowing how ill his green years can match Sir Edward Dymock's practices and how weak his purse is to maintain suit, I am glad he shall be censured by so honourable a personage. For myself, though my son by his Majesty's lease carry all my title away which can by no law be avoided (if the King's lease fail), yet in respect I shall have quietness with such a violent adversary, I shall think myself more happy in the end of my years to have my honour saved than if I gained thereby another worldly wealth. I am bold also for your better ease to move you that those that have been chosen by us beforetime in this cause. viz, his uncle Sir Thomas Lambert and Mr Baron Heron, may be required to make some breviat or collection of my griefs and Sir Edward Dymock's, that you may judge of them, and we be not tedious unto you.
PS. You may perceive my weakness who am not able to write myself for the great pain in my head, but am forced to use my secretary, which I never did before, especially in a matter of so great importance; and therefore I hope shortly to attend and satisfy you in all things.—19 October, 1608.
Signed. Seal. 1 p. (126 65.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, Oct. 19.A process betwixt the Duchess of Longueville and the Duke of Arschot. Judgment given in behalf of the Duchess. Touching Willford, the sentence forborne in regard of our Ambassador. "I understand that it is underhand given out against me that I have engaged myself in this business further than I needed to have done or was fit for me, having no commission for the same from his Majesty, etc. Howsoever my care shall be always to prefer the faithful and exact discharging of my duty before the respect of malicious imputations" The Marquis of Malespine, nephew to the Prince of Massa, come to Brussels; purposes to go into England; treats with our Ambassador to procure him good welcome. A courier come from Spain with order for money, 125,000 crowns, so small a proportion as they are ashamed to speak of it. An incursion made by some horse of the Hollanders upon a dorp in Brabant, upon pretext of not paying ordinary contributions; suspected to be a plot to cause the Archduke to draw some forces together, who for want of pay would straight fall to mutiny. The Nuntio treats with the English to be informed particularly of the state of Catholics in England.
Abstract. (227 p. 351.)
Lord Balmerino's Confession (fn. 3)
[1608] Oct. 21.It is too great presumption to offer to your most princely eyes these lines from the hand which hath so highly offended your Majesty; but because it were continuance in mine offence to labour to obscure the clear sun of your Majesty's unspotted integrity, and that the imputation of my misdemeanour which I justly deserve may lie upon myself, I have truly set down herein how that letter to the Pope Clement, wherewith your Majesty is falsely taxed, was without your knowledge passed your hand amongst other letters which I did present to your Majesty by the abuse of your trust, whereof I was not worthy.
In the year of God 1598, at the earnest suit of the late Archbishop of Glasco, your Majesty's Ambassador then resident in France, the Bishop of Vaizon and divers others your Majesty's well affected friends and servants both in Italy and France, who were very anxious to have had some correspondence betwixt your Majesty and the Pope, Sir Edward Drommond being by them directed in Scotland to follow that business, I presumed divers times to move your Majesty therein, and did offer the frame of such a letter as I would have had signed by your Majesty to the Pope. Whereunto I ever found your Majesty so unwilling as your Highness did altogether refuse to write, denying ever to write with those styles that the Pope did assume to himself. But I being in my too great zeal, and assured hopes were given me by greater statesmen than myself of the benefits which would come to the strengthening of your Majesty's title by the Pope's friendship, overcome with weakness and presuming that the good success of my true intention should efface the memory of my offence, I caused draw up a letter with the said Sir Edward's hand as from your Majesty to the Pope, but very sparingly, containing only thanks for his kindness and bygone favour, with commendation of the Bishop of Vaizon, your Majesty's nativeborn subject, to be made a Cardinal. To the which letter, amongst others of that kind written to the Duke of Florence, Savoy and some cardinals in favour of the said Bishop, all presented by me to your Majesty one day in the morning when your Majesty was going an hunting in haste, your Majesty did set your hand; for finding the letters, all in Latin and the Bishop of Vaizon's recommendation the subject and having formerly refused to write to the Pope, your Majesty did nothing suspect that any such should have been offered to your hand; and after your Majesty had signed it Sir Edward did add the Pope's styles both in the beginning and above your Majesty's subscription in the end. Some letters, two or three (as I do remember) signed by your Majesty to some cardinals, containing nothing but thanks and recommendation of the said Bishop, were given to the said Sir Edward and close cachetted, to be directed by the Bishop of Glasco's advice to such of them as were in his judgment best affected to your Majesty, and, as I did afterwards hear, two of them were given to Aldebrandino and Bellarmino, and the third to Caietan(o), who was protector of the Scottish nation. Here was my first fault of preposterous zeal, weakness and presumption. My next was fear of your Majesty's displeasure, because the late Queen's Ambassador having expostulated for your Majesty's dealing with the Pope, and I being asked thereof by your Majesty did pertinaciously deny that there was any such matter, and for your Majesty's better satisfaction I moved Sir Edward to return into Scotland, who being examined did at my desire justify my denial, and that he had carried no letter for the Pope. I pressed him very instantly at his return to Rome to labour to retire the said letter and destroy it, fearing lest the knowledge of it might hereafter breed your Majesty's discontentment, as it hath done at this time to my exceeding great sorrow. And because my attestation in this kind, which I protest before God and his angels is true, yet will not be a sufficient liberation of your Majesty's princely honour, which is dearer to me than my life, I am not hereby to beg any pardon, but that your Majesty will take such course, without any respect unto me, whereby your Majesty's innocency and my offence may be made known to the world.—Westminster, 21 Oct.
Unsigned. Endorsed: "1608. The L. Balmerinagh his confession." 1½ pp. (126 67.)
The Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury
[1608] Oct. 23.I am bold to put you in remembrance of my losses at Bristow by reason of purveyance. The commission you directed has been proceeded in, and the witnesses will testify that my complaint is just. I protest I have abated it out of the rent I receive for that port, as the farmer has affirmed. I beseech you allow it. Though of small value with the King, yet it is a great sum in my purse, and much more than out of the meanness of my fortune I can spare.
If any in behalf of the merchants trouble you about the allowance for leakage which they desire, I beg you will defer proceeding in it till I wait upon you.—23 Oct.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1608." 1 p. (195 54.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, Oct. 23.A letter by Mr Willford to give him access to my Lord.
Abstract. (227 p. 351.)
The Bishop of Bath and Wells to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 24.When his Majesty appointed some other bishops and myself our tax in answering these late books, I well hoped we should have eased his Majesty of his labour, but it will not be. His Majesty has set pen to paper again and is very busy in answering of the Latin book, and had written a great deal with his own hand till I came unto him from my Lord of Rochester's conservation. Now his Majesty is pleased to use me to write for him. This I will tell you of his Majesty's pains, that my Lord of Chichester having sent some six sheets of his doing, the King has done 10 or 12 sheets. There is nothing in my Lord of Chichester's that is not in his Majesty's, and many things in his Majesty's that are not in the Bishop's, that for my own part I wonder when his Majesty has them. Proceed in this business I perceive his Majesty will, though in truth I am very sorry for it, for he takes too much pains about it. Some things there are which I suppose his Majesty will crave from you, which has made me the bolder to write these lines unto you, that they may be in the better readiness. The examinations of Garnet, the examinations of Falkes, the examinations of Thomas Winter, the just date of the priests' treason, the true date of the first hatching and plotting of the powder treason, the time when anything was first taken of the recusants since his Majesty's reign, these particulars his Majesty said your Lordship could supply him withal, and therefore I have made bold to intimate them to you.—From Court at Newmarket, 24 Oct. 1608.
Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp. (126 68.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, Oct. 26.The manner of Willford's delivery. Offer to send him to our Ambassador requiring a note of his hand, which he refused. He forbare moving the sending of some special messenger into England about stirring his Majesty to more earnest mediation in the peace, in regard the treaty was still on foot. "Moreover, I can assure your Lordship that they are here so tied to the directions of Spain as they dare not to take any new resolutions without receiving first the allowance of that place, and as matters stand they have a greater confidence in the operations of President Janin than his Majesty's commissioners. It may please your Lordship to direct me how, in respect of these considerations, I shall govern myself for the prosecuting of the motion before mentioned, and I will not fail carefully and with the best dexterity I can to discharge my duty therein" A speech that the King of Spain will continue the war and employ no more than a million a year, which will not suffice to satisfy the third pays of the army. If they betake themselves to that resolution then it is to make only a defensive war, to attend what better advantages time may produce in their favour. The President Richardot willingly forgot his instructions in Holland, which were not the originals but forged for the purpose to abuse the States.
Abstract. (227 p. 351.)
The Justices of Cornwall to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, Oct. 31.They fear that by untrue information of great plenty of corn there, Salisbury may give warrants to take up corn to pass for London or other ports. They bought experience dearly last year, for it was thought much might be spared, and the less care was taken to prevent secret transportation: whereby great sums of money were disbursed by their shire for corn brought from Ireland, Denmark and divers parts of England: and the want thereof is such now that many can scarce pay their rents. If prices rise higher than at present, being above 8d a gallon, it may prove very dangerous to the poorer sort. They cannot expect corn from Denmark or the east ports, because it has failed in the inland shires, and they are the remotest part of the kingdom. They have also to consider the provisioning of his Majesty's ships. They beg that the officers of the ports may be ordered not to make any cocket to transport corn hence from port to port without the licence of two justices. In the meantime they make stay of such transportation till Salisbury's pleasure be known.—Penryn, last of October 1608.
Signed: Raynold Mohun; W. Wrey; Jo. Parker; Nicholas Prideaux; Rd Carew of Antony; [?Fra] Vyvyan; Thomas Seyntaubyn.
1 p. (195 55.)
King James to the Earl of Salisbury
[1608, Oct.]My little beagle, although I am not now to be long absent, yet can I not delay that piece of time before that your fellow councillors should be acquainted with my thankfulness for their endeavours in this trial so nearly concerning me; you shall therefore tell them that there could not have been a more proper and pleasing antidote ministered unto me against the just grief I had conceived of the slandering my reputation in a case of this nature, than when I heard with what a full cry ye all and every one of you went against that man in the defence of my innocence, and how every man strove to show his zeal and affection above his fellows, if he could for the clearing of his master: and how God hath now blest their pains and honest intentions they may likewise see. For my part I may justly say that the name given me of James included a prophetical mystery of my fortune, for as a Jacob I wrestled with my arms upon the V of August for my life and overcame; on the V of November I wrestled and overcame with my wit, and now in a case ten times dearer to me than my life, I mean my reputation, I have wrestled and overcome with my memory. I cannot also conceal your happiness to be the [?Treasurer] in such a time when as the office of Secretary is so unlucky; two years ago in France a Secretary betrayed his master's trust, and by drowning escaped hanging; the last year the Principal Secretary of Spain was tried a knave and made invisible; this year now, the Scottish Secretary [Balmerino] is like to speed little better. Well, ye are happy that are more than a Secretary; but if the Secretary here prove a knave, what will come of the Thesauraire; show this part of my letter if ye dare now to your fellows. To end now I remit to the bearer to show you what course I would have taken now both anent the party and for my honour's clearing. Fare well.—James R.
Holograph. Endorsed by Salisbury: "His Majesty to me to be imparted to the Council." 1 p. (134 98.)
[Partly printed in Gardiner, History of England, 11, 32.]
[?Thomas Wilson] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
[1608 ?c Oct.]Your Lordship may be pleased to sign this packet to the post; it goes to Sir W. Boyer for business that requires speed, for the mason caused me to write in my last for more pavement than now they say will be needful, because now the[y] find there is so much Purbeck come; so we shall save charge, and have that which is ready sooner. Herewith goes a receipt of 50l which we paid yesterday for him by the Mayor of Berwick's appointment, who upon that receipt is to pay it Sir W. Boyer. It should have been paid him a good while since, but that my Lord of Dunbar's man, that should have received it, was departed hence before I was aware. The mention of my Lord of Dunbar puts me in mind of a matter which I should have informed your Lordship in ere this, but that this lingering cold so possesses me by fits that I find myself unfit to attend; and that is a suit about dyeing which has been dying and living often, and now is revived, likelier to live and do good than I am. The thing is partly an invention of a brother of mine that has been a clothier and a dyer long, with the help of one or two of my other friends that are parties in the business. I hear it is the same or much like to that of my Lord of Dunbar, who would have had the sole sale of logwood and so many other things in the patent as they say would have been worth 40,000l a year; but this is a poor mechanical thing, the benefit whereof is drawn out of the sweat of men's brows to make good use of that which is nought and unlawful, which binds no man either to buy it or to use it, but that they which have invented it may have the benefit of their invention, and the gain so small as they shall sell that for 6d a pound which cost 5d besides labour. The King grants nothing in it but that which they may do without a patent, and for prejudicing the patents of the farm of logwood, it cannot but bring them benefit; for making logwood of good and durable use there must needs be the more spent of it, and so their benefit the more, and that lawfully, which now is unlawful. Where it is said the colour becomes more dark and duskish by the use of this stuff, 't is true that nothing makes so lively a colour as logwood, no grain colours like it, but the colours dyed herewith are sure and good. It is a suit will bring the King benefit, do the Commonwealth and the reputation of our cloths good, and hurt to none. The Parliament shall have no cause to clamour for making hereof felony, as in my knowledge they would have done the last session, if it had not been commonly delivered by some. They say now that this great 40,000l a year suit wherein my Lord of Dunbar was interested, is now by a trick gotten in substance by their farmers of logwood, for, say they, those patents had the sole sale of logwood, these have but the farm for which they pay 1700l a year, and gain as much more by it. This will in a little time bring the sole bringing in of logwood into their hands, for 't is a sure rule amongst merchants that he, that can afford a commodity better cheap than any, will soon bring in the sole trade thereof into his hands; as they may do this by the gain of the farm, this trick of theirs, say they, doth, they think, now see as like Jupiter's walking in a net, and the Parliament, whensoever it be, will bail so much at this matter as at any one grievance; but if in the meantime it may be made of good and lawful use, none will stand against it. This day I hear the certificate from those logwood farmers is to be returned, whether it be prejudicial to their patent or no. And though this indisposition of mine keeps me from attending you, you shall see I am not idle by some things which I will send hereafter; for though my thoughts be most fixed upon your private service, yet I should be to blame not to apprehend this public business which concerns you so much to be well-informed in. Though I begin with one wherein I and my friends are interested, yet have I others in the fire, which when they are well-tempered, you shall hear of them.
The shoptakers begin now to come again. Yesterday there have two or three gone through with me.—Undated.
Unsigned. 2½ pp. (119 138.)
[See Cal S.P.Dom, 1603–1610, p. 462.]
The Company of Dyers in London to the Privy Council
[?1608, Oct.]The King has granted a patent to certain gentlemen for the true compounding of logwood with certain stuffs which should make uniform and durable colours. They have tried the said stuffs, but find them to make no surer colours than logwood by itself. Since the first trial the patentees have delivered other stuffs which are worse than the former by many degrees, and yet they sell a pound thereof for as much as will buy 10 pounds of logwood They pray that, the stuff being more harmful than profitable, the patent may be made void — Undated.
1 p. (196 128.)
The Patentees for making a compounded stuff for dyeing to the Council
[1608, Oct.]They have a patent for the making and sale of the above, for the bringing in of logwood and the seizing of that wood found in other hands, they paying to the King 25l for every ton of the stuff. They have found the stuff fit and good, and have bought great store of logwood; but the dyers of London combine to buy and use the said wood, and resist seizure of the same. They beg that the Dyers' Company be called before the Council, and order taken to enforce the patent.— Undated.
1 p. (196 1282)
[Cf Cal. S.P.Dom, 1603–1610, pp. 462, 473, and ibid: Addenda, 1508–1625, pp. 510, 511.]
The Dyers of London to the Earl of Salisbury
[?1608, Oct.]In the matter of their complaint against the patentees for logwood, who pretend by their compounded stuff to make sure and good colours, the Council ordered trial to be made of the stuff; but the Commissioners appointed forbade petitioners to make the trials, and the patentees molest them with frivolous uits. They pray him to call the parties and hear the cause. [Note at foot as to the suits in the matter.]—Undated.
1 p. (P. 2088.)
Copy of the above.
1 p. (P. 2089.)

Footnotes

1 Gray alludes to his knowledge of these letters in his undated letter to the King of Scots printed in Part XIV of this Calendar (pp. 130 seq.). The letter is there tentatively dated 29 Sept. 1600, but is possibly later though written presumably before James's accession to the throne of England. A copy was perhaps sent to Salisbury in connection with the inquiry in 1608, and his endorsement of it on 29 Sept. may have been made in that year.
2 Matthew Tortus.
3 See Gardiner, History of England, ii, 32.