Cecil Papers
1626

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Institute of Historical Research

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G. Dyfnallt Owen (editor)

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1971

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209-226

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'Cecil Papers: 1626', Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, Volume 22: 1612-1668 (1971), pp. 209-226. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=112521 Date accessed: 30 July 2014.


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1626

The Earl of Suffolk to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1625–26 or before] January 17."An accydent ys happyned wherin for my nephwe Charls Howard my [I] must be sutor to your Lordship. One of the kipars of Enfyld Chase ys dead yesterday; hys name ys Kyttammaster. The walke doth joyne upon my brothers howse of Mompleasaunce neer, so as my nephwe ys very fytt to looke to the game, and yf your Lordship be pleased to conferr yt upon hym I dare avow he wylbe as carefull and as respectyve of you as any man." Hopes that Salisbury will not deny him this favour for his (Suffolk's) sake. Is sure that Salisbury's wife would have associated herself with this request "yf she had bene up".—Suffolk House, this 17 of January.
Holograph. Seal Endorsed: "My Lo. of Suffolke to me." 1 p. (200. 42.)
Christopher Keighley to — Miles.
1625–26, January 20."It is my Lords pleasure that yowe presentlie speake with all such free houlders within the mannor of Litle Hadam as have voyces in the election of the knights of the shere, to let them knowe that my Lord desires they would be at Hartf[ord] the seconde daye of Februarie next to give there voyces for Sir Thomas Dakeres, kt, and Sir John Botler, esquire, to be knights of the shere for Hartfordshere for the next Parliament."—20 January, 1625.
Holograph. Draft. 1 p. (General 71/33.)
Sibble Parry, widow, to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1626, April 4].For his bounty, she being the daughter of Margaret Cecil, daughter of William Cecil, late of Alterenes, co. Hereford.—Undated.
Note: 20/- given, 4 April, 1626.
1 p. (P. 1837.)
The Earl of Bristol's Petition to the House of Lords.
1626 [April 19].He has received his writ of Parliament, but with it a letter from the Lord Keeper in his Majesty's name commanding him to forbear personal attendance. Beseeches that he may be heard both in the point of his wrongs and of his accusation of the Duke of Buckingham.
Copy. 1½ pp. (131. 4.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 237, and the Lords' Journals, III, 563.]
Order of the Garter.
1626, April 27.King Charles desiring to advance the honour of the noble Order, at a chapter holden at his palace of Westminster, 27 April, in the second year of his reign, being the day and feast of St. George, with eleven knights of the order, viz: Edward, Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal; Robert, Earl of Sussex; William, Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain; Philip, Earl of Montgomery; Francis, Earl of Rutland; George, Duke of Buckingham, Lord High Admiral; William, Earl of Salisbury; James, Earl of Carlisle; Edward, Earl of Dorset; Henry, Earl of Holland, Captain of the Guard, and Thomas, Earl of Berkshire, has ordered and ordained that the knights and companions of the Order, and the prelate and chancellor of the same, shall after 3 months next wear upon the left part of their cloaks, coats and riding cassocks (sic) at all times when they shall not wear their robes, and in all places and assemblies, an escutcheon of the arms of St. George, that is to say, a cross within a garter not enriched with pearls or stones, that the wearing thereof may be a testimony to the world of the honour they hold.
Copy. 1 p. (197. 115.)
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham.
1626, May 8.Speech of Sir Dudley Digges on the delivery of the Articles of impeachment against the Duke of Buckingham to a Committee of the House of Lords.
6 pp. (131. 14.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 302–6: Lords' Journals, III, 595–6.]
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham.
1626, May 10."Sir John Eliot's speech before the Lords, 10 May, 1626" on the delivery of the Articles of impeachment against the Duke of Buckingham to a Committee of the House of Lords.
11 pp. (131. 8.)
[Printed in an abbreviated form in Rushworth's Collections, I, 353–6; in substance in Lords' Journals, III, 617–19.]
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham.
1626 [May 10]."Mr Sherland's speech against the Duke of Buckingham upon 2 Articles—Sale of Honour and Judicature."
10½ pp. (131. 17.)
[Printed in Lords' Journals, III, 610–12, and partly in Rushworth's Collections, I, 341–3.]
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham.
1626 [May 10]."The 13th Article against the Duke of Buckingham, which is his transcendent presumption in giving physic to the King [James I], etc; opened by Mr Wainsford."
9½ pp. (131. 23.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 351–3, the report of Mr Wandesford's speech being very briefly given; and in the Lords' Journals, I, 611–17, where, however, the Article itself is omitted, and only the speech given.]
The Privy Council to the Earl of Salisbury.
1626, May 21.Giving directions to the Lord Lieutenant of Hertfordshire for the mustering and exercising of the trained bands of the county, in view of the disturbed state of Christendom, and the slackness with which these duties have of late been performed.—From Whitehall, 21 May, 1626.
Signed: H. Manchester; Pembroke; Carlile; G. Buckingham; Hollande; Grandisone; D. Carleton; Rich. Weston. Seal. 1½ pp. (197. 116.)
The King to the Speaker of the House of Commons.
1626, June [9].To inform the House that the King expected their Bill of Subsidy to be passed by the end of next week, "which if they do not, it will force us to take other resolutions".
Endorsed by the Earl of Salisbury: "His Majestys letter to the Speaker of the Lower House, June, 1626." 12/3 pp. (131. 29.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 390.]
Remonstrance of the House of Commons to the King.
1626, [June]Endorsed in a later hand: "The House of Commons' Address to the King." 5 pp. (131. 5.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 400–6.]
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Francis Ashley.
1626, July 2."I doe soe well assure my selfe of the abilitie of your kinsman upon your commendation that accordinge to your desire I ame willinge to entertaine him for my chaplin, and have thought good for the present to signifie soe much unto yowe by this my letter." Reminds him of what has happened in [Cranborne] Chase, and that he has sent him the ranger's letter about it. Desires him to take the matter into his consideration.—Hatfield, 2 July, 1626.
Draft in Keighley's hand. Endorsed: "July 1626. Copy of letter from my Lord to Sir Francis Ashlye." Addressed: "To my verie loveinge freind Sir Francis Ashley, knt, at his chamber in Sergeants Inn in Fflete Street." 1 p. (General 85/9.)
The Enclosure
Christopher Keighley to Sir Francis Ashley.
[1626, July 2].Informs him that the Earl of Salisbury is prepared to accept Ashley's kinsman as his chaplain, as the Earl's letter enclosed will show, and reminds him of the matter of the Chase. "I doute that in this busines nowe in question conserninge the Chace there maye bee some plott or combination by some of the countrie whoe take this meanes to drawe in question at the Common Lawe the extente of the Chace, as heretofore was done by Mr Woods and which cost his Lordship much troble before he could setle it again."—Undated.
Draft much amended and partly torn, in Keighley's hand. Endorsed: "2 July 1626, Copy of my letter to Sir Francis Ashlye." 1½ pp.
The Privy Council to the [Earl of Salisbury].
1626, July 10.With orders for the immediate review of the trained forces in Hertfordshire, having regard to the great military preparations afoot both in Spain and Flanders. Captains, officers and soldiers are to be not only able and sufficient men, but also well affected in religion, and must take the oath of supremacy and religion. No soldier enrolled must remove his dwelling out of the town or parish of his abode without licence obtained from the deputy-lieutenant. All the trained bands are to be in readiness to repair to their colours and place of rendez-vous with their arms and provisions upon an hour's warning, and all able men untrained from 16 to three score to be enrolled, that upon any sudden occasion such levies may be made of them as shall be required. A supply of arms may be obtained by taking those weapons which belong to recusants and have been sequestered in other hands, paying unto the true owners their price and value. Magazines of powder and lead shall be maintained at St. Albans and Hertford. The beacons shall be forthwith made up and repaired, with provisions of wood for maintaining and renewing them, and watched diligently by discreet and sufficient men. To every 1000 troops are to be allotted 100 pioneers, with spades, pickaxes, shovels, hatchets and bills, and carts, carriages and nags to mount shot on, together with a proportion of victuals for ten days, powder, lead and match, and some spare arms. A provost-marshal shall be appointed to apprehend and punish such vagrants and idle persons as live not in any lawful vocation, and in times of trouble may either by tales or false rumours distract the people's minds, or commit insolencies.—From Whitehall, 10 July, 1626.
Signed: H. Manchester; Pembroke; Montgomery; Totnes; Kellie; Grandisone; E. Conway; D. Carleton; T. Edmondes; Jo: Suckling; Robt. Naunton; J. Coke; Rich. Weston; Jul. Caesar; Hum. May. Seal. 4 pp. (197. 117.)
The Privy Council to the Earl of Salisbury.
1626, July 15.Requiring him, in case of any hostile invasion, to give certain advertisement (either by firing the beacons or otherwise) of the approach of an enemy towards any of the ports (sic) or parts of the coast (sic) of the county within his lieutenancy, to assemble the trained forces in accordance with directions previously sent.—From Whitehall, 15 July, 1626.
Signed: Pembroke; H. Manchester; J. Bridgewater; Hollande; Grandisone; E. Conway; Jo. Suckling; Rich. Weston; Robt. Naunton; J. Coke; Jul. Caesar; Hum. May. Seal. 2 pp. (197. 119.)
The Enclosure
A list of ports to which troops shall be sent, as follows: Isle of Sheppey or any other place in Kent, 2000. Any port in Suff[olk], 500.
1 p. (197. 119.)
The Earl of Holland to the Earl of Salisbury.
[? 1626] August 6.He will do his best for the gentleman Salisbury has recommended to him, but there are so many of the late Queen's servants whom the King thinks he is in honour engaged to receive now about his wife, that he mistrusts he will not be so fortunate as he desires.
Lord Wallingford's business is this day done, and the patent shall with all speed be drawn. It was with some difficulty.— Nonsuch, 6 August.
Holograph. 2 pp. (130. 144.)
The Earl of Holland to the Earl of Salisbury.
[? 1626, August].Those services I have done you are no way worthy of your acknowledgments. My Lord Duke has commanded me to tell you that he is your servant, and but that he was by special commission called away to attend a business could suffer no delay, he would have told it you by his own pen. He expects very shortly, meaning upon Sunday next, to meet you at Theobalds, where he will bring you to the King to receive such satisfaction as you may be assured of his affection to serve you; and then likewise you shall agree when he and his lady shall wait upon you and yours at Hatfield. My humble service to the noble Ladies and my Lord of Wallingford.—Undated.
Holograph. 3 pp. (130. 141.)
Christopher Keighley to — Wakefield.
[1626, August]."My lord hath lost within these 7 dayes one silver trencher made by you marked with his lordships armes with a wreath aboute it." He has also lost a cup with his arms engraved on the bottom. "I must therfore intreate yowe to take present order with the beadles of your componie to give notice to all of your gouldsmythes to use the best meanes yowe can to fynde them out." He will defray all the expenses of the search.—Undated.
Draft. Endorsed: "August 1626. Copy of a letter to Wakefielde." 1 p. (General 85/11.)
John Delahay to the Earl of Salisbury.
1626, October 13.In order to gain lawful possession, on Salisbury's behalf, of land claimed by Hopton, he sowed six acres of it with oats without any opposition. At harvest time he became indisposed and went to Bath, but left orders with his servants to reap the oats. In his absence a number of armed people acting in Hopton's name entered upon the land to carry the oats away forcibly. His wife ordered his servants to oppose them but not at the hazard of their lives. The other party claimed that Hopton would support their action, and made it plain that they would tolerate no resistance. Asks Salisbury for advice as to what legal proceedings should be taken. Action in the Star Chamber could be long and expensive: "otherwise I will take a legall course at the Counsell of the Marches of Wales agaynste them where I doubt not of justice and to mayntayne your lordships tytle, yf yt be syffityent and to have the offenders punished." Alterenys, the 13° of October, 1626.
Holograph. Seal. ¾ p. (Box T/44.)
Loans of the Laity.
1626, October 17 to 1627, January 4.The names of the individuals and the amounts contributed, and of the hundreds, the collectors and the amounts raised in them are given. From October 17 to December 1, 1626, the amount raised was: from judges, lawyers and others—930l 6s 8d; from several counties through collectors—1381l 16s 8d; total: £2312:3:4. From December 1, 1626 to January 4, 1627, the amount noted as received was £3360:2:4. Sum total: £5672:5:8.
5¼ pp. (131. 30.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Christopher Keighley.
[Before 20 October, 1626].Sir Francis Ashley approached him yesterday in London, and complained greatly about Fits-James's arrogant behaviour towards him. Desires Keighley to find out from Ashley what the circumstances were, and to instruct FitsJames on Salisbury's orders to come up at Allhallowtide. "I perceive by Sir Francis Ashley that there is none will come in to acknowledge theire tenures as of the honour of Gloucester, so as I must eyther be forced to lett falle the claims or else be at so muche charge in law as the benefitt will not quite my charge. Speake with Sir Francis Ashley aboute it."—Undated.
Endorsed: "Octob. 1626. My Lord to me." 1 p. (Bills 210/18.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Francis Ashley.
1626, October 20.He informs him that FitzJames is sorry for what he has done. But before he receives him into his favour again, he has sent him to Ashley that he may be assured of his contrition.—Quickswood, 20 October, 1626.
Draft. 1 p. (General 85/10.)
John Delahay to Walter Morgan.
1626, November 15.Requests him to inform the Earl of Salisbury that 12 of his (Delahay's) cattle have been seized by Hopton's bailiff for grazing on certain lands which are disputed between them. "I would my lord would question Sir Raphe Hopton in Chancerie for disturbing his tenant, where his lordship may sett foorthe his tytle at large."—Alterenys, the 15° of November, 1626.
Holograph. Fragment of seal. ¾ p. (Legal 63/13.)
Accounts.
1626, December 19. Books for Lord Cranborne
A childrens dictionary.
An Accidence:
An Isops Fables,6–6
all fairly bound up and with strings.
For a Common Prayer booke, large, guilt with ribbin.6–0
For five catechismes for ye children.0–6
For a testament with ye singing
Psalmes for Ralph Chambers.1–8
At bottom: Receipt, signed by John Browne, and dated 19th December, 1626.
½ p. (Bills 210/5.)
Portraits.
[1626, December 24].Bill presented by George Geldorp. "Memoire des paintures qye jay faict pour mon Siegneur de Salsberey.
Premierement le portraict de Monsiegneur de sa hauteur, le pris faict.£15
Le portraict de Madame de sa hauteur.£15
Le portraict de Madame Anne.£15
Le portraict du Siegneur Charles.£7
Le portraict de Madame Elyzabet.£7
Le portraict de Mr Robert.£7
Le portraict de Madame Diane.£7
Pour la dorure de 7 bordures que ma femme a doree, vien pour l'or et ovrage.£6
Pour la bordure de Madame Bambery.£105
Pour ung portraict de Monsiegneur et de Madame pour Sir William Selliger.£1000
Pour ung portraict de Monsiegneur et de Madame pour Sir Edelbart Haulbart.£1000
Pour ung portraict de Madame pour Mellort (Milord) Vacs.£500
premierement receu de Monsiegneur la somme de£10
encore receu de Monsiegneur£20
encore receu par Monsieur Sudworth (Southworth)£10
reste a moy de Monsiegneur£6505
Vostre humble serviteur"
(signed) George Geldorp—Undated.
On reverse: Receipt for a further sum of £50 signed by George Geldrop (sic) and dated 24 December, 1626.
Endorsed: "Mounsiengner Gildtropp his bill." 1 p. (Box U/77.)
The Earldom of Oxford.
[1626]."The Lord Willoughby's title to the Earldom of Oxford." Tracing the descent of the Earldom from its bestowal by Henry II on Aubrey de Vere, and concluding: "This John Vere, the fifth of that name, had issue John the sixth of that name, who had issue Edward, Earl of Oxford, who had issue Henry, Earl of Oxford that last died without issue; to whom Robert, Lord Willoughby, is next heir, viz, son and heir of Mary, daughter of the same John the sixth Earl of that name that was father of Edward. And by this title he Lord Willoughby claims the Earldom."
Endorsed: "1626." 1½ pp. (131. 33.)
The Earldom of Oxford.
[1626]."The Earl of Oxenford's case." Tracing the descent of the Earldom from Henry II's time, and concluding that Robert Vere, now Earl of Oxford, son of Hugh Vere, and after him Horace, Lord Vere, claim the Earldom, as next heir male of the body of Aubrey Vere, who was Earl of Oxford 16 Ric. II by virtue of the said Act of Parliament 16 Ric. II, which is no way repealed but is in force.
2 pp. (131. 35.)
Lord Great Chamberlain of England.
[1626]."A brief of the Countess of Derby's pretences to the Office of Lord Great Chamberlain of England." Giving the Countess's descent from John Vere, fifteenth Earl of Oxford and Lord Great Chamberlain, and concluding that Elizabeth, Countess of Derby, being daughter to Lord Edward the brother, ought to be preferred before the Lord Willoughby, the sister's son.
1 p. (131. 34.)
Preparations against Invasion.
[1626].A paper discussing the question whether these preparations in Spain may be conceived to be made immediately against England or rather some other of his Majesty's dominions.
The writer expresses the opinion that no invasion would be attempted "this year" by the King of Spain on account of his inability to provide a sufficient fleet so suddenly at this time, especially having his ordinary Plate Fleet necessarily to be employed into the West Indies and his own coasts to be guarded more than ordinarily as well against the Dutch and other his near enemies, as also against us, "who in all probability of reason of State ought again presently to adventure for the recovery of the honour which we lost the last year by the ill success of our unfortunate attempt at Cadiz". The King of Spain, though having plenty of material within his own dominions for the building of the hulls of ships, was cut off from supplies of canvas, cordage, pitch and tar, the King of Denmark and the States having wisely and seasonably shut up the Sound and the River Elbe and other places. Nor would be able to suddenly raise an army in Spain or from Italy—for as regards "his hopes from Spinola his army by means of his great preparation of his flat-bottomed boats, I doubt not but by the help of our God of Hosts (who only can command the wind and the sea) and the faithful subordinate assistance of our ancient friend the States—we shall be able either to impede the coming out of Dunkirk or divert them from rallying with the fleets to be transported up our coasts". Besides the writer cannot easily believe the King of Spain can easily spare such a portion of his army from Flanders without giving some great advantage to the Prince of Orange, who continues most vigilantly watchful at such a time to take the opportunity of all occasions. The writer, however, confidently believes there is nothing the King of Spain thirsts more after than to be soundly revenged upon us, as well for all our former affronts as for our late braving him upon his own coasts. For though it be too true that unfortunately we did not do him much spoil there, yet apparently we have manifested it to all the world, to his great dishonour, that however his greatness and invincibility be daily trumpeted abroad by the Jesuits, his servants, and others, with all manner of vain ostentation, yet he is not found impregnable at his own home whensoever it shall please God to think it seasonable to give success. Wherefore, though in himself he might perhaps be persuaded to sit down defensively, being thus provoked and affronted at his own door; yet he must not leave his allies, his friends and the world unsatisfied without the attempting (at the least) some sound revenge as maturely as he is able. For this reason the writer is of opinion that he hatches some mischievous designs rather to stir up a rebellion in Ireland than any other where at the present, and especially because his judgment does easily apprehend it more feasible, with the least danger to his fleet, without the great difficulty of raising any great army, and with the least expense of his treasure. The writer is afraid it is too true that the people is so far from being ready to make any good resistance against him, as that they will rather meet him at the ports and congratulate his safe arrival. For the disposition and natural inclination of the natives unto that Spanish nation in respect of their religion, and the general falling away from the truth, together with the inveterate discontentment with the former government and the general dislike of the present, has so prepared them for such an occasion that a very small number of ships only with some proportion of good commanders, with store of arms and munition, etc, will easily prove most apt fuel to inflame this ill-affected nation into an open and dangerous rebellion. The harbours of that country lie open, not fortified, not guarded, ready to embrace them, and the people very well disposed.
But lest he should disparage too much the known power of the King of Spain, or too affectionately flatter his own country into a dangerous deep serenity (whereunto we are desperately too much inclining), especially considering that the unsettled and disjointed condition of our own affairs at home cannot be unknown unto the intelligent State of Spain, in addition to the state of Ireland, the writer thinks it should not slightly be called into our consultations with what extraordinary encouragement the King of Spain may be persuaded even this present summer (that he should awake a rebellion in Ireland) to attempt also to infest some of our Western coasts; if not to possess them, yet to spoil and burn them to facilitate thereby his future greater designs. Hence it is expedient to consider where or into what ports it is most probable the Spaniard may make his descent. It shall be fit therefore that all ports from Land's End to Portsmouth be presently furnished with all manner of provisions, and all forts provided with experienced commanders and officers, with munition, men and arms; and that the train-bands of each county be so ordered as upon any certain alarm they may know their places of rendezvous suddenly to repair unto. The writer gives his reasons for thinking that the Spaniard may as soon fix his intentions on Plymouth as on any other. He advises that a competent number of ships be sent with all expedition to ply up and down upon our coasts, so as to be able if not to encounter the enemy's fleet, yet at the least to attend upon them in that manner that they may impede them whensoever they shall offer to land the army. He advises also that beacons should be repaired and watched, and that all places of rendezvous be certainly appointed and known about 3 or 4 miles from the coast unto which all the selected bands may march. He does the rather wish the distance of 3 or 4 miles for the rendezvous that, by this means, the captains and officers may have the more time to put the men in order to march, and consider the best ways to impede the enemy in marching farther into the country; as also that a competent number of troops being rallied they may march in the better courage and confidency to fight with him when occasion shall be offered. Directions to our horsemen should not be omitted to continually give alarm to the enemy at their landing, and always hinder their straggling abroad, and that certain "shot" on horseback upon every "straight" or place of advantage to entertain them with continual skirmishes until our greater forces shall approach. He does not think, whenever the King of Spain resolves to invade the kingdom, that he will make choice of Milford Haven for his descent, though it be most spacious and commodious, etc, for it is in a poor country, very far from London, and the passage full of impediments, as rivers, woods, etc, and a blow given there, so far from the East, will never prove mortal. Neither is "Bristow" much to be feared—nor does he much suspect Plymouth because it is far from the East of the kingdom, in a country that affords not much relief without many hazards. He is persuaded the enemy will not strike sail until he come to an anchor before "Porchmouth" or in Southampton water; for having once surprised that fort he shall quickly make it much stronger than now it is, and from thence make his passage to the Isle of Wight and take possession of it, and will hardly quit it again without the loss of many of our nationality upon very many disadvantages. But if the invader shall have the patience to moderate yet his ambition, and being master of the sea shall be so happy as with a leading gale of wind to advance his fleet so far as the "Dunes" or the Thames mouth, the writer is of opinion he shall much advantage his designs, and with less difficulty and more expedition achieve his purpose. He shall here push more desperately at the kingdom, and give a stronger shock with a greater terror and distraction into the hearts of a people unaccustomed to a war, who it is to be feared, being thus suddenly surprised, will rather seek to save themselves, their wives and children and fortunes, than resolutely make resistance against the enemy for the common good. If he shall make his descent upon the "Ost" side of the Thames mouth, he shall have the fat county of Essex for the relief of his sea-sick army and escape the passage of the river Thames. If in the Dunes, we have many castles upon the coast of Kent wherein (after a long security and a corrupt peace) we shall seldom or never find a better guard than an old porter or lame shepherd with his dog; the captain absent, who never served the war, for the most part inexperienced; few pieces mounted, small or no store of shot or gunpowder, scarce a gunner, no soldier at all who knows to use his arms, however the "K" allows pay that might give comfort to some old captain in this place and relief for a few old soldiers who in probability might perform better service at such a time. The writer suggests that Plymouth should be well fortified, also some one place in the Isle of Wight, and Portland. An enemy is to be dispossessed of any place that he has got at his landing by blocking him up, driving away all manner of provision from him on land and intercepting victuals at sea. It is true that the cannon would make a speedier despatch to remove an enemy, but for many important reasons it is not held to be so safe to be adventured until there be an urgent necessity. Our army being once rallied, our horse must continually keep the enemy from straggling for forage or such victuals, or discovery, and this shall easily be performed by the help of many entrenchments upon places of advantage one behind another where he must necessarily pass. All bridges must be broken down and many great trees felled across all the narrow passages. Upon every straight and place of advantage he must be fought with, and in the plain and "champion" country our horsemen must always charge him, sometimes on one side sometimes on the other. With these interruptions his army which cannot be strong in "cavallerie" must often halt and suffer many losses. A battle must not easily be hazarded with an invading army. Frequent skirmishes, sickness, want of clothes and victuals will assuredly consume his army with inevitable mortality. In expectation of an invasion by the King of Spain magazines of munition and victuals should be kept in various places. The writer suggests Southampton for the Isle of Wight, Porchester and all Hampshire; some town in the West for Devonshire, Cornwall and Portland; Lynn and Ipswich for Norfolk and Suffolk; and London for Kent, Sussex and Essex. His Majesty's store of powder had need to be very great, that each army (whether two shall now be thought competent as 4 were in '88) may be furnished for small shot and great ordnance with 100 last apiece at the least, and if his Majesty's fleet be put to sea, there cannot be a less proportion than 100 last more for it. For Ireland and all the castles upon the coast 100 last more will be no more than sufficient. The enemy being landed some sufficient gent[lemen] in every shire should be appointed as Marshal, who, being accompanied with a competent number of horse and foot, should have authority to execute "Marshall" law upon all ill-affected persons, as rogues, masterless men or known Papists that shall assemble themselves together to assist the enemy or to spoil the country. This officer should also have power with the assistance of the Justices of Peace for the disarming of all Papists and such as shall be known to be ill-affected to the present Government. The writer recommends further that there should be one "General Generalissimo" of the armies, not two or more in commission. Thus, the number of armies should be settled and the places of rendezvous, the officers of the field appointed, and so on down to the provision of carriages for conveying the baggage, etc. Experienced commanders, who have formerly served in chief in the wars, should be sent into each county as superintendants, to be the assistants upon all occasions of direction and command. The Lord Lieutenant of the shire, where the army is to be lodged, may command in chief in the same place under the authority of the General Generalissimo, and should not be limited to the number of regiments whereof he is to frame his army. Lastly, whenever an enemy shall offer to land, it should be especially recommended for a general direction that all manner of victual, cattle, corn, carriages be suddenly driven into the rear of our army, and that which cannot be so speedily removed be rather consumed by fire, etc, than left to the enemy.—Undated.
Unsigned. Dated in a modern hand, "1597 (sic)." 16 pp. (139. 77.)
The Earl of Bristol.
1626."A Copie of the Lord Digbbie the Earle of Bristolls letters to King Charles, 1626." Three letters:
(1) "I have by my former letters of the 16th of August presumed to offer unto your gratious consideration my great unhappinesse in havinge my proceedings soe represented unto your Matie as thereby as have your heavye displeasure increased towards mee. But I hope that your Matie havinge seene that unhappynes hath neyther befallen mee through disloyaltie nor wyllfullnes, your Matie will not bee displeased that I presume to cast my selfe at your Mats ffeete, humbly beseecheinge you to make the puttinge an ende to my longe and unfortunate troubles a pious act of your Mats grace and goodnes. And to that purpose I only crave leave on the one syde to laye before your Matie, not as merritts but as humble motives to induce your Royall hearte thereunto, the many eminent ymployement I have had under your Mats Royall and blessed father, and the industrie and fidelitie wherewith I have served him by the space of more then xxtie yeares. As likewyse the zeale and trew affection wherewith I have faythfullye indeavoured your Mats Royall person. On the other syde, maye your Matie be gratiouslye pleased to cast downe an eye of comisseration upon my sufferings by the space of allmost 3 yeares wherein I have byn restrayned and confyned, lost all my places and offyces, ruyned in my estate by the detention of my anuytie owt of the Cowrte of Wardes; and a great some of monye due unto mee from your Matie for which I have payed interest dyvers yeares, and by the great expence cawsed by the suites and troubles, impeached in my honnor and reputation, questyoned for my life as a traitor, and styll remayne a prisoner in the [Tower] and, lastly, informed against in the Starrchamber by youre Mats Attourney. The which I represent not to your Matie by waye of complaint or repyninge, but like sacrifices of expiation and attonement towards the allayinge and asswadginge of your Mats displeasure, whereunto I willingly add that obligation which of all others is most pleasinge to God, whose person your Matie doth here represent, vz, sacrificium humiliationis et cordis constricti, a sacrifice of submission and hartie sorrow ever to have bene so unfortunate as to have fallen into your Mats displeasure. And shall wholly attribute the staye of any further prosecution in the Starchamber, as likewise the permyttinge mee to passe the remnant of my life in freedome and libertye in a pryvate and retyred course, wholly to your Mats grace and goodnes."—Undated. 1⅓ pp.
(2) "I give unto your Matie all due and humble thanks for your gratious favoure in permittinge mee the libertye for some short tyme to goe into the countrye. The which favoure I must acknowledge, besides the better enablinge of mee for the defence of my cawse by renewinge of my papers, is of great ymportance unto mee in regard of myne owne pryvate estate. And therefore I doe acknowledge your Mats goodnes therein with all humillitie and thanckfullnes."—Undated. ⅓ p.
(3) "Uppon my first commyttment unto the Tower I presumed to be an humble suitor unto your Matie that it might not displease you that I laide before your Matie a gratious promise that yow have bene pleased often to make unto mee, that I showld never bee condempned by yow to much in your opinion untyll you showld first have heard mee speake for my selfe, the performance of which promyse I can noe waye dispaire of in your Mats owne due tyme both for Justyce sake and for your Princely woord sake. And in the interim, for that I understand both by Mr Atturneys newe addition in his information in the Starchamber, as likewyse by other meanes, that besides the faultes I stoode chardged withall to have comytted in Spaine, my late proceedings have bene represented unto your Matie that thereby your heavye displeasure have bene much encreased towards mee, I therefore moste humbly beseech your Matie that in the meane tyme, untyll I may be further heard by your Matie, I maye have leave treuly to sett downe unto your Matie my proceedings, the which as they now stand represented unto your Matie I cannot but moste justly expect all rigoure. But when the treuth of them shalbe layed before your Matie, [your] just and royall heart will judge my case not only capable of your grace, but in some measure deservinge comisseration.
I shall not for the present make aney appologie for my negotiation nor looke further back then unto your Mats happie cominge unto the Crowne. Att which tyme I stood by his late Mats leave and your Mats approbation signified unto mee, both by the letters of the Duke of Buckingham and Sir Francis Cottington, at lybertie to come to London and freelye to follow my affayres. Neyther was I then under any other restraint, allthough your Matie, as it should seeme, was then unduely informed of the contrary; for havinge received your Mats writt, I sent unto my Lord Duke of Buckingham to knowe whether my cominge or my staye would bee moste agreeable unto your Matie, and received answeare that my respect therein was gratiously accepted by your Matie, but that your Matie liked better for the present I showld make some exscuse and not come upp. And thereupon I wrott upp and craved your Mats leave to bee absent. But insteade of a letter of leave I received a letter of absolute prohibition, and by the same letter I was comanded to remaine under the same confynement that I was in the tyme of your Mats roiall father, the which allthough it were none but that I had bene by his late Matie sett free, yet could I by noe industrie gett the saide mistake cleared, although I wrote often unto my Lord Conwaye abowt it, and sent him upp the dispatches by which I had bene sett free. Such hath bene and is my misfortune that aney mistake or wronge information concerninge mee cannot possiblye be cleered, unlesse your Matie owt of your owne justice and pyetie shalbee pleased to apointe mee the meanes of my informinge yow of the trueth.
Uppon this your Mats letter with all readinesse and withowt replye I forbore cominge unto the Parliament. Yet withowt aney kinde of provocation I was againe fallen uppon in the parliament at Oxford, as one that had cooperated with the Conde of Ollyvarres in abusinge of his late Matie and the State; yett thereuppon never complained nor styrred but beinge desirous to die privately in peace, I remained in the countrye three quarters of a yeare withowt ever wrightinge or petitoninge, although my places were in the interim de facto taken awaye and my cheife meanes of lievinge stopped (untyll uppon the occasion of your Mats happie coronation, a tyme when princes use to doe acts of pyetie and grace). In the moste dutyfull and submissive manner that I was able, I became and (sic) humble suitor unto your Matie that I might in some measure perticipate of your grace at that tyme, as well as the rest of your Mats subjects. But in answeare thereunto I receaved a letter from your Matie by the conveyance of my Lord Duke of Buckingham, which I must confesse freely unto your Matie hath bene the greatest hearte breakinge unto mee of all the crosses that have bene fallen (sic) mee, espetyallie to see the coppies of the saide letter industriouslye dyvullged over the kingdome. And this after soe gratious a message as I had before received from your Matie uppon the occasion of great sicknesse.
But this my greiffe was seconded presently by the deteyninge of my writt of parlyament as though I had bene a person allreadye convicted of treason. Notwithstandinge, I am most assured I had comytted noe newe offence since the tyme that my former writts both in his late Mats and in your Mats tyme had bene sent unto mee, and the least intymation of your Mats pleasure should have kept mee from parlyament as in former tymes.
Hereuppon I first wrote unto my Lord Keeper intreating him to become an humble suitor unto your Matie on my behalfe, but received answeare that he cowld not send my writt havinge particular order to deteyne it. I then became an humble suitor unto the Lordes of the parlyament by waye of beseechinge them to bee mediators for mee unto your Matie. And thereuppon your Matie beinge pleased to awarde mee my writt, yet I was at the same tyme represented unto the howsse as a person not worthie to sett there. And thereuppon occasion taken of readinge your Mats above mentoned letter as a grownd for a future accusation of treason.
When I received your Mats writt it was accompanied with a letter from my Lord Keeper to forbeare cominge unto the parlyament, the which although I conceived not to bee suffycient dischardge in that behalfe, yet I obeyed his pryvate directions and sent up my proxie, and remained in the countrye untyll by particuler order I was brought upp by Mr Maxwell as a prisoner. Presently uppon my arryvall I petitioned your Matie by my sonne that your Matie would bee pleased to heare mee, and not suffer a cawse of that nature to come to bee publicquely discussed in parlyament. But I received answeare by a letter from my Lord Conway in your Mats name that which I had to saye I showld delyver it in the upper howsse of parliament.
The next daye I was brought as a delinquent to the parliament barr, and there mett with an accusation of treason and the stile of a traitor, an attribute too lytle expected and to lytle deserved that I cannott but confesse that name joyned to my naturall inclination moved some passion in mee. But I must confesse that I was never less ashamed of any passion, ffor the hearte which shall not be warmed with an undeserved accusation of disloyaltye and treason cannot but bee voyde of all honor and honestye.
After that I cawsed my wyfe to cast hir selfe at your Mats ffeete, but was againe wholly remytted to speake what I had to saie in parlyament. Whereuppon I made a solemne protestation in parlyament that ffor the saveinge of my life or fortunes I would not contest whereby to incurr your Mats displeasure.
But in case wherein the honor of my selfe, my familye and posterytie was to bee stayned with the perpetuall infamie of treason and disloyaltie, I hoped your Matie would not bee displeased if by necessetye I showld bee inforced thereunto, that by the best meanes I cowld I defended my owne innocencie. And to this ende I used all the meanes I cowld onlye that the name of a traytor and traitorouslye might bee putt owt of Mr Atourneys chardge, and to that effect I moved Mr Atourney publicquely in parlyament. But contrary to my expectation my saide motion was rejected, soe that noe industrie cowld soe much as remove from mee that infamous undeserved stile of traytor. Yet styll indeavouringe to compfort my selfe with the least hope of your Mats grace and goodnes, I desyred to laye holde thereof by suinge forth your Mats gennerall pardon granted at your coronation (which was not at the same tyme denyed to divers of my owne servants yett held back ffrom mee). Whereuppon I petitioned my Lord Keeper to become a suitor ffor mee unto your Matle in that behalfe, but received answeare from him that he had expresse order not to suffer aney pardon for mee to passe, although I must confesse I never pretended it for other ende but only as an act of humiliation and castinge my selfe upon your Mats grace and goodnes. Soe that I doe now with all reverence and humillitie offer to your Mats pyous and just consideration what other coursse was lefte unto mee (beeinge Mr Atourney on the one syde would styll prosecute mee as a traitor with all extremitie, and on the other syde noe hope of grace would bee given mee), but next under Gods hollye protection to applie my selfe in my great distresse to a constant defence of my innocencie, the which although I was forced to doe with more directions then I cowld have wished, yet was it with all dutye and reverence to your Matle and with reservation and keepinge silent of many things (which highly imported my defence), becawse I judged that the dyvullginge of them might bee to your Mats disservice. And hereof Mr Atourney, by what I have since said unto him, I am confident will beare mee wyttnes that in my answeare in parlyament I was very reserved in respect of that which I had bene able to saie in my justification. I shall now therefore moste humbly beseech your Matie to looke with the eyes of justice and comisseration uppon the heard [hard] and unfortunat estate I was inforced into, howe if I showld have made a weake defence of myne innocencie I showld have bene condempned to have lost my life and estate with infamie to my selfe and posterytie, and by defendinge my selfe and posterytie, and by defendinge my selfe only with that truth and constancy that befytted a good Christian and a man of honnor (withowt the leaste reproofe from the howsse of peeres soe zealous of your Mats honnor in all things), that I would not have lett the leaste slypp in that kinde to have passed by unpunished. Yett I have bene to unhappie as to have things in such sorte to bee represented unto your Matie, as through your Mats displeasure I have loste my libertie all almoste but life that is moste dear to mee, and to have remained 5 months in the Tower, the greatest part thereof a close prisoner, withowt ever havinge bene examined before my saide comittment or since, or heard to speake or explaine my selfe in any thinge that hath bene objected against mee. Soe that I must crave leave to conclude this letter as I begunn, beseechinge your Matie for your princely promyse sake and for justice sake that I may bee heard and not suffer further through your Mats displeasure, which is heavyer unto mee than aney censure eyther of losse of libertie or my fortunes, [I] most humblye submitt to your Matie only in pointe of your displeasure since I had the happines to be admytted soe neere unto your person. I beseech yow, that may be suspended to heare mee in my defence as others to my prejudice. And then I shall not doubte the inclination of your Mats juste and Royall hearte, beinge soe well knowne unto mee, but that my unfortunate case will seeme unto your Matie capable both of your grace and comisseration, since I take God to recorde I was ever most faythfull in all my ymployments both to his late Matie and to your Matie. And in my defence in parlyament I was inforced unto all I said, haveinge omitted nothinge that was possible for mee to doe for the keepinge of things from those extremities. And if at any tyme I speake with overmuch passion, it was when the fowle name of a traytor had overheated a loyall heart. And therefore I houpe I shall the easyer obtaine your Mats gratious remission."—Undated. 6 pp. (253. 9.)


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