Original Documents: Edward I Parliaments, Roll 5

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

'Original Documents: Edward I Parliaments, Roll 5', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/roll-5 [accessed 14 April 2024]

Roll 5

Roll 5 (SC 9/5)

Roll 5 consists of ten membranes. Most are between 675 and 749 mm. in length but m. 9 is only 405 mm. long and m. 2 is as much as 770 mm. in length. The first seven membranes are of an almost uniform width: 216 mm. in the case of mm. 1-3, 217 mm. in the case of mm. 4-5, while the other membranes vary in width between 198 mm. and 215 mm. (fn. roll05-foot-1) All are written in a neat, official hand. The roll is generally in good condition, but there are gall stains towards the bottom of the dorse of membrane 4 and on the dorse of membrane 5. There is a modern cover sewn to the foot of membrane 4 and the remains of an older cover with a parchment strip to tie it sewn to the foot of membrane 3 with various illegible identifications written on it. At the foot of m. 3d is a later note identifying the membrane as from a parliament held at London in 20 Edward I while at the foot of membrane 10d is a more cautious note in a later hand identifying the roll as from the parliament of 20 Edward I. The roll is sewn exchequer-style with two thongs tied through two holes in the parchment but other holes are also visible just inside and below these on mm. 1-5. The membranes are numbered at the foot of the membrane in ink in Roman numerals, but those on mm. 1 and 2 are in a contemporary hand and the others in a later hand. Membrane 4 also has a modern number in pencil. Membrane 5 does not appear to be numbered but a gap has been left for it in the sequence.

There is writing on the face and the dorse of mm. 1-5; on the face only of mm. 6-10. The language of the roll is Latin throughout. The heading of the first membrane ascribes its contents to the London parliament of the morrow of the Epiphany in king Edward's twentieth regnal year, (fn. roll05-foot-2) and the single plea recorded on the face of that membrane continues on to mm. 1d, 2, 2d and 3, which suggests that the two succeeding membranes belong to the same date.

Richardson and Sayles observe that the roll is a composite one, with material from three different sessions of parliament or of the king's council: a first section (mm. 1-5) of pleas and memoranda from the Epiphany parliament of 1292; a second section (mm. 6, 7 and 9) that appears to be connected with the Easter parliament of 1293; a third section (m. 8) of proceedings before the council on 3 May 1292 but whose connection with parliament is uncertain; a fourth section (m. 10) of two entries only, of which one records proceedings which were initiated at Norham on 25 May 1291 but which were continued at the Epiphany parliament of 1292 (fn. roll05-foot-3) and which they suggest was probably prepared for that parliament. (fn. roll05-foot-4)

A re-consideration of the roll suggests the following, different, conclusions:

i) mm. 1-5 do indeed belong to the Hilary parliament of 1292

ii) m. 6 belongs mainly to the Michaelmas parliament of 1292 (and not, as Richardson and Sayles suggest to the Easter parliament of 1293). This membrane (which is written only on the face) consists of four entries. There is internal evidence in the first assigning it to this parliament. (fn. roll05-foot-5) The same matter was indeed subsequently raised at the Easter parliament of 1293, (fn. roll05-foot-6) but the enrolment from that parliament records matter not contained in this enrolment and specifically assigned and dated to it and there seems no reason to doubt that this enrolment represents a record of the prior decision made at the Michaelmas parliament. The following three related entries (fn. roll05-foot-7) are all responses to queries from the justices of the Cumberland eyre held in November and December 1292 and the first of them can be shown to have been received by those justices in the course of their eyre. (fn. roll05-foot-8) The remaining entry, however, (fn. roll05-foot-9) seems from internal evidence quite unmistakeably to belong to the Easter parliament of 1291 and there is no obvious explanation for its appearance on a membrane otherwise recording material from a later parliament.

iii) mm. 7 and 8 both record business done at the meeting of the king's council at Easter 1292. Membrane 7 contains only a single item of business relating to the disputes between the citizens of London and the merchants of Gascony and is dated by its own internal evidence to mid-April 1292. Richardson and Sayles assign this membrane to Easter 1293 on the grounds of its connection with the related enrolment on Roll 6, (fn. roll05-foot-10) but that enrolment clearly records a later stage in the business and provides no good reason for disregarding the direct internal evidence of this enrolment. Membrane 8 contains two related agreements both connected with a later stage of the same council meeting and specifically dated 3 May 1292. (fn. roll05-foot-11)

iv) membrane 9 records business done in advance of (and in connection with) the Easter parliament of 1293, though it seems dubious whether it should be regarded as a record of that parliament itself. No. 41 records the names of mainpernors of the masters of ships required to appear at that session of parliament; no. 42 records an adjournment of the performance of homage to that same session; no. 43 also record a mainprize but does not reveal its purpose though is also perhaps for an appearance at that same parliament

v) membrane 10 records business done at the Easter parliament of 1291 (and not, as Richardson and Sayles suggest, the Epiphany parliament of 1292). The membrane contains two entries. The first (recording a dower claim to the manor of Wickhambreux) (fn. roll05-foot-12) can be dated with reasonable certainty to this parliament because William de Braose's lands had only been seized into the king's hands after his death in January 1291, (fn. roll05-foot-13) and the case as pleaded before the council (and as here recorded) was removed into King's Bench during Easter term 1291 by Gilbert of Rothbury carrying the record into that court. (fn. roll05-foot-14) The second entry is dated by its own internal evidence to the same parliament, (fn. roll05-foot-15) and the fact that the case was subsequently continued at the 1292 Epiphany parliament (fn. roll05-foot-16) seems no good reason to assign this enrolment (as do Richardson and Sayles) to that later parliament.

The business recorded on this roll is heterogeneous in nature. It includes three examples of inter-party litigation, though in two of the three cases there is an obvious royal interest (and one of these also involves an alleged breach of a prohibition issued in parliament); (fn. roll05-foot-17) and three examples of trials initiated at the king's suit. (fn. roll05-foot-18) Many of the entries summarise private petitions and the responses made to them: asking for the restoration of property or a hundred which were or had been in the king's hands; (fn. roll05-foot-19) seeking exoneration from the unjustified demand of a pension for a royal clerk on the election of an abbot; (fn. roll05-foot-20) asking for redress for wrongs done by the bailiffs of the late queen Eleanor and to be allowed to claim an inheritance and utilise a papal bull relating to the alleged illegitimacy of an opponent; (fn. roll05-foot-21) seeking royal intervention in litigation pending before the Common Bench to secure that judgment was given in the case or that judgment was given on an exception that should have been recorded but had not been; (fn. roll05-foot-22) asking for the king to pass judgment on the charters of himself or his ancestors; (fn. roll05-foot-23) apparently complaining about judgments given before auditores querelarum. (fn. roll05-foot-24) A further enrolment records the appointment of groups of commissioners to deal with multiple petitions relating to various debts claimed against the king; (fn. roll05-foot-25) while an individual petition probably also lies behind the order for chancery enrolment of the bulls and privileges of Marmoutier. (fn. roll05-foot-26) A third group of entries, as already noted, record conciliar responses to requests for advice from the justices of the 1292 Cumberland eyre. (fn. roll05-foot-27) The first of these responses took the form of what seems to have been intended to be general legislation and there are also several other examples of statutes, ordinances and regulations on the roll. (fn. roll05-foot-28) There are a small group of entries recording the peace-making activities of the king and council; (fn. roll05-foot-29) individual entries relating to the taxation of amercements by the council; (fn. roll05-foot-30) a note relating to the appointment of justices for the gaol delivery of a specific prisoner; (fn. roll05-foot-31) and notes of mainprises and adjournments. (fn. roll05-foot-32)

As Richardson and Sayles note, the roll seems already to have been in its present form and order by the time the Vetus Codex was copied, and material from it is to be found on ff. 27-40 of that volume. The copyist designated the heterogeneous material it contained as belonging to 'parliamentum iij'. It was printed from that later copy by Ryley in Placita Parliamentaria at pp. 74-113. The editors of RP went back to the original roll for their edition and it is printed in volume I at pp. 70-90.

Text and translation



[p. i-70]
[col. a]
[memb. 1]
DE PARLIAMENTO APUD LONDON' IN CRASTINO EPIPHANIE DOMINI ANNO REGIS EDWARDI XX ^mo .	FROM THE PARLIAMENT AT LONDON ON THE MORROW OF THE EPIPHANY OF THE LORD IN THE TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD.
Magnum placitum inter comites Glouc' et Herf' apud Bergeveny.	[Proceedings on the complaint of the earl of Hereford against the earl of Gloucester and others, alleging the armed invasion of his land of Brecon, and on an information of an armed attack against the men of the earl of Gloucester by the men of the earl of Hereford].
[editorial note: There are no numbers on the roll. The numbers in brackets are from the 1783 edition of the RP , while the others have been assigned by the current editors. ] 1 (1). Quia dominus rex, ex querela Humfridi de Bohun, comitis Hereford' et Essex', intellexit quod Gilbertus de Clare, comes Glouc' et [Hertford'] , Johannes de Crepping', Willelmus de Valers, Ricardus le Flemyng', et Stephanus de Cappenore, et alii homines ejusdem comitis [Glouc' de] Morgannou, terram prefati comitis Hereford' de Brekennouk' vi et armis ingressi, homicidia, depredaciones tam infra ecclesias quam extra, incendia, et alia enormia prefato comiti Hereford' et hominibus suis in terra predicta de Brekennouk' fecerunt, contra pacem etc. post inhibicionem etc., idem dominus rex inde remedium, prout decet, fieri volens, assignavit Willelmum Eliensem episcopum, Willelmum de Valencia avunculum suum, Johannem de Metingham, et Robertum de Hertford', ad querelas predicti comitis Hereford' et hominum suorum de omnibus transgressionibus, injuriis, et excessibus eis per prefatum comitem Glouc' et prefatos Johannem de Crepping', Willelmum de Valers, Ricardum, et Stephanum, et alios homines ejusdem comitis Glouc' factis in terra predicta de Brekennouk' post inhibicionem domini regis eidem comiti Glouc' factam, ne prefato comiti Hereford', aut hominibus suis, molestiam, injuriam, aut gravamen inferret, videlicet, post octo dies ante Purificacionem Beate Marie anno regni domini regis nunc decimooctavo, et responsiones ejusdem comitis Glouc' et hominum suorum super eisdem audiendas, exceptis transgressionibus, injuriis, et excessibus, factis ante tempus predictum, de quibus placitum inter partes predictas per breve domini regis in curia sua pendet coram eo, quod quidem placitum dominus rex sibi vult reservari, et ad inquirendum per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatibus Hereford', Kermerdyn, et Kardygan, et de partibus Gouer, Kedwelli, Ewyas, et Gromund, per quos rei veritas melius etc., de transgressionibus etc. plenius veritatem.	1 (1). The great plea between the earls of Gloucester and Hereford at Abergavenny. Because the lord king understood from the complaint of Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex, that Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard Fleming, and Stephen de Cappenore, with other men of the same earl of Gloucester from Glamorgan, had entered the aforesaid earl of Hereford's land of Brecon with force and arms, and committed homicides, robberies, both within churches and elsewhere, arson, and other outrages against the aforesaid earl of Hereford and his men in the aforesaid land of Brecon, against the peace etc. after the prohibition etc., the same lord king, wishing a fitting remedy to be provided for this, assigned William bishop of Ely, William de Valence his uncle, John of Mettingham and Robert of Hartforth, to hear the complaints of the aforesaid earl of Hereford and his men concerning all trespasses, wrongs and outrages perpetrated against them by the aforesaid earl of Gloucester and the aforesaid John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard, and Stephen, and by other men of the same earl of Gloucester, in the aforesaid land of Brecon, after the lord king's prohibition issued to the same earl of Gloucester, instructing him not to inflict any annoyance, wrong or nuisance on the aforesaid earl of Hereford or his men - that is, after eight days before the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the present lord king - and the answers of the same earl of Gloucester and his men to these, with the exception of any trespasses, wrongs and outrages perpetrated before the aforesaid time, concerning which a plea is pending between the aforesaid parties by a writ of the lord king in his court before him, which plea the lord king wishes to be reserved for him, and to enquire more fully into the truth of the trespasses etc., through the oath of upright and law-worthy men of the counties of Herefordshire, Carmarthen and Cardigan, and from the regions of Gower, Kidwelly, Ewyas and Grosmont, by whom the truth of the matter may best etc.
Propter quod dominus rex prefatis episcopo, Willelmo de Valencia, Johanni de Metingham, et Roberto, mandavit per litteras suas patentes, quod ad certos diem et locum etc. premissa faciant [sic: read 'facerent'] in forma predicta; et de eo quod inde invenerint ipsum regem a die Pasche in .xv. dies, ubicunque tunc fuerit etc., distincte et aperte reddant cerciorem, ut ex tunc inde fieri faciat quod de consilio suo duxerit ordinandum.	On account of which the lord king commanded the aforesaid bishop, William de Valence, John of Mettingham and Robert by his letters patent to do the aforesaid in the aforementioned form on a certain day and at a certain place etc.; and to inform the same king, clearly and plainly, of what they find on the matter at the quinzaine of Easter, wherever he then is etc., so that he may thereafter have done on the matter what with the advice of his council he sees fit to ordain.
Mandavit enim dominus rex vicecomiti suo Berk' quod scire faciat [sic: read 'faceret'] prefato comiti Glouc'. Et similiter mandavit dilecto et fideli suo Roberto de Typetot, justiciario suo Westwallie, quod scire faciat [sic: read 'faceret'] prefatis Johanni de Crepping', Willelmo de Valers, Ricardo, et Stephano, quod ad certos diem et locum, quos prefati episcopus, Willelmus de Valencia, Johannes de Metingham, et Robertus de Hertford', eisdem vicecomiti Berk' et Roberto de Typetot scire facerent, coram eis sint, si sibi viderint [sic: read 'vidissent'] expedire.	The lord king also commanded his sheriff of Berkshire to inform the aforesaid earl of Gloucester. And he likewise commanded his beloved and faithful Robert de Tibetot, his justice of West Wales, to inform the aforesaid John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard, and Stephen, that, on a certain day and at a certain place, of which the aforesaid bishop, William de Valence, John of Mettingham and Robert of Hartforth would inform the same sheriff of Berkshire and Robert de Tibetot, they should appear before them, if they think this will help them.
Mandavit insuper rex vicecomiti suo predicti comitatus Hereford', et predicto justiciario suo Westwallie, necnon et ballivis Galfridi de Genevile, et Theobaldi de Verdun de Ewyas, et ballivis Edmundi fratris sui de Gromund', quod ad certos diem et locum, quos predicti justiciarii domini regis eis scire facerent, venire facerent coram eis tot et tales probos et legales homines, per quos rei veritas in premissis melius sciri poterit et inquiri.	Moreover the king commanded his sheriff of the aforesaid county of Herefordshire and his aforesaid justice of West Wales, and also the bailiffs of Geoffrey de Joinville and of Theobald de Verdun of Ewyas, and his brother Edmund's bailiffs from Grosmont, to produce before them on a certain day and at a certain place, of which the lord king's aforesaid justices would inform them, as many and such upright and law-worthy men by whom the truth of the aforesaid matter might best be investigated and known.
Unde preceptum fuit vicecomiti Berk' quod scire faceret prefato comiti Glouc' quod esset apud Stratuwelly in [col. b] terra de Brennouk', prima die lune Quadragesime, videlicet in festo Sancti Gregorii, anno regni regis nunc decimonono. Et similiter mandatum fuit Roberto de Typetot, justiciario Westwallie, quod scire faceret prefato Johanni de Crepping', Willelmo de Valers, Ricardo, et Stephano quod tunc essent ibi ad eundem diem, si sibi vidissent expedire.	Whence the sheriff of Berkshire was commanded to instruct the aforesaid earl of Gloucester to be at Ystradveltey in [col. b] the land of Brecon on the first Monday of Lent, that is, on the feast of St Gregory, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the present king. And likewise Robert de Tibetot, the justice of West Wales, was commanded to instruct the aforesaid John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard, and Stephen to be there on the same day, if they thought this would help them.
Mandatum fuit insuper vicecomiti Hereford', et predicto justiciario Westwall', necnon et ballivis Galfridi de Genevyle, et Theobaldi de Verdun de Ewyas, et ballivis Edmundi fratris domini regis de Gromund', quod venire facerent ad prefatum terminum tot et tales etc., per quos etc.	Moreover the sheriff of Hereford, and the aforesaid justice of West Wales, and also the bailiffs of Geoffrey de Joinville, and Theobald de Verdun of Ewyas, and the king's brother Edmund's bailiffs of Grosmont, were commanded to produce at the aforesaid term as many and such etc. by whom etc.
Preterea, dominus rex, animadvertens postea quod transgressiones et injurie predicte, si sint facte post inhibicionem factam predicto comiti Glouc' ne prefato comiti Hereford' aut hominibus suis molestiam, injuriam, aut gravamen inferret, sicut plenius predictum est, per non prosecucionem utriusque eorundem comitum, vel collusionem inter eos factam, < forsitan > remanere possit [sic: read 'possint'] impunite, idem dominus rex, per alias litteras suas patentes, mandavit prefato episcopo et sociis suis quod, licet contigeret [sic: read 'contingeret'] prefatos comites, vel eorum alterum, a prosecucione seu defensione negocii predicti se subtrahere velle, tamen quod, si quid inde factum esset vel attemptatum in prejudicium seu contemptum vel eciam lesionem corone sue et dignitatis regie, vel contra pacem etc. post inhibicionem suam predicto comiti Glouc', post tempus superius dictum, pro statu et jure regis per predictum episcopum et socios suos inde rei veritas inquireretur.	Furthermore, the lord king afterwards, considering that any of the aforesaid trespasses and wrongs perpetrated after the prohibition had been issued to the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, instructing him not to inflict any annoyance, wrong or nuisance on the aforesaid earl of Hereford or his men, as has been more fully stated above, might perhaps remain unpunished through non-prosecution by either of the same earls, or through collusion between them, the same lord king, by other letters patent of his, commanded the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues that, even if it should happen that the aforesaid earls, or either of them, should wish to withdraw from the prosecution or defence of the aforesaid matter, nevertheless if anything had been done or attempted in this matter in prejudice or contempt or even harm to his crown and royal dignity or against the peace etc. after his prohibition to the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, after the time mentioned above, the truth of the matter should be enquired into by the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, for the king's estate and right.
Et ideo eis mandavit quod, per sacramentum tam magnatum quam aliorum proborum et legalium hominum de partibus Wallie et comitatibus Glouc' et Hereford', per quos rei veritas melius sciri posset, cujuscunque condicionis fuerint, ita quod nulli parceretur in hac parte, eo quod res [ista] dominum regem et coronam et dignitatem suam [tangit] , super premissis plenius inquirerent veritatem.	And therefore he commanded them that, since this matter touches the lord king and his crown and dignity, they should more fully enquire into the truth of the above through the oath both of magnates and of other upright and law-worthy men from Wales and from the counties of Gloucester and Hereford, of whatever condition, by whom the truth of the matter might best be known, sparing no one in this matter.
Mandavit enin [sic: read 'enim'] dominus rex, per litteras suas, dilectis et fidelibus Johanni de Hasting', Johanni filio Reginaldi, Edmundo de Mortuo Mari, Rogero de Mortuo Mari, Theobaldo de Verdun, Johanni Tregoz, Willelmo de Breuse, Galfrido de Caumville, et Rogero de Pycheworthe, quod, prima die lune Quadragesime, coram prefato episcopo et sociis suis intersint apud Brakennouk'; et similiter senescallis eorundem de < terris suis > in Wallia, et senescallis Edmundi fratris regis de Monemuth' et de terra de Gromund, Skenfrith', et Albo Castello, et senescallo de Kyrkehowel', et vicecomitibus Glouc' et Hereford', quod quilibet eorum venire faceret coram prefato episcopo et sociis < suis > , ad prefatum terminum, viginti et quatuor tam milites quam alios de balliva sua, ad faciendum quod idem episcopus et socii sui eis ex parte domini regis super premissis injungent; et de eo quod idem episcopus et socii sui inde invenerint dominum regem a die Pasche in .xv. dies, ubicunque etc., distincte et aperte reddant [sic: read 'redderent'] cerciorem.	The lord king also through his letters commanded his beloved and faithful John de Hastings, John FitzReginald, Edmund de Mortimer, Roger de Mortimer, Theobald de Verdun, John Tregoz, William de Braose, Geoffrey de Camville, and Roger de Pycheworth to appear at Brecon on the first Monday of Lent, before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues; and likewise he commanded their stewards of their lands in Wales, and the stewards of the king's brother Edmund of Monmouth and of the land of Grosmont, Skenfrith, and White Castle, and the steward of Crickhowell, and the sheriffs of Gloucestershire and Herefordshire, that each of them should produce before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, at the aforesaid term, twenty-four men, both knights and others of their bailiwick, to do what the same bishop and his colleagues should instruct them to do in the aforesaid matters, on behalf of the lord king; and the same bishop and his colleagues should clearly and plainly inform the lord king of what they find on the matter at the quinzaine of Easter, wherever etc.
Postea, prima die lune Quadragesime, apud Brekennouk', coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis, bene tempestive venerunt Johannes de Hasting', Johannes filius Reginaldi, Rogerus de Mortuo Mari, Theobaldus de Verdun, Johannes Tregoz, et Galfridus de Camville, et similiter juratores de terra Edmundi fratris regis, et eciam de balliva Roberti de Typetot de Westwallia, [p. i-71][col. a] et de terra Johannis filii Reginaldi in Wallia, Theobaldi de Verdun, et de comitatibus Hereford' et Glouc', quibus dies datus est die mercurii proximo venturo apud Laundou, ad faciendum quod prefatus episcopus et socii sui eis injungent.	Afterwards, on the first Monday of Lent, at Brecon, John de Hastings, John FitzReginald, Roger de Mortimer, Theobald de Verdun, John Tregoz, and Geoffrey de Camville appeared before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues in good time, and likewise the jurors from the land of the king's brother Edmund, and also from Robert de Tibetot's bailiwick of West Wales, [p. i-71][col. a] and from John FitzReginald's land in Wales, from Theobald de Verdun's land and from the counties of Herefordshire and Gloucestershire, to whom a day was given on the following Wednesday at Llanthew, to do what the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues instructed them to do.
Et sciendum quod idem episcopus et socii sui, in continenti [sic: read 'incontinenti'] , eodem die lune post hec facta, accesserunt apud Strathuethly, ita quod ibidem venerunt circa horam terciam; et comes Herford' ibidem venit; et comes Glouc', Johannes de Crepping', Willelmus de Valers, Ricardus le Flemyng, et Stephanus de Cappenore, non < veniunt [sic: read 'venerunt'] > .	And be it known that the same bishop and his colleagues immediately, on the same Monday after this had been done, travelled to Ystradveltey, so that they arrived there at about the third hour; and the earl of Hereford appeared there; but the earl of Gloucester, John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard Fleming, and Stephen de Cappenore did not appear.
Et vicecomes Berk', cui mandatum fuit quod scire faceret eidem comiti Glouc' quod esset hic, scilicet apud Strethuethly, ad hunc diem, si sibi vidisset expedire, mandavit quod scire fecit eidem comiti etc. Et similiter Robertus [sic: read 'Roberto'] Typetot, justiciarius Westwallie, mandavit quod scire fecit predictis Johanni de Creppingg', Willelmo de Valers, Ricardo, et Stephano quod essent hic ad hunc diem, si sibi vidissent expedire.	And the sheriff of Berkshire, who had been commanded to instruct the same earl of Gloucester to be there, that is at Ystradveltey, on that day, if he thought it would help him, reported that he had instructed the same earl etc. And likewise Robert de Tibetot, justice of West Wales, reported that he had instructed the aforesaid John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard, and Stephen to be here on that day, if they thought it would help them.
Ideo datus est dies prefato comiti Hereford' predicto die mercurii apud Landou etc. Et quia comes Glouc', Johannes de Crepping', et alii non veniunt, et premuniti sunt, sicut superius testatum est, ideo procedat inquisicio < juxta > mandatum domini regis etc. set ponitur in respectum usque ad predictum diem mercurii apud Landou, ubi juratores adjornati sunt.	Therefore the aforesaid earl of Hereford was adjourned to the aforesaid Wednesday at Llanthew etc. And because the earl of Gloucester, John of Crepping, and the others did not appear, and had been warned, as is attested above, therefore the enquiry is to proceed in accordance with the lord king's command etc., but it is respited until next Wednesday at Llanthew, to which the jurors are adjourned.
Postea apud Landou, predicto die mercurii, comes Hereford' venit, et similiter Johannes de Hasting', Johannes filius Reginaldi, Edmundus de Mortuo Mari, Rogerus de Mortuo Mari, Theobaldus de Verdun, Johannes Tregoz, et Galfridus de Caumville, et similiter juratores predicti venerunt etc.	Afterwards at Llanthew, on the aforesaid Wednesday, the earl of Hereford appeared, and likewise John de Hastings, John FitzReginald, Edmund de Mortimer, Roger de Mortimer, Theobald de Verdun, John Tregoz, and Geoffrey de Camville, and likewise the aforesaid jurors appeared etc.
Et predictus comes Herford' queritur quod predicti comes Glouc', Johannes de Crepping', Willelmus de Valers, Ricardus, et Stephanus, et alii homines ejusdem comitis Glouc' de Morgannou, terram ipsius comitis Hereford' de Brakennouk' vi et armis pluries invaserunt, homicidia, depredaciones tam infra ecclesias quam extra, incendia, et alia enormia eidem comiti Hereford' et hominibus suis in predicta terra de Brakennok' inferrentes, contra pacem et inhibicionem etc. Propter quod instanter petit quod ad inquirendum veritatem in premissis secundum mandatum regium procedatur.	And the aforesaid earl of Hereford makes complaint that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, John of Crepping, William de Valers, Richard, and Stephen, and other men of the same earl of Gloucester from Glamorgan, several times invaded the same earl of Hereford's land of Brecon with force and arms, committing homicides, robberies both within churches and elsewhere, arson and other outrages against the same earl of Hereford and his men in the aforesaid land of Brecon, against the peace and the prohibition etc. On account of which he immediately requests that they should proceed to enquire into the truth of the aforesaid in accordance with the royal command.
Et quia dominus rex per litteras suas patentes mandavit justiciariis suis hic, quod licet contingeret prefatos comites, vel eorum alterum, a pro secucione [sic: read 'prosecucione'] seu defensione negocii predicti se subtrahere, voluit idem dominus rex, pro statu et jure suo, per ipsos justiciarios quod inde rei veritas inquiretur, per sacramentum tam magnatum quam aliorum proborum et legalium hominum de partibus Wallie et comitatibus Glouc' et Hereford', per quos rei veritas etc., cujuscumque condicionis fuissent, ita quod nulli parceretur in hac parte, eo quod res ista dominum regem et coronam et dignitatem suam tangit, ac modo ita est quod predictus comes Glouc' ad defensionem istius querele non venit, dictum est, ex parte domini regis, Johanni de Hasting', et omnibus aliis magnatibus supranominatis, quod pro statu et jure regis, et pro conservacione dignitatis corone et pacis sue, apponant manum ad librum ad faciendum id quod eis ex parte domini regis injungetur.	And because the lord king by his letters patent had commanded his justices here that, although it should happen that the aforesaid earls, or either of them, should withdraw from the prosecution or defence of the aforesaid matter, the same lord king, for his estate and right, wished the truth of the matter to be enquired into by the same justices, through the oath both of magnates and of other upright and law-worthy men, of whatever condition, from the land of Wales and the counties of Gloucestershire and Herefordshire, by whom the truth etc., sparing no-one in this matter, because this business touches the lord king and his crown and dignity, and as it is now the case that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester does not appear in defence of this complaint, John de Hastings and all the other magnates named above are told, on the lord king's behalf, for the king's estate and right, and for the preservation of the dignity of his crown and of his peace, to put their hand on the Bible to do what they will be instructed to do on the lord king's behalf.
Qui omnes unanimiter respondent quod inauditum est quod ipsi vel eorum antecessores hactenus in hujusmodi casu ad prestandum sacramentum aliquod coacti fuerunt. Dicunt eciam quod nuncquam consimile mandatum regium venit in partibus istis, nisi tantum quod res tangentes marchiam istam deducte fuissent secundum usus et consuetudines parcium istarum.	They all reply unanimously that it was previously unheard of for them or their ancestors to be forced to take any oath in a case of this kind. They also say that no similar royal command had ever come into those parts, but that matters touching that march were dealt with in accordance with the usages and customs of those parts.
[col. b]
Et licet prefatis Johanni et aliis magnatibus expositum fuisset quod nullus in hac parte potest habere marchiam domino regi [sic] qui, pro communi utilitate, per prerogativam suam in multis casibus est supra leges et consuetudines in regno suo usitatas, ac pluries eisdem magnatibus ex parte ipsius regis, conjunctim et separatim, libro que [sic: read 'libroque'] eis porrecto, injunctum est, quod faciant sacramentum, responderunt demum omnes singillatim quod nichil inde facerent sine consideracione parium suorum.	And although it was explained to the aforesaid John and other magnates that no-one in this matter may enjoy marcher privilege against the lord king who, for the common good, is in many cases through his prerogative above the laws and customs in use in his realm, and although the same magnates were often instructed on the same king's behalf, together and separately, with a Bible offered to them, to take the oath, finally they all replied individually that they would do nothing without the judgment of their peers.
Et sciendum quod Willelmus de Breuse non venit, quia non fuit premunitus, eo quod testatum est quod terre sue in Wallia adhuc sunt in manum domini regis. Et similiter Rogerus de Pycheworthe non venit, et testatum est quod < non > est in partibus istis aliquis qui tale cognomen gerat. Ideo nichil de eo, sive de jure terre ipsius. Set revera quidam Rogerus Pychard venit, de quo similiter nichil, quia videtur curie quod venit sine waranto etc. De Galfrido de Geneville testatum est quod nichil habet in Wallia nec habuit die quo brevia domini regis exierunt: feoffavit enim de hoc quod prius habuit quendam Petrum filium suum. De juratoribus terre Johannis de Hasting' de Bergeveny, testatur senescallus ejusdem Johannis quod nullum breve domini regis ei inde venit. Et licet de terra de Kyrkehowelle venerunt aliqui juratores, tamen de eis nichil, quia veniunt sine waranto. Testatur enim senescallus, qui presens est, quod nunquam aliquod breve domini regis inde recepit. Et de juratoribus terre Rogeri de Mortuo Mari in Wallia, nichil, quia testatum est quod idem Rogerus terram illam tenet de comite Herford'. Et < de > juratoribus de terra Edmundi de Mortuo Mari in Wallia, nichil, quia senescallus suus non porigit inde aliquod breve domini regis. Et preterea testatum est quod sunt valde longinqui. De terra Johannis Tregoz, neque de terra Galfridi de Caumville in Wallia, non venerunt juratores neque senescalli. Et preterea terra ipsius Galfridi est in comitatu de Kermerdyn, ubi justiciarius Westwallie de hujusmodi se intro- [editorial note: Respice in tergo.][memb. 1, dorse] mittit etc. Set de comitatibus Hereford' et Glouc' veniunt vicecomites et similiter tam milites quam alii liberi et legales homines de ballivis suis. Et de terra Edmundi fratris regis veniunt senescalli et juratores. Et de terris Johannis filii Reginaldi, Theobaldi de Verdun, et de balliva justiciarii Westwallie, veniunt juratores et ballivus ipsius justiciarii.	And be it known that William de Braose did not appear because he was not warned, as it is attested that his lands in Wales are still in the lord king's hand. And likewise Roger de Pycheworth did not appear, and it is attested that there is no-one in those parts who bears such a surname. So nothing is to be done in relation to him or in relation to his land. But a certain Roger Pychard appeared, about whom likewise nothing is to be done, because it seems to the court that he appeared without a warrant etc. Concerning Geoffrey de Joinville it is attested that he has no land in Wales, nor did he have on the day on which the lord king's writs were issued, for he has enfeoffed a certain Peter, his son, with what he previously owned. Concerning the jurors of the land of John de Hastings of Abergavenny, the same John's steward attests that no writ of the lord king came to him on the matter. And although some jurors came from the land of Crickhowell, nevertheless nothing is to be done in relation to them, because they come without a warrant. For the steward, who is present, attests that he never received any writ of the lord king on the matter. And as for the jurors from Roger de Mortimer's land in Wales, nothing, because it is attested that the same Roger holds that land from the earl of Hereford. And concerning the jurors from Edmund de Mortimer's land in Wales, nothing, because his steward did not produce any writ of the lord king on the matter and besides it is attested that they are very distant. No jurors or stewards appeared from the lands of John Tregoz or Geoffrey de Camville in Wales. And, furthermore, the same Geoffrey's land is in the county of Carmarthenshire, where the justice of West Wales deals with these [editorial note: See the dorse.][memb. 1, dorse] matters etc. But the sheriffs of the counties of Herefordshire and Gloucestershire appear, and likewise both knights and other free and law-worthy men from their bailiwicks. And from the land of Edmund, the king's brother, stewards and jurors appear. And from the lands of John FitzReginald and Theobald de Verdun, and from the bailiwick of the justice of West Wales, jurors and the same justice's bailiff appear.
Et injunctum est ex parte domini regis, [tam] vicecomitibus et senescallis et ballivis qui prefatos juratores hic venire faciunt ad hunc diem, in fide qua domino regi tenentur, quod eligant de validioribus et probioribus et legalioribus hominibus de ballivis suis, tam militibus quam aliis, neutri parti suspectis, per quos etc. Qui quidem vicecomites, senescalli, et ballivi concesserunt quod ita facient, et tales coram justiciariis hic in forma predicta fideliter, ut asserunt, presentabunt. Ideo procedat inquisicio.	And on the lord king's behalf both the sheriffs and the stewards and bailiffs who were to have the aforesaid jurors appear here on that day are instructed, on the fealty which they owe to the lord king, to choose from the most suitable, upright and law-worthy men of their bailiwicks, both knights and others, suspected by neither party, by whom etc. And these sheriffs, stewards and bailiffs have undertaken to do this, and that they will faithfully present such people before the justices here in the aforesaid form as they declare. Therefore let the enquiry proceed.
Et super hoc Theobaldus de Verdun calumpniat libertatem suam, quo ad hoc quod dicit quod homines de terra sua non debent hic jurare etc.	Whereupon Theobald de Verdun claims his liberty in this regard, that he says that the men of his land are not obliged to swear here etc.
Juratores dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Willelmus de Valers, Ricardus le Flemyng, et Stephanus de Cappenore, cum multitudine tam equitum tam peditum de hominibus comitis Glouc', exierunt de terra ipsius comitis de Morgannou, cum vexillo de armis ipsius comitis explicato, die veneris proxima post festum Purificationis Beate Marie, anno regni domini regis nunc decimooctavo, versus terram comitis Hereford' de Brakennouk', et ingressi fuerunt terram illam, per spacium duarum leucarum ultra locum ubi predictus comes Glouc' firmavit castellum de quo contencio est, et illam depredati fuerunt, et bona illa depredata usque in terram dicti comitis Glouc' adduxerunt [sic: read 'abduxerunt'] .	The jurors say on their oath that William de Valers, Richard Fleming and Stephen de Cappenore, with a crowd of the earl of Gloucester's men, both mounted and on foot, came out of the same earl's land of Glamorgan, with an unfurled banner bearing the arms of the same earl, on the Friday following the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the present lord king, towards the earl of Hereford's land of Brecon, and they entered that land for a distance of two leagues beyond the place where the aforesaid earl of Gloucester had built the castle which is in dispute, and they plundered it, and they carried off the plundered goods to the land of the said earl of Gloucester.
[p. i-72]
[col. a]
Dicunt eciam quod iidem Willelmus, Ricardus, et Stephanus, cum multis aliis tam equitibus quam peditibus de hominibus dicti comitis Glouc', cum predicto vexillo explicato, die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Barnabe Apostoli proximo sequens, intraverunt terram predicti comitis Hereford' de Brakennok' per spacium quinque leucarum, et terram illam depredati fuerunt, et bona sic depredata usque in terram dicti comitis Glouc' abduxerunt.	They also say that the same William, Richard and Stephen, with many other men of the said earl of Gloucester, both mounted and on foot, with the aforesaid banner unfurled, on the Monday before the feast of St Barnabas the Apostle following, entered the aforesaid earl of Hereford's land of Brecon for a distance of five leagues, and plundered that land, and carried off the goods plundered in this way to the land of the said earl of Gloucester.
Dicunt eciam quod iidem Willelmus, Ricardus, et Stephanus, simul cum multis aliis tam equitibus quam peditibus, cum predicto vexillo explicato, die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Andree Apostoli, anno regni regis decimo nono, terram predicti comitis de Hereford' de Braghennok' per spacium septem leucarum intraverunt, et illam depredati fuerunt, et bona sic depredata usque in terram dicti comitis Glouc' adduxerunt [sic: read 'abduxerunt'] .	They also say that the same William, Richard and Stephen, together with many others, both mounted and on foot, with the aforesaid banner unfurled, on the Monday before the feast of St Andrew the Apostle, in the nineteenth year of the king's reign, entered the aforesaid earl of Hereford's land of Brecon for a distance of seven leagues, and plundered it, and carried off the goods plundered in this way to the land of the said earl of Gloucester.
Dicunt eciam quod latrones et [eskectores] de terra de Morgannou per plures alias vices intraverunt predictam terram de Brakennok', et illam depredati fuerunt, et bona sic depredata usque in terram de Morgannou adduxerunt [sic: read 'abduxerunt'] . Set dicunt quod prefati Willelmus, Ricardus, et Stephanus, tunc non interfuerunt.	They also say that thieves and robbers from the land of Glamorgan entered the aforesaid land of Brecon on many other occasions and plundered it, and carried off the goods plundered in this way to the land of Glamorgan. But they say that on those occasions the aforesaid William, Richard and Stephen were not present.
Et, quesiti si predicti depredatores aliquos de hominibus predicti comitis Hereford' occiderunt, vel aliquas domos predictorum hominum combusserunt, sive aliquas ecclesias in terra predicti comitis Hereford' depredati fuerunt, dicunt quod predicti eskettores quandam domum in terra in Breghennok' apud Tyraph' combusserunt, et quandam ecclesiam que vocatur Pennyderyn fregerunt, et tam calicem quam ornamenta et alia bona quecunque ibidem inventa ceperunt et asportaverunt.	And, asked if the aforesaid plunderers killed any of the aforesaid earl of Hereford's men, or burnt any of the houses of the aforesaid men, or plundered any churches in the aforesaid earl of Hereford's land, they say that the aforesaid robbers burnt a certain house in the land of Brecon at Llandulas, and broke into a certain church which is called Penderyn, and took and carried off both the chalice and the ornaments and all other property which they found there.
Dicunt eciam quod tam predicti Willelmus, Ricardus et Stephanus, cum suis complicibus, quam predicti eskettores, plures de hominibus predicti comitis Hereford' interfecerunt infra terram de Breghennok', set de numero ignorant. [editorial note: Altered from 'ignoravit'.]	They also say that both the aforesaid William, Richard and Stephen with their accomplices, and the aforesaid robbers killed many of the aforesaid earl of Hereford's men within the land of Brecon, but that they do not know the number.
Dicunt eciam quod summa boum, vaccarum, et juvencarum, et hujusmodi generis averiorum depredatorum, est .mlxx.. Summa equorum, jumentorum, pullanorum depredatorum .l. De summa bidentum, porcorum, et caprarum, penitus ignorant.	They also say that the number of oxen, cows and heifers, and animals of this kind, stolen is 1070. The number of horses, mares and foals stolen, 50. As to the number of sheep, pigs and goats, they are entirely ignorant.
Quesiti si predicte depredaciones facte fuerunt ex precepto et scitu predicti comitis Glouc', et si aliqua bona depredata ad proficuum ejusdem comitis devenerunt, dicunt quod predictus comes Glouc' bene scivit de tribus depredacionibus factis cum vexillo explicato, et quod habuit terciam partem bonorum sic depredatorum, prout decet dominum tempore guerre habere, secundum usum et consuetudinem marchie.	Asked if the aforesaid raids took place at the command of, and with the knowledge of, the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, and if any of the plundered goods went to the benefit of the same earl, they say that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester was fully aware of the three raids made with the banner unfurled, and that he had a third of the goods plundered in this way, as it is fitting for a lord to have in time of war, in accordance with the usage and custom of the march.
Quesiti si predictus J. de Crepping' predictis depredacionibus interfuit, vel consensit, dicunt quod non interfuit personaliter, set bene consensit, et partem suam bonorum sic depredatorum habuit, et similiter quosdam de predictis depredatoribus, [editorial note: Altered from 'predatoribus' by an interlined 'de'.] quando exierunt cum vexillo, de balliva sua misit.	Asked if the aforesaid John of Crepping was present at the aforesaid raids, or consented to them, they say that he was not present in person, but fully consented, and had his share of the goods plundered in this way, and likewise sent some of the aforesaid plunderers from his bailiwick, when they went out with the banner.
Et dicunt quod predicti Johannes, Willelmus, Ricardus, et Stephanus, ballivi ipsius comitis Glouc', partem suam habuerunt de omnibus bonis depredatis, tam per eschettores, quam per alios depredatores, exceptis bonis inventis in ecclesia de Penyderyn, eo quod de roberia facta in ecclesia neque comes Glouc' neque ballivi sui aliquid sciverunt.	And they say that the aforesaid John, William, Richard and Stephen, the bailiffs of the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, had their share of all the goods plundered both by the robbers and by the other plunderers, except for the goods found in the church of Penderyn, because neither the earl of Gloucester nor his bailiffs knew anything about the robbery committed in that church.
Et juratores taxant dampna ipsius comitis Hereford', que habuit occasione terre sue sic vastate et populi sui depauperacionis, ad centum libras.	And the jurors assess the damages of the same earl of Hereford, which he incurred by reason of his land being laid waste in this way and the impoverishment of his people, at £100.
Postea, die lune proxima post festum Nativitatis Beate Marie, anno regni domini regis nunc decimonono, apud Aumberbur', coram ipso domino rege et consilio suo venerunt predicti comites. Et, quia idem dominus rex voluit quod super inquisicione coram episcopo Eliensi et sociis suis capta apud Landou, secundum quod justum fuerit, ad judicium procedatur, [col. b] et eciam, quia datum est intelligi eidem domino regi quod post inquisicionem illam captam apud Landou, ubi ex parte domini regis inhibitum fuit comiti Hereford' qui presens erat, et similiter hominibus comitis Glouc' dictum per ipsum episcopum et socios suos ne aliquis eorum curreret seu curere [sic: read 'currere'] permitteret super alium, quod uterque predictorum comitum et homines sui hinc inde terras alterius vi et armis invaserunt, nullo habito respectu ad inhibicionem inde eis prius factam per dominum regem, in parliamento suo apud Westm', in termino Sancti Hillarii, videlicet per octo dies ante festum Purificacionis Beate Marie, anno decimooctavo, super quo facto si tantus contemptus et tanta inobediencia contra inhibicionem etc. facta fuit, dominus rex volens plenius cerciorari, fecit adjornare predictos comites, quod sint coram illo apud Bergeveny a die Sancti Michaelis in tres septimanas super hoc justiciam recepturi; et insuper, quia res ista specialiter tangit dominum regem, et coronam et dignitatem suam, per quod in omni eventu quamplurimis de causis requirit cum omni celeritate qua fieri poterit et debuerit verificari, mandatum est justiciario Westwallie, et similiter vicecomitibus Hereford', et Glouc', et ballivis Edmundi fratris domini regis de Monemuta et de Tribus Castellis, quod venire faciant de ballivis suis milites et alios liberos et legales homines ad prefatum terminum, ad audiendum et faciendum preceptum domini regis in hac parte.	Afterwards, on the Monday after the feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the present lord king, at Amesbury, the aforesaid earls appeared before the lord king and his council. And, because the same lord king wished for judgment to proceed on the enquiry held before the bishop of Ely and his colleagues at Llanthew, in accordance with what was just, [col. b] and also, because the same lord king is given to understand that, after that enquiry had been held at Llanthew, where a prohibition had been issued to the earl of Hereford, who was present, on behalf of the lord king, and likewise the earl of Gloucester's men had been told by the same bishop and his colleagues that none of them should attack another, or allow another to be attacked, each of the aforesaid earls, and their men on each side, had invaded the other's lands with force and arms, having no respect for the prohibition issued to them earlier by the lord king in his parliament at Westminster in the Hilary term, namely eight days before the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the eighteenth year, and the lord king, wishing to be further informed about this matter - if so great a contempt and such great disobedience was shown to the prohibition etc. - had the aforesaid earls adjourned, to appear before him at Abergavenny three weeks after Michaelmas, to receive justice on this; and furthermore, because this matter specially touches the lord king, and his crown and dignity, through which in any event for very many reasons he needs to be informed with all due and possible speed, the justice of West Wales is commanded, and likewise the sheriffs of Herefordshire and Gloucestershire and the bailiffs of the lord king's brother Edmund of Monmouth and of the Three Castles, to produce knights and other free and law-worthy men from their bailiwicks at the aforesaid term, to hear and do what the lord king commands in this matter.
Ad quem diem, apud Bergeveny, scilicet a die Sancti Michaelis in tres septimanas, coram domino rege et consilio suo venerunt predicti comites, et similiter milites et liberi homines de ballivis predictis venerunt, et quesitum est a comite Hereford' qualiter vult se acquietare, quod postquam inhibitum fuit ei per dominum regem, in parliamento predicto, ne invaderet terram comitis Glouc', inferendo eidem aut hominibus suis de Morgannou injuriam, molestiam, seu gravamen, et similiter, postquam ei per episcopum Eliensem et socios suos apud Landou iterato prohibitum erat quod non inferret per se aut suos prefato comiti Glouc' aut hominibus suis aliquam injuriam seu gravamen, quod nichil super premissis postea facere attemptavit, dicit quod paratus est se inde acquietare modis omnibus, prout dominus rex per consilium suum duxerit considerandum.	On which day at Abergavenny, that is, three weeks after Michaelmas, the aforesaid earls appeared before the lord king and his council, and likewise the knights and free men from the aforesaid bailiwicks appeared, and the earl of Hereford was asked how he wished to acquit himself of the allegation that, after he was prohibited by the lord king in the aforesaid parliament from invading the earl of Gloucester's land, inflicting harm, molestation or nuisance on him or on his men of Glamorgan, and likewise, after he was again prohibited at Llanthew, by the bishop of Ely and his colleagues, from inflicting, personally or through his men, any harm or molestation on the aforesaid earl of Gloucester or his men, he says that he did not afterwards attempt to do any of the aforementioned, and that he is prepared to acquit himself of this in all ways that the lord king, on the advice of his council, adjudges.
Et, quo ad comitem Glouc', quia dominus rex attendit quod transgressiones eidem comiti imposite, et facte, ut dicitur, ante capcionem inquisicionis coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis apud Landou, per inquisicionem illam sufficienter sunt convicte, per quod videtur quod non est necesse ad presens super hoc ipsum comitem alloqui iterato, quesitum est ab eodem comite qualiter velit se acquietare de hoc, quod postquam inquisicio predicta capta fuit apud Landou, videlicet a die mercurii proxima post festum Sancti Gregorii, anno decimonono, usque nunc, nullam molestiam, injuriam, seu gravamen intulit, seu inferri fecit, predicto comiti Hereford' aut hominibus suis in terra de Braghennok' contra inhibicionem predictam, dicit quod a die < mercurii > [predicta] usque nunc nichil molestie seu gravaminis per ipsum sive per suos illatum est eidem comiti Heref' aut hominibus suis in terra de Braghennok'. Et bene vult quod hoc inquiratur, secundum quod dominus rex consideraverit. Et, quo ad inquisicionem captam coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis, supplicat instanter domino regi idem comes Glouc' quod non interfuit ubi inquisicio illa capta fuit, quod ipse possit audire inquisicionem illam cum processu. Et conceditur ei per dominum regem de gracia speciali.	And, with regard to the earl of Gloucester, because the lord king understands that the trespasses alleged against the same earl, and which were committed, as is said, before the holding of the enquiry before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues at Llanthew, are sufficiently proved by that enquiry, for which reason it seems that it is not necessary at present to try the same earl for them again, the same earl is asked how he wishes to prove that since the aforesaid enquiry was held at Llanthew, namely on the Wednesday following the feast of St Gregory, in the nineteenth year, until now, he has inflicted no molestation, harm or nuisance on the aforesaid earl of Hereford, or on his men in the land of Brecon, against the aforesaid prohibition, he says that from the aforesaid Wednesday until now, no molestation or nuisance was inflicted by him or by his men on the earl of Hereford or on his men in the land of Brecon. And he fully wishes an enquiry into this, as the lord king adjudges. And, with regard to the enquiry held before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, the same earl of Gloucester immediately begs the lord king, as he was not present when that enquiry was held, that he might be able to hear that enquiry with its process. And this is granted to him by the lord king of his special grace.
Audita vero inquisicione una cum processu, petit idem comes quod placeat domino regi quod raciones suas, quas habet proponere contra inquisicionem illam, coram ipso domino rege audiantur. Et postea, secundum quod justum fuerit, ei allocentur. [p. i-73][col. a] Et ideo dictum est ei quod dicat in hac parte quicquid viderit sibi expedire etc.	However, after hearing the enquiry and its process, the same earl requests that it might please the lord king that his objections, which he has to put forward against that enquiry, should be heard before the same lord king. And afterwards they are to be allowed to him insofar as they are justified. [p. i-73][col. a] And therefore he is told to say anything which he thinks will help him on that matter etc.
Et comes dicit quod breve, per quod inquisicio capta fuit, vocatur scire facias, et sumebatur in cancellaria quasi originale. Et cum hactenus, secundum legem et consuetudinem usitatam, tale breve semper consuevit fieri de aliquo recordo et processu prius habitis in curia domini regis, veluti breve de judicio, et non sumi sive impetrari a cancellaria quasi breve originale, petit quod per processum habitum sive per inquisicionem captam super [tali brevi] minus rite concepto et formato, nullum ei [indebitum] fiat prejudicium seu gravamen.	And the earl says that the writ by which the enquiry was held is called scire facias , and was issued from chancery as an original writ. And since hitherto, under current law and custom, such a writ was always issued on the basis of some prior record and process in the lord king's court, as a writ of judgment, and was not acquired or obtained in chancery as an original writ, he requests that no undue prejudice or harm should come to him through a process made or an enquiry held on such a writ improperly drawn up and drafted.
Dicit eciam quod inquisicio predicta est quedam inquisicio capta ex officio, que ipsum comitem sive aliquos de suis non debet aut potest ligare, ex quo nunquam in inquisicionem illam se posuerint [sic: read 'posuerunt'] .	He also says that the aforesaid enquiry is an enquiry held ex officio , which should not and cannot bind the same earl or any of his men, since they never put themselves on that enquiry.
Dicit similiter quod Ricardus quondam comes Glouc', pater suus, tempore domini Henrici regis patris domini regis nunc, ex missione ipsius regis, et similiter idem comes, tempore domini regis nunc, per preceptum ipsius regis, exierunt pluries in excercitu contra homines provinciarum de Kardygan et Kermerdyn, debellando eos et expugnando, et multa alia mala et dampna eis inferrendo, et pro rege principaliter occidendo [[The following text has been deleted: quia]] patres, cognatos, et parentes eorum qui fuerunt in inquisicione illa, quasi super mortales inimicos domini regis; unde videtur ei quod inquisicio capta per tales juratores, qui merito sunt emuli et inimici sui manifesti, et semper extiterunt, occasione predicta, non debet ei nocere.	He says likewise that Richard, formerly earl of Gloucester, his father, during the reign of lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, on the instructions of the king himself, and likewise the same earl, during the reign of the present king, at the command of the same king, often went out in the army against the men of the provinces of Cardigan and Carmarthen, conquering and subduing them, and inflicting many other evils and harms against them, and for the king chiefly killing the fathers, kinsmen and relatives of those who were in that enquiry, as the mortal enemies of the lord king: whence it seems to him that such an enquiry, held by such jurors who are rightly his manifest foes and enemies, and always were, for that reason, ought not to harm him.
Supplicat preterea domino regi idem comes Glouc' quia precise defendit omnem contemptum et inobedienciam, et quicquid est contra pacem domini regis, aut coronam, et dignitatem suam quod possit super premissis fateri veritatem; unde ex post [veritate] cognita submittit se ex nunc discrecioni domini regis.	Furthermore the same earl of Gloucester begs the lord king that, because he absolutely denies any contempt or disobedience, and anything which is against the lord king's peace, or his crown and dignity, he might confess the truth on the aforesaid matters; and, when the truth is known, he henceforth submits himself to the lord king's discretion.
Et dicit quod verum est quod inhibitum fuit ei in parliamento predicto Sancti Hillarii, videlicet per octo dies ante festum Purificationis Beate Marie, anno decimooctavo, apud Westm', quod non inferret aliquod gravamen comiti Hereford', et hominibus suis de Braghennok', set quia homines sui de Morgannou, tunc per diversa loca et sparsa ejusdem patrie congregati ad exeundum versus terram de [Braghennok'] , secundum quod eis bene licuit tunc temporis secundum usagium et consuetudinem marchie, non poterunt bene premuniri a [predicto] [memb. 2] die inhibicionis sibi facte usque predictum diem veneris quo exierunt etc. propter brevitatem temporis, videtur ei, quod brevitas temporis et loci distancia sufficienter ipsum excusant in hac parte etc.	And he says that it is true that he was prohibited in the aforesaid Hilary parliament, namely eight days before the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the eighteenth year, at Westminster, from inflicting any harm on the earl of Hereford and on his men of Brecon, but because his men of Glamorgan, who at that time were gathered together in various scattered places in the same country to attack the said land of Brecon, as was fully permitted to them at that time in accordance with the usage and custom of the march, could not easily be warned, on account of the lack of time between the aforesaid [memb. 2] day when the prohibition was issued against them and the aforesaid Friday when they attacked etc., it seems to him that the lack of time and the distance of the place sufficiently excuse him on that matter etc.
Et, quo ad exitum quem homines de Morgannou fecisse debuerunt die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Barnabe proximo sequentem, dicit quod terra de Morganou tunc temporis fuit in seisina domini regis; unde, si quid mali hora illa fecerunt alicui, hoc non debet eidem comiti imputari.	And with regard to the expedition which the men of Glamorgan were alleged to have made on the Monday before the feast of St Barnabas following, he says that the land of Glamorgan was then in the seisin of the lord king: thus, if they did any wrong at that time to anyone, this should not be laid to the charge of the same earl.
Et, quo ad tercium exitum quem homines de Morganou fecisse debuerunt, scilicet die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Andree, dicit quod bene recolit dominus rex qualiter ipse ante diem illum feoffaverat eundem comitem et Johannam uxorem ejus de tota terra de Morganou cum pertinenciis, per quod quidem feoffamentum idem comes, una cum eadem Johanna uxore ejus, sumpsit statum < novum > , per quod intendit et credit, quod ab inhibicione prius sibi super premissis facta pure et omnino per admissionem illius novi status extitit absolutus; unde desicut de novo nunquam postea in premissis facta fuit ei inhibicio, videtur ei quod in nullo deliquit in hac parte per quod debeat calumpniari sive [inpescari] .	And, with regard to the third expedition which the men of Glamorgan were alleged to have made, namely on the Monday before the feast of St Andrew, he says that the lord king well remembers how before that day he enfeoffed the same earl and Joan his wife of all the land of Glamorgan with its appurtenances, through which feoffment the same earl, together with Joan his wife, received a new estate, through which he understands and believes that by the entry into that new estate he was unconditionally and completely absolved from the prohibition previously issued against him on the aforesaid; and thus, since no new prohibition was ever issued against him on the aforesaid, it seems to him that he did no wrong in this matter for which he should be accused or impeached.
Et idem comes Glouc', quesitus si aliquid plus velit dicere ad presens quo ad rem istam, dicit quod videtur ei sufficienter dixisse.	And the same earl of Gloucester, asked if he wishes to say anything else at present with regard to that matter, says that it seems to him that he has said enough.
Et quia ambo comites de contemptu et inobediencia domino regi, in lesionem corone et dignitatis sue, illatis, ut dicitur, per ipsos comites diversis temporibus secundum quod excessus et transgressiones fiebant juxta tempus [col. b] superius limitatum, uterque ipsorum optulerit hinc inde acquietanciam de omnibus transgressionibus sibi impositis, prout dominus rex consideraverit, concordatum est per dominum regem et consilium suum quod rei veritas inde distincte et aperte inquiratur per bonam patriam.	And because each of the earls in turn, with regard to the contempt and disobedience allegedly inflicted on the lord king, to the harm of his crown and dignity, by the same earls at various times, according as the outrages and trespasses took place at the time [col. b] specified above, offers to clear himself of all the trespasses of which he is accused, as the lord king adjudges, it is decided by the lord king and his council that the truth of this matter should be clearly and openly enquired into by a good jury.
Ideo procedat inquisicio in forma predicta; ita quod secundum hoc quod invenietur per inquisicionem illam, et similiter secundum quod superius propositum est et allegatum per comitem Glouc', decernat dominus rex per consilium suum quod justicia requirit.	Therefore let the enquiry proceed in the aforesaid form: so that according to what is found by that enquiry, and likewise according to what has been put forward and alleged above by the earl of Gloucester, the lord king should decide through his council what justice requires.
Et juratores in presencia parcium et earum consensu electi, dicunt super sacramentum suum, quo ad predictum comitem Hereford', quod postquam episcopus Eliensis et socii sui in recessu prohibuissent comitibus predictis, ne quis in terris alterius intraret vi et armis ad aliquod malum faciendum in eisdem, quod homines comitis Glouc', die jovis proxima post festum Sancti Petri Advincula proximo preteritum, quedam averia sua fugaverunt ad pasturanda in quadam placea de qua contencio est inter predictos comites, et cum ballivi et homines predicti comitis Hereford' hoc perceperunt, cum equis et armis exierunt ad predicta averia capienda; et cum homines comitis Glouc' hoc perceperunt, retraxerunt se cum averiis suis usque in terram comitis Glouc'.	And the jurors chosen in the presence of the parties, and with their consent, say on their oath, with regard to the aforesaid earl of Hereford, that after the bishop of Ely and his colleagues, at the end of their enquiry had prohibited the aforesaid earls from entering each other's lands with force and arms to commit any wrong in them, the men of the earl of Gloucester, on the Thursday after the feast of the Advinculation of St Peter last, drove some animals of theirs to pasture in a certain place which is in contention between the aforesaid earls, and when the bailiffs and men of the aforesaid earl of Hereford noticed this, they went out with horses and arms to take the aforesaid animals, and when the earl of Gloucester's men noticed this they withdrew with their animals into the earl of Gloucester's lands.
Et ballivi et homines comitis Hereford', videlicet Johannes Purpoynt, ballivus suus et constabularius suus de Brekennok', cum multa sequela sua ipsos insequebantur ultra terram de qua contencio est usque in terram comitis Glouc', et quosdam homines ipsius comitis occiderunt, et averia illa ceperunt et fugaverunt usque castrum de Brekennok', ipso comite de Hereford' in nullo sciente, nec factum precipiente; set, cum idem comes de hoc scivit, statim mandavit ballivis et hominibus suis ibidem quod averia que ceperunt deliberarent, capta securita [sic: read 'securitate'] de emendis faciendis de hoc quod in terra sua depasti fuerunt.	And the earl of Hereford's bailiffs and men, namely John Purpoynt, his bailiff and constable of Brecon, followed them with a large retinue beyond the land which is in contention as far as the earl of Gloucester's land, and they killed certain of the same earl's men, and took those animals and drove them off to the castle of Brecon, and the same earl of Hereford knew nothing of this, nor did he order the deed; but, when the same earl did know of this, he immediately commanded his bailiffs and men there to release the animals which they had taken, once security had been received that compensation would be paid for grazing on his land.
Dicunt eciam, quod predictus comes Glouc' non precepit hominibus suis predictis predictam placeam depascere, nec ibidem venire, nec aliquid inde scivit; set dicunt quod averia predicta remanserunt penes predictum comitem Hereford' et ballivos suos predictos, et quod ballivi sui quandam partem eorundem mactaverunt et manducaverunt, et quedam averiorum predictorum adhuc remanent, et sunt in custodia ballivorum castri predicti.	They also say that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester did not order his men to pasture animals in the aforesaid place, nor to go there, nor did he know anything about it; but they say that the aforesaid animals remained in the possession of the aforesaid earl of Hereford and his aforesaid bailiffs, and that his bailiffs slaughtered and ate some of them, and that some of the aforesaid animals still remain, and are in the keeping of the bailiffs of the aforesaid castle.
Dicunt eciam quod postea, die lune proxima post festum Assumpcionis Beate Marie proximo sequens, quidam homines comitis Glouc' de terra sua noctanter intrarunt in terram comitis Hereford' ut latrones; et cum homines comitis Hereford' per clamorem levatum hoc intellexissent, se aggregarunt, et latrones illos refugaverunt usque terram comitis Glouc' per tres leucas, et averia sua inde rescusserunt, et quedam alia averia in eadem terra ibidem depredarunt, et ea in terras comitis Hereford' fugaverunt, et sic adhuc remanent in manibus Johannis Perpoynt, Johannis Deveroys, Philippi Seys, Howel Vauhan, Howel Abtrahan, qui averia illa cum sequela sua ceperunt.	They also say that afterwards, on the Monday following the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Mary following, certain men of the earl of Gloucester from his land entered the land of the earl of Hereford by night, as thieves; and when the earl of Hereford's men learned of this from the cry which had been raised, they gathered together, and chased those thieves as far as the earl of Gloucester's land, a distance of three leagues, and recovered their animals there, and stole there certain other animals in the same land, and drove them into the lands of the earl of Hereford: and thus they still remain in the hands of John Perpoynt, John Devereux, Philip Seys, Howel Vaughan, and Howel abTrahan, who, with their retinue, took those animals.
Et dicunt quod comes Hereford' de predicto facto nichil scivit, nec fieri precepit, nec acceptavit, immo in continenti [sic: read 'incontinenti'] postquam de facto illo scivit precepit homines suos quos intellexit inde culpabiles per plevinam et manucapcionem mitti, et sic adhuc sunt.	And they say that the earl of Hereford knew nothing of the aforesaid deed, nor did he order it, nor did he accept it, but rather, immediately he knew of this deed he commanded those of his men, whom he understood to be guilty of it, to be put under security and bail, and they are still under this.
Et similiter dicunt quod predictus comes Glouc' de facto hominum suorum nichil scivit, nec precepit, nec acceptavit.	And likewise they say that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester knew nothing of the deeds of his men, nor did he order them, nor did he accept them.
Preterea dicunt quod comes Hereford', post inhibicionem per dominum regem sibi factam, pupplice et solempniter tam in mercatis quam ecclesiis et alibi in locis solempnibus proclamari fecit et hominibus suis inhiberi, ne quis eorum in terris comitis Glouc' ad malefaciendum in eisdem intraret.	Furthermore, they say that the earl of Hereford, after the prohibition had been issued to him by the lord king, had it proclaimed publicly and solemnly, both at markets and in churches and other solemn places, and issued a prohibition to his men against entering the lands of the earl of Gloucester to do wrong there.
Et, quo ad querelas porrectas in cedula comitis Glouc', dicunt quod quedam facta et transgressiones ille per latrones [p. i-74][col. a] in eisdem querelis nominatis [sic: read 'nominatos'] facta fuerunt, set non per preceptum comitis Hereford', nec ipso sciente, nec assenciente, nec aliquid inde ad comodum vel opus suum devenit. Dicunt tamen quod quidam ballivi et homines sui forinseci de aliquibus factis predictis in cedulis illis nominatis sciverunt, et aliquam partem inde habuerunt, ut predictum est.	And, with regard to the complaints put forward in the earl of Gloucester's schedule, they say that certain deeds and trespasses were perpetrated by the thieves [p. i-74][col. a] named in the same complaints, but not at the command of the earl of Hereford, nor with his knowledge or assent, nor did any of it come to his profit or benefit. However, they say that certain bailiffs and men of his, from outside the district, knew of some of the aforesaid deeds specified in those schedules, and had some share in them, as is said above.
Et, quo ad comitem Glouc', dicunt quod nec idem comes, post recessum predicti episcopi et sociorum suorum, nec aliquis per preceptum suum, aut ipso sciente aut consenciente, in terris predicti comitis Hereford' ad malefaciendum in eisdem intraverunt; nec idem comes Glouc' post diem predictum aliquid in contemptum aut inobedienciam domini regis fecit, aut fieri precepit, sicut ei imponitur.	And, with regard to the earl of Gloucester, they say that neither the same earl, after the departure of the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, nor anyone at his command, or with his knowledge or consent, entered the lands of the aforesaid earl of Hereford to do wrong in them; nor did the same earl of Gloucester after the aforesaid day do anything in contempt or disobedience of the lord king, or order such a thing to be done, as he is accused of doing.
Et, quo ad querelas porrectas per comitem Herford' in quadam cedula, dicunt quod alique transgressionum illarum sibi facte sunt, et post recessum episcopi etc. Set dicunt quod non per comitem Glouc' aut ballivos suos, aut preceptum suum, immo per latrones et homines de terris ipsius comitis Glouc' ignotos.	And, with regard to the complaints put forward by the earl of Hereford in a certain schedule, they say that some of those trespasses were perpetrated against him and after the departure of the bishop etc. But they say that these were not done by the earl of Gloucester or by his bailiffs, or at his command, but by unknown thieves and men from the lands of the same earl of Gloucester.
Quesiti si latrones illi, quos dicunt esse de terris predictorum comitum et qui transgressiones et depredaciones predictas fecerunt, sunt de familia utriusque comitum predictorum, vel alterius eorum, in obsequio suo, de manupastu suo, vel de advocacione sua, ita quod ipsi comites vel eorum alter, a predictis latronibus, vel eorum aliquo, aliquid ceperunt vel cepit, ut per eorum advocacionem [editorial note: Altered from 'vocacionem' by an interlined 'ad'.] premissa facerent, vel si < aliqua de bonis sic depredatis ad opus vel comodum predictorum > comitum devenerunt, dicunt quod quidam eorumdem latronum communes latrones sunt et vagabundi, nec aliquid habentes nisi de latrocinio suo, et quidam eorum in terris eorundem comitum sunt residentes, et domos tenentes: set de nominibus eorum penitus ignorant.	Asked if those thieves, who they say are from the lands of the aforesaid earls, who committed the aforesaid trespasses and acts of plunder, belong to the households of the aforesaid earls, or of either of them, or are in their service or retinue, or under their avowry, so that the same earls, or either of them, took anything from the aforesaid thieves or any of them, so that they did the aforesaid by virtue of their avowry, or if any of the goods plundered in this way went to the benefit or profit of the aforesaid earls, they say that some of the same thieves are common thieves and vagabonds, and have no property except from their thieving, and some of them are resident in the lands of the same earls, and have houses there: but they are wholly ignorant of their names.
Set expresse dicunt quod nec unus nec alter predictorum comitum de facto predictorum latronum scivit, fieri precepit, nec eorum facta acceptavit, nec aliquid de bonis per eosdem latrones depredatis ad opus eorundem comitum devenit etc.	But they say clearly that neither the one nor the other of the aforesaid earls knew of the deeds of the aforesaid thieves, or ordered them to be done, or accepted their actions, nor did any of the goods plundered by the same thieves go to the benefit of the same earls etc.
Et quia per inquisicionem istam convictum est, quod Johannes Porpoynt, constabularius de Brakennok', Johannes de Everoys, et Philippus Sheys, Howel Wathan, et Howel Abtrahan, cum multitudine hominum tam equitum quam peditum, vi et armis exierunt de terra de Brekennok', audito rumore de hoc quod homines de Morgannou venerunt cum averiis suis depasci terram de qua contencio est, qui percipientes adventum constabularii et aliorum, fugerunt cum averiis versus partes proprias, quos idem constabularius et alii statim insequentes, attinxerunt per duas leucas infra terram de Morgannou, et quosdam eorum occiderunt, et predicta averia ceperunt et fugaverunt usque castrum de Brekennok', unde statim postea fecerunt domino suo comiti Hereford' scire et intelligere quod averia predicta capta fuerunt in terra de qua contencio est, quam quidem capcionem factam in terra illa litigiosa bene ratificavit et acceptavit idem comes, et precepit quod, si homines de Morgannou vellent averia illa replegiare, et de dampno facto emendas facere, extunc habuissent averia illa deliberata, et ex hoc evidenter censetur quod, per emendas exigere, in hoc casu occupavit et appriavit [sic: read 'apropriavit'] sibi de facto suo proprio, contra inhibicionem predictam, terram quam asseruit super ipsum prius ocupatam, et de qua non dum per judicium curie domini regis consecutus est seisinam, immo pendet adhuc placitum inde in curia domini regis coram eo inter ipsum et comitem Glouc' indecisum. Et in hoc idem comes Hereford' manifeste deliquit contra prohibicionem domini regis; maxime cum placitum adhuc est pendens de ipsa terra, que est origo et occasio tocius mali, ut homicidiorum, incendiorum, depredacionum hinc inde factorum; et eciam quia homines ejusdem comitis Hereford' mactaverunt de averiis predictis sic imparcatis, quod quidem illicitum fuit in hoc casu, et contra omnia jura; [col. b] et eciam, quia hec omnia audacius et presumptuosius per ipsum comitem et homines de Brekennok' fiebant, credentes quod per libertatem suam marchie possent evadere a pena et periculo, que merito incurrisse debuissent si extra marchiam alibi in regno talem excessum perpetrassent; et sic puniendus est dominus libertatis, tam in re illa que sibi et suis temeram prebuit audaciam delinquendi, quam in prisona [sic: read 'persona'] propria propter contemptum et inobedienciam domino regi factam contra inhibicionem predictam, consideratum est, quod idem comes conmittatur gaole, et libertas sua de Brakennok' cum pertinenciis capiatur in manum domini regis etc. [editorial note: Gaola.] Et similiter predicti Johannes Porpoynt et alii capiantur.	And because it is found by this enquiry that John Porpoynt, the constable of Brecon, John Devereux, and Philip Sheys, Howel Vaughan, and Howel abTrahan, with a large number of men both mounted and on foot, came with force and arms out of the land of Brecon, on hearing a rumour that the men of Glamorgan had come with their animals to pasture on land which is disputed, and these, seeing the arrival of the constable and others, fled with their animals to their own land, and the same constable and others, following them immediately, caught up with them two leagues inside the land of Glamorgan, and killed some of them, and took the aforesaid animals and drove them off to the castle of Brecon, where they immediately afterwards gave their lord the earl of Hereford to know and understand that the aforesaid animals had been taken in the disputed land, and the same earl fully approved and accepted that capture made in that debatable land, and ordered that if the men of Glamorgan wished to replevy those animals, and to pay compensation for the damage done, then they should have those animals released to them, and from this it is quite clear that, by demanding compensation, he in this case encroached upon and appropriated to himself by his own deed, contrary to the aforesaid prohibition, the land which they assert was first encroached upon against him, and of which he has not yet obtained seisin by a judgment of the lord king's court, but rather the plea on the matter is still pending, undecided, in the lord king's court, before him, between him and the earl of Gloucester. And by this the same earl of Hereford has clearly offended against the lord king's prohibition; especially as the plea about that land, which is the origin and occasion of all this evil, such as the homicides, acts of arson, and raids made by one side and the other, is still pending; and also because the men of the same earl of Hereford slaughtered some of the aforesaid animals impounded in this way, which indeed was illegal in this case, and contrary to all laws; [col. b] and also, because all these things were done the more boldly and presumptuously by the same earl and the men of Brecon, believing that by their marcher liberty they would escape the penalty and danger which they would rightly have incurred if they had committed such an outrage outside the march elsewhere in the realm, and the lord of the liberty is thus to be punished, both in that thing which gave him and his men the rash boldness to offend, and in his own person on account of the contempt and disobedience shown to the lord king, contrary to the aforesaid prohibition, it is adjudged that the same earl should be sent to prison, and his liberty of Brecon with its appurtenances should be taken into the lord king's hand etc. [editorial note: Prison.] And likewise the aforesaid John Porpoynt and the others are to be arrested.
Et, quoad comitem Glouc', intellectis calumpniis, excepcionibus, allegacionibus, et excusacionibus ipsius comitis et ponderatis, et cum majori deliberacione per dominum regem et consilium diligenter discussis, responsum est ad primam racionem suam, videlicet ad hoc, quod calumpniat breve < quod vocatur scire facias, quod quidem breve > de jure est et esse debet breve de judicio, exiens de processu prius habito in curia domini regis, et recordo rotulorum, ut asserit: videtur consilio domini regis, quod ex quo incumbit domino regi specialiter, pro conservacione pacis sue et salvacione populi sibi commissi, quamcito [sic: read 'quam cito'] rumor de tam enormi transgressione contra inhibicionem suam facta ad ipsum pervenerit, incontinenti debetur super hoc veritas inquiri per omnes vias quibus cicius sine juris offensa possit fieri, et per breve illud, propter exhibicionem celeris justicie, unicuique indigenti prestande, festinius patet remedium quam per aliquod aliud breve adhuc in casu isto provisum sive formatum, ad intollerabilia mala evitanda et impedienda, veluti homicidia, sacrilegia, incendia, depredaciones, et alia enormia que, preter mala prius illata, emersisse poterunt a casu, nisi celerius remedium apponeretur in facto predicto; et eciam, quia dominus rex, qui est omnibus et singulis de regno suo justicie debitor, non potuit in hoc casu, nisi injuriam corone sue intulisset, dissimulasse quin concessisset breve, per quod citius et celerius pervenire posset ad cognicionem veritatis rei predicte, cum petitum fuerat, decretum est per consilium quod breve predictum, in casu isto et in casibus consimilibus, est necessarium et racionabile.	And, with regard to the earl of Gloucester, when the challenges, exceptions, allegations and excuses of the same earl had been understood and considered, and weighed diligently and with very great deliberation by the lord king and his council, an answer is given to his first point, namely to the fact that he challenges the writ which is called scire facias , claiming that the writ rightly is and should be a writ of judgment, arising from a process previously held in the lord king's court, and from the record of the rolls as he asserts: it seems to the lord king's council that, since it is especially incumbent upon the lord king, for the preservation of his peace and the salvation of the people entrusted to him, as soon as the rumour of such an outrageous trespass perpetrated contrary to his prohibition has reached him, that the truth of this should immediately be enquired into by all the means by which this may most quickly be done without offence to the law, and by this writ a quicker remedy lies open for the demonstration of swift justice, which is to be provided for anyone who needs it, than by any other writ yet provided or formulated in this case, to avoid and prevent intolerable evils, such as homicides, sacrilege, arson, plunder and other outrages which, besides the evils previously inflicted, might by chance have arisen again, if a very swift remedy had not been applied in the aforesaid case, and also, because the lord king, who owes justice to all and each of the people of his realm, could not in this case, without inflicting an injury on his crown, have neglected to grant the writ by which he could soonest and most quickly come to a knowledge of the truth of the aforesaid matter, when this was requested, it is decided by the council that the aforesaid writ, in this case and in similar cases, is necessary and reasonable.
Preterea, cum idem comes Glouc' asseruit, quod breve predictum jacet in casu ubi prius processus et recordum fuerint super placito, quasi breve de judicio, videtur consilio domini regis, quod dominus rex, a quo omnes ministri sibi subjecti habent recordum, est superlativum et magis arduum recordum et supra omnes ninistros [sic: read 'ministros'] suos et processus et recorda rotulorum precellens.	Furthermore, whereas the same earl of Gloucester claimed that the aforesaid writ is appropriate only in a case where there was a prior record and process in the plea, as a writ of judgment, it seems to the lord king's council that the lord king, from whom all the officials subject to him derive their power of record, is the greatest and highest form of record, surpassing all his officials and processes and the records of rolls.
Et eciam antequam dominus rex inhibet, circumspicit et considerat judicio interiori, propter utilitatem communem, ut evitetur deterius quod oriri possit et subsequi a malo incepto nisi inhibicio interveniret, et sic procedit inhibicio ex premeditato judicio consciencie domini regis, propter bonum pacis; contra quod judicium, si quis presumpserit attemptare, quanto cicius et brevius debitus possit haberi processus ut super hoc convincatur veritas super delinquentem in hoc casu, tanto honorabilius est regie majestati, et regno et populo utilius et magis necessarium; per quod videtur in hac parte quod inhibicio procedit proprie ex judicio a quo predictum breve, quod vocatur scire facias, debite sumi potest, maxime cum res supradicta specialius in hoc casu tangat dominum regem, coronam, et dignitatem suam, quam aliam aliam [sic] certam personam; unde cum idem dominus rex recoluerit et recordetur, quod placitum super querela sibi ostensa dudum pendebat in curia sua coram se ipso inter prefatos comites, per quod inhibuit eis ne [p. i-75][col. a] aliquis ipsorum super alium aut homines suos curreret, [editorial note: Altered from 'cureret' by an interlined 'r'.] nec terras alterius invaderet, et super hoc, postea per comitem Hereford' ostensum fuit, quod in contemptum et inobedienciam domini regis, comes Glouc' et homines sui de Morgannou terras ipsius comitis Hereford' de Brakennok' invaserunt, homicidia, incendia, et alios excessus inferrendo, contra inhibicionem predictam, licite et debite potuit dominus rex, de tam solempni recordo, ut de recordo suo proprio, fieri precipere predictum breve in hoc casu.	And also before the lord king issues a prohibition, he reflects and determines by an internal judgment what is for the common good, in order to avoid the worse thing which could arise and follow from the bad thing which has already occurred if the prohibition did not intervene, and thus the prohibition proceeds from the premeditated judgment of the lord king's conscience, for the good of peace; and if anyone should presume to act contrary to this judgment, the quicker and sooner due process can be initiated, for finding the truth about the guilty party in this case, the more honourable it is to his royal majesty, and the more useful and necessary to the realm and the people: so that it seems in this case that the prohibition proceeds properly from a judgment on which the aforesaid writ called scire facias can rightly be based, especially as the aforesaid matter in this case more particularly touches the lord king, his crown and his dignity, than any other individual person; whence since the same lord king has recalled and states on record that the plea on the complaint presented to him was recently pending in his court before him between the aforesaid earls, through which he prohibited either of them from [p. i-75][col. a] attacking the other or his men, or from invading the other's lands, whereupon, after it had been shown by the earl of Hereford, that in contempt and disobedience of the lord king, the earl of Gloucester and his men of Glamorgan invaded the same earl of Hereford's lands of Brecon, committing homicides, arson and other outrages, contrary to the aforesaid prohibition, the lord king could lawfully and duly from such a solemn record as his own record command the aforesaid writ to be issued in this case.
Ad hoc, quod idem [[The following text has been deleted: de i]] comes Glouc' dicit, quod predicta inquisicio capta coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis non debet ipsum ligare sive ei nocere, eo quod nunquam se posuit in inquisicionem illam, immo capta fuit quasi de officio: verum est, quod idem comes non posuit se in inquisicionem illam, et tamen inquisicio ipsa non est < inquisicio > de officio, immo inquisicio que ligat partes et decidit inter eas, secundum quod convictum est per inquisicionem illam, ad quam capiendam processum est [editorial note: Respice in tergo.][memb. 2, dorse] per breve superius aprobatum est [sic] , et per quod breve vicecomes Berk' fecit ipsum comitem et eciam justiciarius Westwallie homines ipsius comitis predictos premuniri, tempore competenti, veniendi coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis, si [ voluerunt ] : ita quod per defaltam ejusdem comitis et hominum suorum predictorum inquisicio illa capta fuit; que quidem defalta merito est eidem comiti et hominibus suis predictis imputanda et nulli alio.	To what the same earl of Gloucester says, that the aforesaid enquiry held before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues should not bind him or harm him, because he never put himself on that enquiry, but rather it was held an enquiry ex officio : it is true that the same earl did not put himself on that enquiry, but nevertheless that enquiry is not an enquiry ex officio , but an enquiry which binds the parties and decides between them, in accordance with what is found by that enquiry, to hold which the process is [editorial note: See the dorse.][memb. 2, dorse] by the writ approved above, and through which writ the sheriff of Berkshire had the same earl warned, and the justice of West Wales had the same earl's aforesaid men warned, at a suitable time, to appear before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, if they wished: so that that enquiry was held by the default of the same earl and his aforesaid men, which default is rightly to be blamed on the same earl and his aforesaid men and no one else.
Set est inquisicio de officio, quando aliquis queritur de dampno sibi facto in parco, vel vivario, vel alibi, per homines ignotos, et dominus rex super hoc, ad sectam querentis facit inquirere qui malefactores fecerunt talem transgressionem vel [talem] . Et cum alique certe persone inde per talem inquisicionem rettate sint, inquisicio talis est inquisicio de officio, et quasi quoddam accusamentum.	But it is an enquiry ex officio when anyone makes complaint about harm done to him in his park or his fishpond or elsewhere, by unknown men, whereupon the lord king institutes an enquiry at the suit of the plaintiff as to which malefactors committed such or such a trespass. And when any specific persons are indicted for this by such an enquiry, such an enquiry is an enquiry ex officio , and is like a kind of accusation.
Preterea, quia dominus rex mandavit per litteras suas patentes predicto episcopo et sociis suis, quod licet contingeret alterum predictorum comitum coram eis non venire ad prosecucionem sive ad defensionem predicti negocii, eo quod res ista specialiter tetigit majestatem regiam, coronam, et dignitatem suam, tamen propter eorum absenciam non omitterent quin ad capcionem inquisicionis predicte procederent, videtur consilio domini regis quod predictus episcopus et socii sui bene et rite processerunt in hac parte, et quod ad judicium super tali inquisicione in hoc casu contra predictum comitem et homines suos predictos per eandem inquisicionem convictos, et eciam in consimili casu contra alios de consimili transgressione simili modo convictos, bene potest procedi.	Furthermore, because the lord king commanded the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues by his letters patent that, although it should happen that either of the aforesaid earls did not appear before them to prosecute or defend the aforesaid business, because that matter specially touched the royal majesty, and his crown and dignity, nevertheless they should not because of his absence fail to proceed to the holding of the aforesaid enquiry, it seems to the lord king's council that the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues proceeded well and properly in this matter, and that it is quite possible to proceed to judgment on such an enquiry in these circumstances against the aforesaid earl and his aforesaid men convicted by the same enquiry, and would be likewise in like circumstances against others convicted in a like way of a similar tresspass.
Ad hoc eciam, quod comes dicit quod predicta inquisicio capta fuit per emulos et mortales inimicos suos, per quod videtur ei quod ipsa non debet ei nocere, responsum est ei ad hoc quod non est moris in curia domini regis, quod < quando > inquisicio, jurata vel assisa aliqua capta < fuerint [sic: read 'fuerit'] per defaltam partis, que quidem defalta > semper penam requirit, et precipue in hujusmodi casu, quod post capcionem earundem non possit vel debeat pars absens admitti ad calumpniandum personas aliquas jurate.	In response to what the earl says about the aforesaid enquiry being held by his foes and mortal enemies, so that it seems to him that it ought not to harm him, the answer is given to him on this matter that it is not the custom in the lord king's court when any enquiry, jury or assize is held by the default of one of the parties, which default always requires a penalty, and especially in a case of this kind, that after these have been held the absent party can and should be allowed to challenge any persons of the jury.
Cumque eciam idem comes superius supplicaverit domino regi quod, cognita veritate per confessionem ipsius comitis super exitibus factis per homines de Morgannou infra terram de Brakennok' et decernat postea super facto illo dominus rex secundum discrecionem suam, auditaque et intellecta super hoc confessione ipsius comitis, videtur consilio domini regis, quod per brevitatem temporis sive loci distanciam idem comes nullam excusacionem habere potest, quo ad primum exitum factum per homines de Morgannou, die veneris proxima post festum Purificacionis Beate Marie, anno decimooctavo, ex quo recepit inhibicionem predictam per octo dies ante diem festi Purificacionis; unde per dominum regem et consilium computatis [dictis] tempore et numero dierum, evidenter compertum est tempus sufficiens infra quod homines suos de Morgannou [col. b] premunisse super inhibicione predicta potuit competenter, si volebat.	And also since the same earl above begged the lord king that, when through the confession of the same earl he had learned the truth about the raids made by the men of Glamorgan into the land of Brecon, the lord king should afterwards come to a decision on that deed in accordance with his discretion, after hearing and considering the same earl's confession on this, it seems to the lord king's council that, with regard to the first raid made by the men of Glamorgan, on the Friday after the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the eighteenth year, the same earl can have no excuse through the brevity of the time or the distance of the place, since he received the aforesaid prohibition eight days before the day of the feast of the Purification; whence, after computation of the said time and the number of days by the lord king and his council, it is clearly established that this is an adequate period within which he could have suitably warned his men of Glamorgan [col. b] about the aforesaid prohibition, if he had wanted to.
Ad hoc eciam, quod idem comes quo ad exitum factum die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Barnabe, anno predicto, dicit quod eodem die et per longum tempus antea fuit terra de Morgannou in seisina et in manu domini regis, unde si homines ejusdem terre tempore illo exissent, et equitacionem infra terram de Brakennok' fecissent, hoc non debetur eidem comiti imputari, bene liquet domino regi per inspeccionem rotulorum de cancellaria, datarum brevium, et alias evidencias, quod terra de Morgannou plene restituta fuit et reddita eidem comiti Glouc' per dominum regem per novem dies ante equitacionem illam factam. Unde factum illud manifeste censetur factum fuisse tempore comitis et non tempore domini regis.	In response to what the same earl says with regard to the raid made on the Monday before the feast of St Barnabas in the aforesaid year, that on the same day and for a long time before the land of Glamorgan was in the seisin and in the hands of the lord king, and hence, if the men of the same land mounted a raid and an expedition into the land of Brecon at that time, this should not be laid to the charge of the same earl, it is quite clear to the lord king from an inspection of the rolls of chancery, the dates of writs and other pieces of evidence, that the land of Glamorgan was fully restored and returned to the same earl of Gloucester by the lord king nine days before that expedition was made. Whence it is clearly considered that that deed was done during the time of the earl and not the time of the lord king.
Ad hoc eciam, quod idem comes attendit se exonerare de tercia equitacione facta, scilicet die lune proxima ante festum Sancti Andree, anno decimonono, eo quod optinuit novum statum, conjunctim cum Johanna uxore ejus, de predicta terra de Morgannou, per feoffamentum sibi inde factum per dominum regem, per quod idem comes credidit in hoc casu, quod ab inhibicione sibi prius super premissis facta plene fuerat absolutus, responsum est quod inhibicio prius sibi facta in pleno parliamento tenet et ligat semper comite superstite, quousque placuerit domino regi illam revocare. Facta enim fuit inhibicio persone ipsius comitis et non terre.	In response to the same earl's attempt to exonerate himself from the third expedition which was made, namely on the Monday before the feast of St Andrew in the nineteenth year, because he had received a new estate together with Joan his wife, in the aforesaid land of Glamorgan, through the feoffment of it made to him by the lord king, through which the same earl believed that he was fully absolved from the prohibition previously issued against him on the aforementioned under these circumstances, it is answered that the prohibition previously issued against him in full parliament holds and is binding for as long as the earl lives, until it pleases the lord king to revoke it. For the prohibition was issued to the person of the same earl and not the land.
Unde, quia audito veredicto inquisicionis in quam predictus comes Glouc' hic coram domino rege se posuit, per quam convictum est quod idem comes, postquam inquisicio illa capta fuit coram prefato episcopo et sociis suis apud Landou, nullam fecit transgressionem in terra de Brakennok' predicto comiti Hereford' aut hominibus suis, contra prohibicionem predictam, consideratum est quod comes Glouc', quo ad hoc, eat inde quietus.	And so, because, having heard the verdict of the enquiry on which the aforesaid earl of Gloucester put himself here before the lord king, by which it is found that, after that enquiry had been held before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues at Llanthew, the same earl had committed no trespass in the land of Brecon against the aforesaid earl of Hereford or his men, contrary to the aforesaid prohibition, it is adjudged that the earl of Gloucester should go from here quit with regard to this.
Et quia per inquisicionem coram prefato episcopo et sociis suis apud Landou nuper captam, et nunc per dominum regem et consilium approbatam, convictum est quod idem comes Glouc' et quo ad predictas tres equitaciones et exitus factas cum vexillo de armis ipsius comitis explicato, nec per allegaciones suas quas pro se excusando proposuit, se potest super premissis aliquatenus excusare, racionibus predictis, immo quod idem comes et homines sui predicti, per inquisicionem predictam approbatam, sunt convicti de transgressionibus predictis sufficienter et eciam quia hec omnia audacius et presumptuosius per ipsum comitem et homines suos de Morgannou fiebant, credentes quod per libertatem suam marchie possent evadere a pena et periculo que merito incurrisse debuissent, si extra marchiam alibi in regno talem excessum perpecrassent [sic: read 'perpetrassent'] , et sic puniendus est dominus libertatis, tam in re illa que sibi et suis temeram prebuit audaciam delinquendi, quam in persona propria, propter contemptum et inobedienciam domino regi factam contra inhibicionem predictam, consideratum est quod idem comes, et similiter predictus Johannes de Crepping' qui presens est, committantur gaole. [editorial note: Gaola.] Et predictus Willelmus de Valers, Ricardus le Flemyng', et Stephanus de Cappenore, capiantur. Et eciam libertas predicti comitis de Glamorgan cum pertinenciis capiatur in manum domini regis etc.	And because by the enquiry recently held before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues at Llanthew, and now approved by the lord king and his council, it is found that the same earl of Gloucester, with regard to the aforesaid three raids and expeditions made with the banner bearing the arms of the same earl unfurled cannot by his objections which he has put forward to excuse himself, excuse himself in any way for the above, for the aforesaid reasons, but rather that the same earl and his aforesaid men, by the aforesaid enquiry as approved, are sufficiently convicted of the aforesaid trespasses, and also because all these things were the more audaciously and presumptuously done by the same earl and his men of Glamorgan, trusting that by their marcher liberty they could evade the penalty and danger which they would rightly have incurred if they had perpetrated such an outrage outside the march elsewhere in the realm, and thus the lord of the liberty is to be punished, both in that which gave him and his men the rash boldness to offend, and in his own person, because of the contempt and disobedience to the lord king perpetrated against the aforesaid prohibition, it is adjudged that the same earl, and likewise the aforesaid John of Crepping who is present, is to be sent to prison. [editorial note: Prison.] And the aforesaid William de Valers, Richard Fleming, and Stephen de Cappenore, are to be arrested. And also the aforesaid earl's liberty of Glamorgan, with its appurtenances, is to be taken into the lord king's hands etc.
Postea, postquam predicti comes et Johannes de Crepping' prisone committebantur, [editorial note: Altered from 'mittebantur' by an interlined 'com'.] et in eadem ad voluntatem domini regis moram fecissent, venerunt Edmundus, frater domini regis, Willelmus de Valencia, avunculus ipsius domini regis, Henricus de Lacy comes Linc', et Johannes de Hasting', ad peticionem predicti comitis Glouc', et supplicaverunt domino regi, quod ipsi, de gracia sua speciali, manucapere possent corpus ipsius comitis Glouc' ad habendum coram ipso domino rege pro voluntate sua, et ad voluntatem suam audiendam et faciendam; [p. i-76][col. a] et eciam Reginaldus de Grey, Robertus Typetot, Robertus filius Walteri, et Walterus de Bello Campo, eodem modo, ad peticionem predicti comitis Heref' supplicarunt domino regi quod manucapere possent corpus ipsius comitis ad habendum coram ipso domino rege in forma predicta: ita quod postea, de speciali gracia domini regis, conceditur quod comites predicti tradantur manucaptoribus predictis, ita quod ipsi habeant corpora eorundem comitum coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio apud Westm' in crastino Epiphanie proximo futuro in forma predicta.	Afterwards, after the aforesaid earl and John of Crepping had been sent to prison, and remained there at the lord king's pleasure, there appeared Edmund, the lord king's brother, William de Valence, the same lord king's uncle, Henry de Lacy, the earl of Lincoln, and John de Hastings, at the request of the same earl of Gloucester, and they begged the lord king, of his special grace, that they might stand bail for the body of the same earl of Gloucester, that they would produce him before the same lord king at his pleasure, and to hear and do his will, [p. i-76][col. a] and likewise also Reginald de Grey, Robert Tibetot, Robert FitzWalter, and Walter de Beauchamp, who at the request of the aforesaid earl of Hereford begged the lord king that they might stand bail for the body of the same earl, that they would produce him before the same lord king on the aforesaid terms: so that afterwards it is granted, of the lord king's special grace, that the aforesaid earls are handed over to the aforesaid guarantors, for them to produce the same earls before the same lord king and his council at Westminster on the morrow of the Epiphany next, on the aforesaid terms.
Et sciendum quod libertates predicte predictorum comitum, que per judicia predicta in manu domini regis capiantur, ut predictum est, eisdem comitibus replegiantur, videlicet utrique ipsorum sua libertas, usque terminum predictum.	And be it known that the aforesaid liberties of the aforesaid earls, which are taken into the lord king's hand through the aforesaid judgments, as has been said above, are replevied to the same earls, that is to each of them his liberty, until the aforesaid term.
Preterea, predictus comes Glouc' supplicavit domino regi, quod idem dominus rex concederet ei, et traderet ei, corpus predicti Johannis de Crepping', ad habendum coram ipso domino rege ad terminum predictum, et eciam, quod manucapere posset corpora predictorum Willelmi de Valers, Ricardi le Flemyng, et Stephani de Capenore, ita quod corpora eorundem haberet, ad prefatum terminum, coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio, ad audiendam voluntatem domini regis et faciendam. Et similiter, predictus comes Heref' manucepit habendi ad prefatum terminum corpora Johannis Porpoynt, Johannis Deveroys, Philippi Seys, Howel ap Vauhan, et Howel ap Trahan, hominum suorum predictorum, coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio ad faciendum et recipiendum id quod dominus rex de consilio suo duxerit ordinandum.	Furthermore, the aforesaid earl of Gloucester begged the lord king that the same lord king might grant to him, and hand over to him, the body of the aforesaid John of Crepping, that he would produce him before the same lord king at the aforesaid term, and also that he might be able to stand bail for the bodies of the aforesaid William de Valers, Richard Fleming, and Stephen de Capenore, that he would produce them before the same lord king and his council at the aforesaid term, to hear and do the will of the lord king. And likewise the aforesaid earl of Hereford stood bail for the appearance at the aforesaid term of John Porpoynt, John Devereux, Philip Seys, Howel ap Vaughan, and Howel ap Trahan, his aforesaid men, before the same lord king and his council, to do and receive what the lord king, on the advice of his council, considers is to be ordained.
Ad quem diem, coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio, apud London' in domo Otonis de Grandissono, extra palacium ipsius domini regis apud Westm', venerunt comites predicti, et similiter Edmundus frater domini regis, Henricus de Lacy comes Linc', et Johannes de Hasting', manucaptores predicti comitis Glouc'; set Willelmus de Valencia, unus manucaptorum [[The following text has been deleted: predicti]] < ipsius > comitis, non venit. Venerunt eciam Robertus Typetot, Robertus filius Walteri, manucaptores predicti comitis Heref'; set alii manucaptores sui non venerunt.	On which day the aforesaid earls, and likewise the king's brother Edmund, Henry de Lacy, the earl of Lincoln, and John de Hastings, guarantors for the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, appeared before the same lord king and his council, at London, in the house of Otto de Grandison, outside the same lord king's palace at Westminster; but William de Valence, one of the guarantors of the same earl, did not appear. Robert Tibetot and Robert FitzWalter, guarantors of the aforesaid earl of Hereford, also appeared; but his other guarantors did not appear.
Et predicti manucaptores qui venerunt optulerunt predictos comites domino regi ad audiendum et faciendum voluntatem ipsius domini regis secundum formam [prescriptam] , et in forma qua eos manuceperunt. Et similiter, comites uterque adduxerunt et optulerunt homines suos predictos, quos manuceperunt, ut predictum est, ad faciendum et audiendum voluntatem domini regis, et ad recipiendum quod dominus rex de consilio suo duxerit ordinandum.	And the aforesaid guarantors who appeared produced the aforesaid earls before the lord king, to hear and do the will of the same lord king, on the terms described above, and in the form in which they stood bail for them. And likewise, both the earls brought and produced their aforesaid men for whom they stood bail, as is said above, to do and hear the will of the lord king, and to receive what the lord king, on the advice of his council, considers is to be ordained.
Et quia dominus rex, variis negociis prepeditus et arduis, super hiis que in premissis de consilio suo duxerit ordinandum et faciendum nondum consultus est, idem dominus rex, de gracia sua speciali, tradidit corpus predicti comitis Glouc' predictis Edmundo fratri ipsius domini regis, Henrico de Lacy comiti Linc', et Johanni de Hasting', et eciam corpus predicti comitis Heref' predictis Roberto de Typetot, et Roberto filio Walteri, ita quod corpora eorum habeant coram ipso domino rege, die veneris proxima post Epiphaniam Domini, ibidem ad voluntatem domini regis audiendam et faciendam, ut superius dictum est. Qui manucaptores sub eadem forma eosdem comites < eos [sic] > manuceperunt.	And because the lord king, busy with various troublesome matters, has not yet decided on what, on the advice of his council, he thinks is to be ordained and done about the aforesaid, the same lord king, of his special grace, handed over the body of the aforesaid earl of Gloucester to the aforesaid Edmund, brother of the same lord king, Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, and John de Hastings, and also the body of the aforesaid earl of Hereford to the aforesaid Robert de Tibetot and Robert FitzWalter, so that they would produce them before the same lord king, on the Friday following the Epiphany of the Lord, to hear and do there the will of the lord king, as has been said above. These guarantors stood bail for the same earls on the same terms.
Et eciam, de gracia domini regis speciali, predicte libertates predictorum comitum eisdem replegiantur usque diem predictum et in forma predicta.	And also, of the lord king's special grace, the aforesaid earls' aforesaid liberties are replevied to them until the aforesaid day and on the aforesaid terms.
Et sciendum quod predicti homines predicti comitis Glouc' traduntur interim marescallo custodiendi, eo quod idem comes [eos] manucapere noluit. Et predicti homines predicti comitis Hereford' ipsi comiti sub manucapcione traduntur usque diem predictum, eo quod idem comes instanter petiit quod eos manucapere posset.	And be it known that the aforesaid earl of Gloucester's aforesaid men are handed over in the meantime to the marshal's custody, since the aforesaid earl refused to stand bail for them. [col. b] And the aforesaid earl of Hereford's aforesaid men are handed over to the same earl on bail until the aforesaid day, since the same earl asked pressingly to be able to stand bail for them.
Postea, die mercurii proxima post predictum crastinum Epiphanie, venit predictus comes Glouc' in propria persona sua coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio ad locum predictum, et supplicavit instanter et humiliter quod dominus rex, de gracia sua speciali, sibi concedere vellet quod ipse manucapere posset predictos homines suos, qui in custodia marescalli sunt, ita quod corpora eorum habeat coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio die veneris predicto ad voluntatem ipsius domini regis audiendam et faciendam et recipiendum id quod dominus rex de consilio suo duxerit ordinandum. Et de gracia domini regis speciali ei traduntur in forma predicta etc.	Afterwards, on the Wednesday following the aforesaid morrow of the Epiphany, the aforesaid earl of Gloucester appeared in person before the same lord king and his council, at the aforesaid place, and immediately and humbly begged the lord king, of his special grace, to be pleased to allow him to stand bail for his aforesaid men, who are in the marshal's custody, that he would produce them before the same lord king and his council on the aforesaid Friday, to hear and do the will of the same lord king, and to receive what the lord king, on the advice of his council, considers is to be ordained. And of the lord king's special grace they are handed over to him on the aforesaid terms etc.
Postea, ad diem illum, manucaptores predicti manuceperunt comites predictos habendi corpora eorum coram ipso domino rege die jovis proxima post octabas Epiphanie ibidem ad audiendum et faciendum voluntatem ipsius domini regis. Et similiter, iidem comites manuceperunt homines suos predictos habendi eos ad prefatum terminum in forma predicta.	Afterwards on that day, the aforesaid guarantors stood bail for the aforesaid earls, to produce them before the same lord king on the Thursday following the octave of the Epiphany, to hear and do there the will of the same lord king. And likewise the same earls stood bail for their aforesaid men, to produce them at the aforesaid term in the aforesaid way.
Ad quem diem, venerunt predicti comites Glouc' et Hereford' per manucapcionem predictam et optulerunt se parati facere et recipere prout domino regi, tam de eorum corporibus quam de libertatibus suis in terris suis predictis, placuerit et eis facere voluerit.	On which day, the aforesaid earls of Gloucester and Hereford appeared through the aforesaid bail, and presented themselves ready to receive and to do what pleased the lord king, and what he wished to do to them, both with regard to their bodies and to their liberties in their aforesaid lands.
Et quia iidem comites [predicti] se in forma predicta voluntati domini regis omnino submiserunt, ut de eis eorumque libertatibus faciat quod sibi placuerit, dominus rex super hoc, non voluntarie tantummodo, immo prout de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni < fuerit faciendum > , et eciam per consilium archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, comitum, baronum, ceterorumque de consilio suo existencium, facere volens in premissis, et ut voluntas sua justa sit et [racionabilis] , prout decet, eorumque assensum in premissis petiit et consilium.	And because the same aforesaid earls completely submitted themselves to the lord king's will in the aforesaid form, for him to do as he pleased with them and with their liberties, the lord king, wishing to act in the aforesaid matter not merely at his own whim, but rather as was to be done justly, and in accordance with the law and custom of the realm, and also according to the advice of the archbishops, bishops, earls, barons and other members of his council, and in order that his will might be just and reasonable, as is fitting, sought their assent and advice in the aforesaid.
Propter quod, habito tractatu diligenti coram ipso domino rege et consilio suo super predictis, tam ipsi domino regi quam ceteris prelatis et magnatibus et singulis de consilio suo, videtur quo ad comitem Glouc', quod libertas sua predicta, videlicet totum regale in terris suis predictis de Morgannou cum pertinenciis, pro se et [heredibus suis forisfacta] est racione delicti predicti.	On account of which, after careful discussion of the aforesaid matter before the same lord king and his council, it seems both to the same lord king and to the other prelates, magnates and members of his council, with regard to the earl of Gloucester, that his aforesaid liberty, that is all royal franchise in his aforesaid lands of Glamorgan with their appurtenances, is forfeit, for him and for his heirs, by reason of the aforesaid offence.
Set quia idem comes Glouc' duxit in uxorem Johannam, filiam domini regis [nunc, et de qua] suscitavit prolem, et que quidem Johanna tantum habet in predicta libertate, et eciam in omnibus aliis libertatibus, terris, et tenementis ipsius comitis, quantum et ipse comes habet, cum de libertatibus, [terris et tenementis] illis sint conjunctim feoffati, [per quod] [memb. 3] idem comes nichil habet, seu habere potest, in libertatibus, terris aut tenementis predictis nisi ad terminum vite sue tantum, nec idem comes Glouc' plus potest forisfacere quam suum est, nec esset juri consonum, quod racione delicti ipsius comitis predicta Johanna uxor sua aut eorum exitus, qui in nullo deliquerunt, exheredarentur, dictum est eidem comiti Glouc', per consideracionem et judicium archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, comitum, baronum, et tocius consilii domini regis, quod libertas sua predicta de Morgannou, videlicet totum regale in eisdem terris, remaneat domino regi et heredibus suis, ut forisfacta, tota vita ipsius comitis Glouc'. Et idem comes retornetur prisone, et inde redimetur ad voluntatem domini regis. Et eciam quod predictus comes Hereford' recuperet versus eum predictas centum libras pro dampnis suis predictis etc.	But because the same earl of Gloucester has married the present lord king's daughter Joan, and has had issue by her, and this Joan has as much right in the aforesaid liberty, and also in all other liberties, lands and tenements of the aforesaid earl's, as the same earl has, since they are jointly enfeoffed with those liberties, lands and tenements, so that [memb. 3] the same earl has nothing, and can have nothing, in the aforesaid liberties, lands and tenements except for the term of his life only, and the same earl of Gloucester cannot forfeit more than is his, nor would it be in accordance with justice that, by reason of the same earl's offence the aforesaid Joan his wife or their issue, who have committed no offence, should be disinherited, the same earl of Gloucester is told, through the decision and judgment of the archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, and the whole of the lord king's council, that his aforesaid liberty of Glamorgan, that is all his franchise in the same lands, is to remain to the lord king and to his heirs, as forfeit, for the entire lifetime of the same earl of Gloucester. And that the same earl is to be returned to prison, and to be ransomed from there at the lord king's pleasure. And also that the aforesaid earl of Hereford is to recover against him the aforesaid £100 for his aforesaid damages etc.
Et similiter, quo ad predictum comitem Hereford', eo quod videtur domino regi et ejus consilio, habito super [p. i-77][col. a] hoc tractatu diligenti, ut predictum est, quod libertas sua in terris suis de Brekennok' cum pertinenciis, videlicet totum regale libertatis sue predicte de Brekennok', racione delicti predicti, forisfacta est, dictum est eidem comiti Hereford', per consideracionem et judicium archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, comitum, baronum, et tocius consilii domini regis, quod libertas sua predicta remaneat domino regi et heredibus suis ut forisfacta de ipso comite Hereford' et heredibus suis inperpetuum. Et corpus suum prisone retornetur, et inde redimatur ad voluntatem domini regis.	And likewise, with regard to the aforesaid earl of Hereford, since it seems to the lord king and his council, after [p. i-77][col. a] careful discussion on this, as has been said above, that his liberty in his lands of Brecon with their appurtenances, that is all franchisal rights in his aforesaid liberty of Brecon, by reason of the aforesaid offence, is forfeit, the same earl of Hereford is told, by the decision and judgment of the archbishops, bishops, earls, barons and of the whole of the lord king's council, that his aforesaid liberty is to remain to the lord king and to his heirs in perpetuity, as forfeit by the same earl of Hereford and his heirs. And his body is to be returned to prison, and ransomed from there at the lord king's pleasure.
Set quia videtur domino regi et ejus consilio quod transgressio de qua idem comes Hereford' convictus est non est ita [carcans] nec tantam penam requirit [quantum et facta] transgressio predicta de qua predictus comes Glouc' convincitur, et eciam quia idem comes Hereford' desponsaverat consanguineam domine regine, consortis domini regis nunc, et quod quidem maritagium ipsa regina fecit et acceptavit, per quod liberi ipsius comitis Heref' sunt parentes liberorum domini regis, idem dominus rex, de gracia sua speciali, [vult] et concedit quod predicta libertas predicti comitis Hereford' remaneat ut forisfacta in manum domini regis et heredum suorum ad terminum vite predicti comitis Hereford' tantum, ita quod heredes ipsius comitis Heref' inde non exheredentur post mortem suam.	But because it seems to the lord king and to his council that the trespass of which the same earl of Hereford is convicted is not so weighty, nor does it require as heavy a penalty as the aforesaid trespass which was committed and of which the the aforesaid earl of Gloucester is convicted, and also because the same earl of Hereford has married a kinswoman of the lady queen, the consort of the present lord king, and because the same queen made and accepted that marriage, and so the same earl of Hereford's children are the kin of the lord king's children, the same lord king, of his special grace, wills and grants that the aforesaid earl of Hereford's aforesaid liberty should remain as forfeit in the hand of the lord king and of his heirs, for the term of the aforesaid earl of Hereford's life only, so that the same earl of Hereford's heirs are not disinherited of it after his death.
Postea, postquam predicti comites prisone retornabantur et in eadem moram fecissent ad voluntatem domini regis, predictus comes Glouc' finem fecit domino regi pro decem mille marcis pro transgressione predicta, et recipitur per plegium Edmundi fratris domini regis, Willelmi de Valencia, Henrici de Lacy comitis Lincoln', et Johannis de Hasting'. Et similiter predictus comes Heref' fecit finem domino regi pro transgressione predicta pro mille marcis, et recipitur per plegium Roberti de Typetot, Roberti filii Walteri, Thome de Berkeleye, et Johannis Fylyol etc.	Afterwards, after the aforesaid earls had been returned to prison and had stayed there at the will of the lord king, the aforesaid earl of Gloucester made fine with the lord king in 10,000 marks for the aforesaid trespass, and it is received on the surety of the lord king's brother Edmund, William de Valence, Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, and John de Hastings. And likewise the aforesaid earl of Hereford made fine with the lord king in 1000 marks for the aforesaid trespass, and it is received on the surety of Robert de Tibetot, Robert FitzWalter, Thomas of Berkeley, and John Fylyol etc.
Et de predicto Johanne de Crepping' et aliis hominibus predicti comitis Glouc' superius nominatis, licet per inquisicionem predictam, coram predicto episcopo et sociis suis captam, compertum sit quod iidem homines partem aliquam bonorum depredatorum, ut predictum est, in terris predicti comitis Hereford' de Brekennok' habuerunt, et eorum depredacionibus assensum prebuerunt, non tamen satis liquide per inquisicionem predictam invenitur quod iidem homines comitis Glouc' sciverunt ac premuniti fuerunt per ipsum comitem aut alio modo competenti de defensione predicta per ipsum dominum regem ipsi comiti Glouc' domino suo pro se et hominibus suis; nec esset conveniens, quod penam defensionis fracte incurrerent, si de defensione nichil scirent. Et super hoc, predicti Johannes et alii petunt quod racione defensionis predicte non sibi facte, immo de qua nichil sciverunt, prout parati sunt se acquietare omnibus modis quibuscunque domino regi placuerit, non puniantur ut transgressores contra eandem defensionem, de qua omnino fuerunt ignorantes.	And concerning the aforesaid John of Crepping, and the other men of the aforesaid earl of Gloucester named above, although it was found by the aforesaid enquiry held before the aforesaid bishop and his colleagues, that the same men had a share in the goods plundered, as has been said, from the aforesaid earl of Hereford's lands of Brecon, and gave their assent to the aforesaid plunder, it is not however clearly enough found by the aforesaid enquiry that the earl of Gloucester's same men knew or were warned, by the same earl or in some other appropriate manner, of the aforesaid prohibition issued by the same lord king to the same earl of Gloucester their lord, covering him and his men; nor would it be fitting for them to incur the penalty for the broken prohibition, if they knew nothing of the prohibition. Whereupon, the aforesaid John and others request that, because the aforesaid prohibition was not made known to them, but rather they knew nothing of it, as they are prepared to prove in any way which pleases the lord king, they should not be punished as trespassers against that prohibition, of which they were entirely ignorant.
Et quia consilium domini regis non recordatur utrum predicti Johannes, et alii, tempore defensionis predicte facte predicto comiti Glouc' presentes fuerunt necne, vel si de defensione illa premuniti fuerunt, iidem Johannes et alii, quesiti qualiter se velint acquietare quod presentes non fuerunt tempore defensionis facte, nec aliquid sciverunt de defensione predicta, dicunt quod cum domino rege nolunt placitare, set alto et basso se ponunt voluntati domini regis, et petunt quod dominus rex faciat de se quicquid sibi placuerit, et quod sibi dignetur de eis et eorum bonis facere, et pro voluntate sua, et ipsos Johannem et alios de facto predicto acquietare, et ad graciam et benivolenciam suam reformare.	And because the lord king's council does not remember whether the aforesaid John and others were present or not at the time when the aforesaid prohibition was issued to the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, or if they were warned about that prohibition, the same John and others, asked how they wish to prove that they were not present at the time when the prohibition was issued, and that they knew nothing about the aforesaid prohibition, say that they do not wish to plead with the lord king, but that they put themselves completely at the lord king's will and they ask the lord king to do with them what he pleases, and what he deigns to do with them and their goods, and in accordance with his will to acquit the same John and others of the aforesaid deed, and to re-establish them in his grace and kindness.
Propter quod dominus rex, misericordia et pietate motus, et eciam ad instanciam prelatorum, comitum, et [col. b] baronum et ceterorum de consilio suo, graciam facere volens prefato Johanni de Crepping' et aliis, precepit, quod iidem Johannes et alii finem facerent si vellent pro transgressione predicta, et quod eorum fines admitterentur juxta eorum transgressiones et facultates.	On account of which the lord king, moved by mercy and pity, and also at the entreaty of the prelates, earls and [col. b] barons and the others of his council, wishing to show grace to the aforesaid John of Crepping and others ordered the same John and others to make fine, if they wished, for the aforesaid trespass, and that their fines should be agreed in accordance with their trespasses and means.
Postea venerunt predicti Johannes de Crepping', et alii, et finem fecerunt coram Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis: videlicet, predictus Johannes de Crepping' per quinquaginta marcas, et recipitur per plegium Ricardi de Creppyng' de comitatu Ebor' et Johannis Wogan de comitatu Somers'; et Ricardus le Flemyng finem fecit pro .xx. libris, et recipitur per plegium Johannis le Waleys de comitatu Somers' et Stephani de Haucumb' de comitatu Cornub'; et Stephanus de Cappenore finem fecit pro .xx. marcis, et recipitur per plegium Roberti de Typetot de decem marcis et Johannis Lovel de comitatu Norht' de aliis decem marcis; et Willelmus de Valers finem fecit pro .x. libris, et recipitur per plegium Johannis de Crepping' de comitatu Linc' et Roberti de Tyllioll' de comitatu Cumbr'.	Afterwards the aforesaid John of Crepping and others came and made fine before Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues: that is, the aforesaid John of Crepping for 50 marks, which is received on the surety of Richard of Crepping of the county of Yorkshire and of John Wogan of the county of Somerset; and Richard Fleming made fine for £20, which is received on the surety of John le Waleys of the county of Somerset and Stephen de Haccombe of the county of Cornwall; and Stephen de Cappenore made fine for 20 marks, which is received on the surety of Robert de Tibetot for 10 marks and of John Lovel of the county of Northamptonshire for the other 10 marks; and William de Valers made fine for £10, which is received on the surety of John of Crepping of the county of Lincolnshire and Robert de Tyllioll of the county of Cumberland.
Et de predictis hominibus predicti comitis Hereford', eo quod nunquam premuniti fuerunt ad inquisicionem aliquam audiendam, nec pars alicujus fuerunt, propter quod predicta inquisicio, videlicet coram domino rege capta, est quasi quoddam incusamentum, et non inquisicio ligaris, ideo procedatur versus eos prout de jure fuerit < procedendum > .	And with regard to the aforesaid earl of Hereford's aforesaid men, since they were never warned to hear any enquiry, nor were they party to any, so that the aforesaid enquiry, that is the one held before the lord king, is like a kind of accusation and not a binding enquiry, proceedings are therefore to be taken against them as is lawfully to be done.
[memb. 3, dorse]
Peticio Johannis de Britannia comitis Richem' super maneriis de Costesheye et de Bynnyngton'.	[Proceedings on the rival petitions of John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, and Nicholas de Turberville claiming the manor of Costessey and on the petition of the same John claiming the overlordship of the manor of Bennington].
2 (2). Johannes de Britannia, comes Richemund', < per quemdam clericum et attornatum suum > ostendit domino regi quod, < cum > manerium de Costesheye in dominico, et eciam manerium de Byninton' in dominio inmediate, debeant esse jus et hereditas sua per reddicionem quam dominus Henricus rex, pater domini regis nunc, fecit Johanni filio ducis Petri de comitatu de Richemund' cum pertinenciis, adeo integre sicut dominus Petrus quondam dux, aut antecessores sui, comitatum predictum tenuerunt; et de quibus maneriis predictus Petrus, quondam dux, fuit seisitus, videlicet de manerio de Costesheye in dominico, et de servicio manerii de Bynyngton'; et unde idem Johannes, qui nunc est, non est seisitus. Et petit quod dominus rex super hoc graciam et remedium sibi facere velit etc.	2 (2). The petition of John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, concerning the manors of Costessey and Bennington. John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, shows the lord king, through a certain clerk and attorney of his, that, whereas the manor of Costessey in demesne, and also the manor of Bennington in direct lordship, ought to be his right and inheritance, through the restoration which the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, made to John, the son of duke Peter, of the earldom of Richmond with its appurtenances, as fully as lord Peter, the former duke, or his ancestors held the aforesaid earldom; and of which manors the aforesaid Peter, the former duke, was seised, that is of the manor of Costessey in demesne, and of the service of the manor of Bennington; and of which the same present John is not seised. And he requests that the lord king be pleased to provide grace and a remedy for him on this etc.
Et super hoc idem Johannes profert cartam domini Henrici regis, patris domini regis nunc, que testatur, quod idem dominus Henricus rex reddidit predicto Johanni, filio Petri ducis etc., comitatum Richemund' cum pertinenciis suis, adeo integre sicut predictus Petrus comitatum illum tenuit etc.	Whereupon the same John produces a charter of the lord king Henry, the father of the present king, which attests that the same lord king Henry has restored to the aforesaid John, the son of duke Peter etc., the earldom of Richmond with its appurtenances, as fully as the aforesaid Peter held that earldom etc.
Ad quam peticionem, videlicet quo ad manerium de Costesheye, quod idem comes petit in dominico, bene recolit dominus rex et ejus consilium, quod alias prefato comiti responsum fuit sub hac forma, scilicet, quod manerium de Costesheye aliquo tempore fuit cujusdam vicecomitis Rotomagensis, qui manerium illud tenuit in dominico suo ut de feodo, et qui vicecomes adhesit parti regis Francie contra fidem et partem predicti Henrici regis Anglie, propter quod omnia tenementa que fuerunt tam predicti vicecomitis quam aliorum quorumcunque in regno isto parti regis Francie adherencium et contra fidem regis Anglie existencium remanserunt prefato domino regi Anglie ut eschaeta sua.	To which petition, that is with regard to the manor of Costessey, which the same earl claims in demesne, the lord king and his council well remember that the aforesaid earl was previously given a reply in this form, namely that the manor of Costessey previously belonged to a certain vicomte of Rouen, who held that manor in his demesne as of fee; and this vicomte adhered to the party of the king of France, against the fealty and the party of the aforesaid Henry, king of England; on account of which, all tenements belonging to either the aforesaid vicomte or to any others in this realm who adhered to the party of the king of France, against their fealty to the king of England, remained to the aforesaid lord king of England as his escheat.
Et quia manerium predictum cum pertinenciis fuit predicti vicecomitis Rotomagensis, qui illud in dominico suo tenuit ut de feodo, et contra fidem et coronam regis Anglie devenit, adherendo parti regis Francie, ut predictum est, per quod predictum manerium cum pertinenciis integre remansit domino Henrici regi ut eschaeta sua, prout alia tenementa remanserunt que fuerunt aliorum quorumcunque contra fidem predicti Henrici regis existencium; et si forsitan predictus Petrus, quondam dux, antecessor predicti comitis, intrusit se in predicto manerio, [p. i-78][col. a] eo quod predictus vicecomes parti regis Francie tempore predicto adhesit, et de intrusione illa sic facta fuit seisitus, predictus Petrus, si superstes esset et presens, nichil racione illius seisine clamare posset in manerio illo, cum tenementa omnia in regno isto que fuerunt predicti vicecomitis aut aliorum quorumcunque parti regis Francie tempore predicto adherencium, domino regi remanserunt, et remanent, ut eschaeta sua, et nulli alii, eo quod tantummodo contra dominum regem devenerunt et deliquerunt.	And because the aforesaid manor with its appurtenances belonged to the aforesaid vicomte of Rouen, who held it in his demesne as of fee, and turned against his fealty to, and the crown of, the king of England, adhering to the party of the king of France, as has been said above, as a result of which the aforesaid manor with its appurtenances remained wholly to the lord king Henry as his escheat, as did other tenements which belonged to any other persons who turned against their fealty to the aforesaid king Henry; and if by chance the aforesaid Peter, the former duke, the ancestor of the aforesaid earl, intruded into the aforesaid manor, [p. i-78][col. a] because the aforesaid vicomte adhered to the party of the king of France at the aforesaid time, and if, through the usurpation which he thus committed, he was seised of it, the aforesaid Peter, if he were alive and present, could claim nothing in that manor by reason of that seisin, since all the tenements in this realm which belonged to the aforesaid vicomte, or to any others who adhered to the party of the king of France at the aforesaid time, remained and remain to the lord king as his escheat, and to no-one else, since they turned and committed an offence only against the lord king.
Et similiter, quia carta, que ex parte predicti comitis porrigitur, testatur quod dominus Henricus rex pater etc. reddidit predicto Petro, duci etc., predictum comitatum integre cum pertinenciis; et hoc evidenter apparet ex quo idem dominus Henricus rex, tempore reddicionis illius, concessit eidem Petro quasdam terras et tenementa cum pertinenciis in reconpensacione manerii de Wysset' in comitatu Suff', quod idem dominus Henricus rex dederat Johanni de Vallibus, et aliarum terrarum quas aliis dederat, et de quibus predictus Petrus tunc temporis petiit allocacionem et reconpesacionem [sic: read 'reconpensacionem'] sibi fieri; et sic manifeste censetur, quod comitatus ille adeo integre predicto Petro reddebatur, sicut antecessores sui comitatum illum tenuerunt, responsum est ei per dominum regem, et consilium suum, quod sufficienter alias ei fuit responsum.	And likewise, because the charter which is produced on behalf of the aforesaid earl attests that the lord king Henry, the father etc., restored to the aforesaid Peter, the duke etc., the whole of the aforesaid earldom with its appurtenances; and this is quite clear from the fact that the same lord king Henry, at the time of that restoration, granted to the same Peter certain lands and tenements with appurtenances in compensation for the manor of Wissett in the county of Suffolk, which the same lord king Henry had given to John des Vaux, and for other lands which he had given to other people, and for which the aforesaid Peter at that time asked for an allowance and compensation to be made to him; and thus it is quite clear that the earldom was restored to the aforesaid Peter as completely as his ancestors had held that earldom, he is answered by the lord king and his council, that a sufficient answer was given to him previously.
Et quo ad dominium manerii de Bynynton', fiat breve ad inquirendum de quo predictum manerium tenetur, et de quo tenebatur, et per que servicia, et a quo tempore, et tradatur attornato predicti comitis ad sequendum si voluerit, et remandetur regi inquisicio, et rex habebit consilium.	And with regard to the lordship of the manor of Bennington, let a writ be issued to enquire from whom the aforesaid manor is held, and from whom it was held, and by what services, and from what time, and let it be handed over to the aforesaid earl's attorney to sue if he wishes, and let the enquiry be returned to the king, and the king will take counsel on this.
Quod quidem breve idem attornatus nomine predicti comitis postea nec alius pro ipso comite sequi voluit etc.	Which writ the same attorney did not afterwards wish to sue in the name of the aforesaid earl, and nor did anyone else on the same earl's behalf etc.
Et hoc idem responsum est cuidam Nicholao de Tribelvile, petenti iddem [sic: read 'idem'] manerium < de Costesheye > , per quamdam cartam domini Henrici regis, et quod rex sibi respondere non poterit, quousque inter ipsum regem et predictum comitem fuerit discussum, ut predictum est, super demanda ipsius comitis etc.	And the same answer is given to a certain Nicholas de Turberville, claiming the same manor of Costessey through a certain charter of the lord king Henry, and that the king cannot answer him until a decision has been made between the same king and the aforesaid earl, as has been said above, on the claim of the same earl etc.
De illis qui supervenerint ante judicium.	[Statute requiring appropriate sureties from those intervening in land pleas before their admission to defend those pleas].
3 (3). Cum quis per breve domini regis petat aliqua tenementa versus tenentem per legem Anglie, per feodum talliatum, nomine dotis, vel alio modo, ad terminum vite vel annorum, et petens tantum fuerit prosecutus quod tenementa sint quasi amittenda, et sibi adjudicanda, et super hoc venerit ante judicium redditum aliquis a latere, dicens se habere feodum et jus in tenementis illis, et curie supplicaverit, quod ex quo ante judicium venerit tenementum suum defensurus et paratus inde petenti responsurus quod ad hoc admittatur, racione cujusdam statuti domini regis nunc, inter cetera ultima statuta Westm' editi; per quod statutum tam nullum jus habentes, quam illi qui jus habuerunt, multociens in casu predicto falso et in decepcionem curie supervenerunt, et petierunt se admitti responsuri, ut per admissionem suam possent petentes elongare de judicio et seisina demande sue habendis, et ad faciendum eosdem petentes de novo placitare, et sic petentes in curia regis in casu predicto sepius elongantur jure suo per maliciam supradictam, de statuto predicto supervenientem, quam ex justa causa aut racionabili, prout coram justiciariis multociens contigit et invenitur.	3 (3). Concerning those who intervene before judgment. When anyone claims through the writ of the lord king any tenements against a tenant by the curtesy, in fee tail, as dower, or a tenant for life or term of years of any other kind, and the demandant had proceeded to the stage where the tenements are about to be lost and adjudged to him, and thereupon someone else intervenes before judgment has been given, saying that he has the fee and right in those tenements, and requests the court that, since he has appeared before judgment to defend his tenement and is prepared to answer the demandant in that case he should be admitted to do this, by reason of a certain statute of the present king, among the other statutes most recently promulgated at Westminster, under which statute both those who had no right and those who had a right, have very often intervened in these circumstances, falsely and to the deception of the court, asking to be admitted to answer, so that by their admission they might delay the demandants from getting judgment and seisin for what they claim, and in order to make the same demandants plead again; and in this way demandants in the king's court in the aforesaid circumstances are more often delayed in recovering their rights by the aforesaid malice arising out of the aforesaid statute, than by a just or reasonable cause, as very often happens and is found before the justices.
Propter quod, dominus rex ad maliciam predictam in casu predicto destruendam remedium volens apponere, in pleno parliamento suo, et de communi consilio suo, statuit, et firmiter decetero, videlicet < a > die die" [sic] lune proxima post Purificacionem Beate Virginis, anno regni sui .xx. ^o , precepit observari quod, cum aliquis a latere ante judicium in casu predicto supervenerit et petierit se admitti, antequam admittatur inveniat sufficientem securitatem, prout curie visum fuerit, ad respondendum [col. b] petenti de valore tenementi sic amittendi, a die quo recipitur responsurus usque diem quo judicium finale fiet super peticione petentis, si ille petens demandam suam recuperet: et graviter amercietur, si habeat unde, et si non habeat, committatur gayole ad voluntatem regis. Et si verificare poterit jus suum esse tale quale illud asseruit quando petiit ipsum admitti, eat quietus etc.	On account of which the lord king, wishing to provide a remedy to destroy the aforesaid malice in the aforesaid case, in his full parliament, and by common counsel has decreed, and commanded that henceforth, that is from the Monday following the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, in the twentieth year of his reign, it be strictly observed that when anyone intervenes before judgment in the aforesaid circumstances and asks to be admitted, he is to find sufficient security before he is admitted, as seems appropriate to the court, to answer [col. b] to the demandant for the value of the tenement thus to be lost, to answer from the day on which he is received until the day of the final judgment on the demandant's claim, if that demandant recovers what he is claiming: and he is to be heavily amerced, if he has the means, and if not, he is to be sent to prison at the king's pleasure. And if he can prove that his right is such as he claimed when he asked to be admitted, he is to go quit etc.
De brevi de inquisicione concedenda de terris ad manum mortuam ponendis.	[Ordinance requiring the submission of petitions to parliament prior to the issuing of inquisitions ad quod damnum to enquire into proposed alienations in mortmain].
4 (4). De religiosis terras aut tenementa decetero de feodis suis aut aliorum perquirere volentibus, per quod terre aut tenementa illa ad manum mortuam deveniant, contra formam statuti domini regis nuper super hoc editi per ipsum dominum regem et consilium suum, in pleno parliamento suo provisum est et concordatum quod decetero, videlicet de die lune predicto, non concedatur alicui breve domini regis in cancellaria de inquisicione facienda, si sit ad dampnum domini regis vel aliorum, si ipse dare possit et assignare aliquibus religiosis aut aliis terras aut tenementa aliqua, juxta formam brevis in cancellaria usitate [sic: read 'usitatam'] in casu predicto, per quod terre aut tenementa illa in manum mortuam deveniant, nisi per peticiones in pleno parliamento porrectas: et ita quod, si religiosi illi aut alii, quibus terre aut tenementa illa sic fuerint concedenda, sint ita pauperes et exiles quod de suo proprio vivere non poterint, dominus rex super hoc, habito consilio, faciet de gracia sua quod sibi placuerit etc.	4 (4). Concerning the granting of the writ of inquisition into the putting of lands into mortmain. Concerning religious henceforth wishing to acquire lands or tenements from their fees or from the fees of others, through which those lands or tenements would come into mortmain, contrary to the terms of the lord king's statute recently promulgated on this matter, it has been provided and agreed by the same lord king and his council in full parliament that henceforth, that is from the aforesaid Monday, no one is to be granted a writ of the lord king in chancery to conduct an inquisition as to whether it is to the harm of the lord king or of others if he is allowed to give and assign lands or tenements to any religious or others, in accordance with the form of the writ used in chancery in the aforesaid case, through which those lands or tenements would come into mortmain, except through petitions put forward in full parliament: and so that if those religious or others, to whom those lands or tenements are thus to be granted, are so poor and needy that they cannot live of their own resources, the lord king, taking counsel on this, will do of his grace what pleases him etc.
[memb. 4]
De presentibus vocatis ad warantum.	[Statute allowing the counterpleading of vouchers to warranty, even when the vouchees are present in court and prepared to warrant].
5 (5). Cum tenens in placito terre, temporibus retroactis, vocaverit aliquem ad warantum, et petens super hoc verificare voluerit quod nec vocatus nec aliquis antecessorum suorum, a tempore seisine antecessoris ipsius petentis, fuerit < in > seisina de tenementis predictis nec in dominico nec in servicio, si ille vocatus ad warantum presens fuerit, et gratis tenenti warantizare voluerit, predicta verificacio petentis admitti non consuevit, nisi vocatus ad warantum absens fuerit et hoc racione cujusdam statuti domini regis nunc editi inter cetera prima statuta sua Westm'. Propter quod dominus rex, animadvertens fraudem, decepcionem, et maliciam, et eciam dampnum suum, et exheredacionem corone sue, in casu predicto in curia sua multociens posse intervenire, et isto die intervenerit [sic: read 'intervenit'] , cum quidam tenentes de ipso domino rege in capite, et per baroniam integram, in quodam placito pendenti coram justiciariis de Banco nunc, vocaverunt ad warantum de demanda petentis particulariter quosdam garciones ignotos et extraneos, [quos] presentes [[The following text has been deleted: sunt]] < duxerunt > , et quorum antecessores, aut ipsi, nunquam in tenementis que warantizaverunt aliquid habuerunt, < aut > in aliquibus terris aut tenementis aliis in regno isto, neque in dominico, neque in servicio, prout a diversis domini regis fidelibus testabatur ut per cautelam, fraudem, et maliciam illam ipsi per baroniam tenentes auferre possent domino regi misericordiam suam, in quam inciderent, si petens versus eosdem demandam suam recuperaret. Et similiter, illi garciones waranti, videlicet < quilibet > de porcione quam warantizavit, se [defendent] per corpus servientis, provisi et conducti per ipsos per baroniam tenentes; et sic super uno brevi una demanda < unius petentis > jam sunt duo bella vel tria vadiata, quod durum est, et exemplum perniciosum tempore futuro pro pauperibus petentibus versus magnates et divites, qui se per maliciam predictam defendere voluerunt, nec contra predictos warantos petens, quando vocati fuerunt, verificacionem suam in forma predicta habere potuit, eo quod ipsi vocati presentes fuerint [sic: read 'fuerunt'] , et gratis warantizaverint [sic: read 'warantizaverunt'] , de communi consilio statuit, et firmiter decetero, videlicet de festo Sancti Hillarii, anno regni sui vicesimo, precepit observari quod, cum tenens aliquem vocaverit [p. i-79][col. a] ad warantum et petens in forma predicta verificare voluerit, admittatur ejus verificacio, sive vocatus absens fuerit vel presens, nullo habito respectu ad ejus presenciam vel absenciam.	5 (5). Concerning those who are present when vouched to warranty. Whenever the tenant in a plea concerning land, in the past, vouched anyone to warranty, and the demandant then wished to prove that neither the vouchee, nor any of his ancestors, was in seisin of the aforesaid tenements, since the time of the seisin of the ancestor of the same demandant, either in demesne or in service, if that person vouched to warranty were present, and freely wished to warrant the tenant, it was not the custom to admit the aforesaid proof of the demandant, but only if the person vouched to warranty were absent: and this was by reason of a certain statute of the present lord king's, promulgated among the rest of his first statutes of Westminster. On account of which the lord king, seeing that deceit, deception and malice, and also harm to him and disinheritance of his crown could often come about in the aforesaid case in his court, and have today come about, when certain tenants in chief of the same lord king holding a full barony, in a certain plea pending before the current justices of the Bench, vouched to warranty separately in relation to the demandant's claim, certain menials, unknown and strangers to the land, whom they brought into court, when neither these people's ancestors nor they themselves ever had any interest in the tenements which they warranted, or in any other lands or tenements in this realm, either in demesne or in service, as has been attested by various lieges of the lord king: so that through that trickery, deceit and malice, those people who held by barony could cheat the king of his amercement, which they would incur if the demandant recovered his claim against them. And likewise those menial warrantors, that is, each one for the part for which he warranted, make their defence by the body of a serjeant, provided and hired by those who hold by barony, and thus from one writ and one claim of one demandant there are now two or three battles waged, which is hard, and a pernicious example for the future for poor demandants claiming against magnates and rich men, who will make their defence using the aforesaid malice, and the demandant is not allowed to have his proof in the aforesaid form against the aforesaid warrantors when they were vouched, because those who were vouched were present, and freely warranted, by common counsel decreed and commanded that henceforth, that is from the feast of St Hilary, in the twentieth year of his reign, it is to be strictly observed that when the tenant vouches anyone [p. i-79][col. a] to warranty and the demandant wishes to make proof in the aforesaid terms, his proof should be admitted, whether the person vouched is absent or present, without reference to his presence or absence.
Quod heredes habeant accionem per breve de vasto [facto] tempore antecessorum suorum.	[Judgment given in the case brought by William Butler against Walter of Hopton, allowing an action of waste in respect of waste committed in the time of the plaintiff's ancestor and a decision that this be allowed generally in future].
6 (6). Willelmus le Botiler, qui est infra etatem et in custodia domini regis, monstravit domino regi quod, cum quidam Gawayn le Botiler frater suus, cujus heres ipse est, nuper implacitasset Walterum de Hopton' per breve domini regis de vasto et destruccione factis per ipsum Walterum in quibusdam terris et tenementis, que idem Walterus tenuit ad terminum vite < sue > , de hereditate predicti Gawani, in Wemme et in Tirlegh', et idem Gawinus, antequam judicium assecutus fuerit, obiisset, et post cujus mortem prefatus Willelmus per consimile breve predictum Walterum de predictis vasto et destruccione factis per multum tempus implacitaverit, idem Walterus coram Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis ad placita ejusdem domini regis < tenenda > assignatis venit et dixit quod non debuit ipsi Willelmo respondere de vasto aut destruccione factis tempore alieno et antequam jus hereditatis predicte ei descenderat. Et super hoc [[The following text has been deleted: petit]] < petiit > judicium.	6 (6). That heirs should have an action by writ for waste committed in the time of their ancestors. William Butler, who is under age and in the lord king's wardship, showed the lord king that, whereas a certain Gawain Butler his brother, whose heir he is, recently impleaded Walter of Hopton, by a writ of the lord king, concerning waste and destruction made by the same Walter in certain lands and tenements which the same Walter held for the term of his life, of the inheritance of the aforesaid Gawain, in Wem and in Tirley, and the same Gawain died before he had obtained judgment, and after his death the aforesaid William impleaded the aforesaid Walter for a long time by a similar writ for the aforesaid waste and destruction, and the same Walter appeared before Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues, assigned to hear the pleas of the same lord king, and said that he was not obliged to answer the same William for waste and destruction made during another's time, and before the right of the aforesaid inheritance had descended to him. And on this matter he asked for judgment.
Et quia quidam justiciarii in reddicione predicti judicii non concordarunt pro eo quod quibusdam videbatur quod non esset juri consonum, si per breve predictum, quod est quoddam breve de transgressione certe persone [facta] , altera persona comodum aut emendas exequeretur quam eadem persona cui et in cujus tempore transgressio facta fuit, aliis autem justiciariis et majori parte tocius consilii domini regis in contraria opinione existentibus, et per raciones diversas asserentibus, < quod > predictus Willelmus audiri deberet et inde responderi, et eciam alii quicunque in casibus consimilibus, vel transgressiones consimiles in casu consimili semper remanerent non emendate et transgressores impuniti, quod esset < durum, et > inconveniens < pro heredibus quibus talis transgressio facta fuerit > : propter quod, postea dominus rex, habito tractatu diligenti in pleno parliamento suo in crastino Purificacionis Beate Marie, anno regni sui vicesimo, de communi consilio suo statuit, et ex tunc firmiter precepit observari, quod heredes, in cujuscunque custodia fuerint, < et > tam plene etatis quam infra etatem existentes, habeant suum recuperare per breve de vasto in casu predicto et aliis ubi breve illud locum habet, tam de vasto et destruccione factis in terris et tenementis de hereditate sua tam temporibus antecessorum suorum quam a tempore quo jus et feodum hereditatis ei descenderunt et inde respondeantur. Et quod recuperent tenementa vastata, et dampna, prout statuitur in ultimis statutis Westm' de dampnis recuperandis per breve de vasto, si tenens de vasto convincatur.	And because certain justices did not agree on the giving of the aforesaid judgment, because it seemed to some that it would not be in accordance with justice if through the aforesaid writ, which is a kind of writ of trespass, for a trespass against a certain person, some other person were to obtain advantage or compensation than the person against whom and in whose time the trespass was committed, but other justices and the greater part of the whole of the lord king's council were of the contrary opinion, and asserted that for various reasons the aforesaid William should be heard and answered on the matter, and also any others in similar circumstances, or similar trespasses in similar circumstances would always remain unredressed, and the trespassers unpunished, which would be hard, and inappropriate for the heirs against whom such a trespass was committed: on account of which the lord king afterwards, after careful consideration of the matter in his full parliament, on the morrow of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, in the twentieth year of his reign, decreed by common counsel, and commanded that it henceforth be strictly observed, that heirs, in whosoever's wardship they were, and whether they were of age or under age, are to have their recovery by writ of waste in the aforesaid circumstances, and in others where that writ lies with regard to waste and destruction made in the lands and tenements of their inheritance, both during the times of their ancestors and from the time when the right and fee of the inheritance descended to them, and that they are to be answered on the matter. And that they are to recover their wasted tenements and their damages, as is decreed in the last statutes of Westminster concerning the recovery of damages by writ of waste, if the defendant is convicted of waste.
Et preceptum est per ipsum regem predictis Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis quod in loquela predicta, et in consimilibus, decetero procedant, et secundum < quod > inveniri contigerit judicium reddant. Et similiter preceptum est justiciariis < de Banco in pleno parliamento > quod hoc idem coram eis decetero faciant firmiter observari etc.	And the aforesaid Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues are commanded by the same king that they should henceforth proceed in the aforesaid suit and in similar ones, and that they should give judgment in accordance with what is found. And the justices of the Bench are likewise commanded in full parliament to see that this is henceforth strictly observed before them etc.
Quod omnes illi qui habent quadraginta libratas terre fiant milites.	[Authorisation of measures to constrain all holders of land worth £40 or more to take knighhood].
7 (7). Dominus rex precepit quod omnes illi de regno Anglie qui habent quadraginta libratas terre et ultra in feodo et hereditate et qui fuerint [sic: read 'fuerunt'] domini terrarum suarum per tres annos, fiant milites citra Natale Domini. Et super hoc emanarunt brevia singulis vicecomitibus Anglie et eciam Reginaldo de Grey pro balliva sua de Cestria in forma subscripta:	7 (7). That all those who have £40 worth of land should become knights. The lord king has commanded that all those in the realm of England who have £40 worth of land and more, in fee and inheritance, and who have been owners of their lands for three years, should become knights by Christmas. And on this matter writs have been sent to each of the sheriffs of England and also to Reginald de Grey for his bailiwick of Chester in the form found below:
[col. b]
Rex vicecomiti Ebor' salutem. Precipimus tibi quod in pleno comitatu tuo proximo pupplice proclamari, et omnibus illis de balliva tua quorum interest ex parte nostra scire facias, quod illi de comitatu predicto qui habent quadraginta libratas terre in feodo et hereditate, et qui terras illas et tenementa per triennium ante datam presencium tenuerunt, et milites esse debent et non sunt, arma militaria recipiant ante festum Natalis Domini proximo futurum. Et qualiter istud mandatum nostrum fueris executus nobis distincte et aperte scire facias in festo Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximo futuro. Et habeas ibi tunc hoc breve. Teste etc.	The king to the sheriff of Yorkshire, greetings. We command you to have it publicly proclaimed in your next full county court, and to inform on our behalf all those of your bailiwick whom it concerns, that those of the aforesaid county who have £40 worth of land in fee and inheritance, and who have held those lands and tenements for three years before the date of the present, and ought to be knights and are not, are to take knighthood before the feast of Christmas next. And you are to inform us clearly and plainly of how you have executed this command of ours at the feast of St John the Baptist next. And you are to have this writ there at that time. Witness etc.
Quod omnes carte regis in singulis articulis suis allocentur ad scaccarium.	[Ordinance for the allowance of charters of liberties at the exchequer].
8 (8). Quia dominus rex in parliamento suo post Natale Domini anno regni sui decimo octavo ex gravi querimonia tam religiosorum quam aliorum de regno suo, quorum < predecessoribus > et antecessoribus progenitores ipsius domini regis per cartas suas diversas libertates concesserunt, intellexit quod carte ille ad scaccarium suum coram thesaurario et baronibus suis non fuerunt allocate, et super hoc mandavit eisdem thesaurario et baronibus quod omnes carte que allocate fuerunt decimooctavo anno regis Henrici patris sui in eodem scaccario et eciam quod omnes carte perquisite de tempore precedenti allocarentur, et jam ad parliamentum istud, videlicet in crastino Epiphanie Domini anno regni sui vicesimo, iterato ad aures ipsius domini regis gravior pervenerit querimonia quod carte regie per ipsum dominum regem et progenitores suos prelatis et magnatibus < regni sui > concesse, in singulis articulis in eisdem cartis contentis et specificatis ad scaccarium suum, immo vix in aliquibus articulis, sunt allocate, per quod ipsi prelati et magnates per districciones vicecomitum et ballivorum per summonicionem scaccarii distringuntur, et multipliciter inquietantur: dominus rex super hoc graciam specialem et uberiorem prelatis et magnatibus regni sui facere volens, et eciam remedium salubre apponere in premissis, concessit, et firmiter precepit observari, quod omnes carte [[The following text has been deleted: sue]] que fuerunt allocate in dicto scaccario decimooctavo anno regis Henrici patris sui, ut predictum est, et eciam omnes carte quocunque tempore tam progenitorum ipsius domini regis quam tempore suo concesse manuteneantur et allocentur decetero in singulis articulis contentis in eisdem, secundum quod prelati et magnates eisdem usi sunt, licet compertum fuerit quod carte ille, juxta tenorem earundem, in aliquibus articulis in eisdem contentis tempore preterito non fuerint eisdem allocate, dum tamen articulis illis usi fuerint; exceptis amerciamentis quoscunque per consideracionem curie < regis > tangentibus pro propriis delictis suis, qui quietanciam inde per cartas hujusmodi clamant < habere > , de quibus rex suam faciet voluntatem, prout alias inde ordinavit; ita quod carte de libertatibus perquisite post predictum decimumoctavum annum regis Henrici ostendantur ad scaccarium citra terminum unius anni a die Sancti Michaelis proximo futuro, sub forisfactura eorundem perquisitorum. Et si per earundem inspeccionem, aut alio modo, compertum fuerit, quod apropriaciones alique de amerciamentis, vel aliis libertatibus, ultra ea que specificata fuerint in cartis illis, fiant auctoritate cartarum illarum, tunc omnes apropriaciones hujusmodi capiantur in manum domini regis, et salvo custodiantur donec rex aliud inde preceperit. Et quod ea que specialiter in cartis hujusmodi contenta non fuerint, non allocentur decetero ad scaccarium. Et super hoc mandatum est breve domini regis sub hac forma:	8 (8). That all the king's charters in each of their articles are to be allowed in the exchequer. Because the lord king in his parliament after Christmas in the eighteenth year of his reign learned from the serious complaint both of the religious and of others of his realm, to whose predecessors and ancestors the progenitors of the same lord king had granted various liberties through their charters, that those charters were not allowed at his exchequer before his treasurer and barons, he thereupon commanded the same treasurer and barons that all charters which were allowed in the same exchequer in the eighteenth year of the reign of king Henry his father, and also all charters acquired up to this time, should be allowed, and now at this parliament, that is on the morrow of the Epiphany of the Lord in the twentieth year of his reign, a more serious complaint has come again to the ears of the same lord king, that the royal charters granted by the same lord king and his progenitors to the prelates and magnates of his realm are not allowed in each of the articles contained and specified in the same charters at his exchequer, indeed are scarcely allowed in any article, as a result of which the same prelates and magnates are distrained by the distraints of sheriffs and bailiffs through a summons from the exchequer, and harassed in many ways: the lord king wishing to show his special and more abundant grace on this matter to the prelates and magnates of his realm, and also to provide a beneficial remedy for the above, has granted, and has ordered that it be strictly observed, that all charters which were allowed in the said exchequer in the eighteenth year of the reign of king Henry his father, as has been said above, and also all charters granted both at any time during the reigns of the progenitors of the same lord king, and in his reign, should henceforth be maintained and allowed in each of the articles contained in them, as the prelates and magnates have used them, even if it is found that those charters were in the past not allowed to them according to their tenor in some of the articles contained in them, provided they used those articles; excepting amercements relating to anyone for their own offences by the judgment of the king's court and for those who claim such acquittances by charter the king will do as pleases him, as he has previously ordained; on condition that charters of liberties acquired after the aforesaid eighteenth year of the reign of king Henry are to be shown at the exchequer within a period of one year from Michaelmas next, on pain of forfeiture of the same acquisitions. And if by inspection of these, or in any other way, it is found that any appropriations of amercements, or of other liberties, beyond those specified in those charters, are taking place by authority of those charters, then all appropriations of this kind are to be taken into the lord king's hand, and kept safely until the king commands otherwise on the matter. And things which are not specifically contained in charters of this kind are henceforth not to be allowed in the exchequer. And on this matter a writ of the lord king is issued in this form:
Rex thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario salutem. Cum nos, anno regni nostri decimooctavo, vobis mandaverimus quod omnes cartas quibuscunque prelatis vel magnatibus [p. i-80][col. a] a progenitoribus nostris regibus Anglie super quibuscunque libertatibus factas, que decimooctavo anno regni domini Henrici regis patris nostri fuerunt ad scaccarium predictum allocate, faceretis in eodem scaccario pariter et omnes cartas de precedenti tempore perquisitas allocari, et nos jam, ex insinuacione prelatorum et magnatum regni nostri, acceperimus quod carte sue, tam per nos quam dictum patrem nostrum et alios progenitores nostros predictos sibi facte, in singulis articulis suis, juxta concessiones nostras et < dictorum > progenitorum nostrorum, per vos in scaccario predicto non sunt allocate; propter quod, ipsi per districciones vicecomitum et aliorum ballivorum nostrorum per summonicionem scaccarii distringuntur, et multipliciter jacturas et dispendia sustinentes in debite [sic: read 'indebite'] pregravantur; volentes super hoc salubre remedium adhiberi, providimus, concessimus, et firmiter precipimus quod omnes carte que fuerunt allocate in predicto scaccario dicto decimooctavo anno regni dicti patris nostri, et eciam omnes carte quocunque tempore, tam tempore progenitorum nostrorum quam nostro, concesse, manuteneantur et allocentur decetero in singulis articulis < contentis in eisdem, secundum quod prelati et magnates eisdem usi sunt, licet compertum fuerit quod carte ille juxta tenorem earundem in aliquibus articulis > < in eisdem contentis > tempore preterito non fuerint eisdem allocate, dum tamen articulis illis usi fuerint; exceptis amerciamentis quoscunque per consideracionem curie nostre tangentibus pro propriis delictis suis, qui quietanciam inde per cartas hujusmodi clamant habere, de quibus nostram intendimus facere voluntatem, prout coram nobis et consilio nostro fuit alias ordinatum: proviso quod, inspectis cartis de libertatibus post tempus allocacionum predictarum dicto decimooctavo anno regni dicti patris nostri factarum perquisitis, quas cartas per vos inspiciendas citra terminum unius anni a die Sancti Michaelis proximo futuro sub forisfactura perquisitorum illorum coram vobis deferri faciatis, si compertum fuerit quod apropriaciones alique de amerciamentis vel aliis libertatibus ultra ea que specificata fuerint de cartis predictis fiant auctoritate cartarum illarum, tunc omnes apropriaciones hujusmodi capiendas in manum nostram esse decrevimus, et in manu nostra custodiendas donec aliud inde preceperimus; et quod ea que specialiter in cartis hujusmodi contenta non fuerint decetero nullatenus allocentur per vos in scaccario predicto. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod hanc provisionem et concessionem nostram in scaccario predicto coram vobis irrotulari, et in omnibus decetero faciatis firmiter observari. Teste meipso apud Westm' .vj. ^o die Februarii anno regni nostri vicesimo.	The king to his treasurer and barons of the exchequer, greetings. Whereas we, in the eighteenth year of our reign, commanded you that all charters granted to any prelates or magnates [p. i-80][col. a] by our progenitors, kings of England, concerning any liberties, which were allowed at the aforesaid exchequer in the eighteenth year of the reign of the lord king Henry, our father, you should likewise have allowed in the same exchequer, and all charters acquired up to that time, and now, from the report of the prelates and magnates of our realm, we have learned that their charters, granted to them both by us and by our said father and our other aforesaid progenitors, are not allowed by your in the aforesaid exchequer as to each of their articles, in accordance with our grants and those of our said progenitors, on account of which they are distrained by the distraints of our sheriffs and other bailiffs, by the summons of the exchequer, and are unduly harassed, sustaining many losses and much harm: wishing to provide a proper remedy for this we have provided, granted and firmly commanded that all charters which were allowed in the aforesaid exchequer in the said eighteenth year of the reign of our said father, and also all charters granted at whatever time, either in the time of our progenitors or in ours, should henceforth be maintained and allowed as to each of the articles contained in them, as the prelates and magnates have used them, even if it is found that those charters were not in the past allowed to them according to their tenor in some articles contained in them, provided they used those articles; excepting any amercements of anyone for their own offences, by the judgment of our court, when they claim to have an acquittance for them through these charters, concerning which we intend to do our will, as was previously ordained before us and our council: provided that, on the inspection of charters of liberties acquired after the time of the aforesaid allowances made in the said eighteenth year of the reign of our said father, which charters you should have brought before you to be inspected within the period of a year from Michaelmas next on pain of forfeiture of those acquisitions, if it is found that any appropriations of amercements, or of other liberties, beyond those specified in the aforesaid charters, have occurred by authority of those charters, then we decree that all appropriations of this kind are to be taken into our hands, and to be retained in our hands until we have given other orders on the matter; and that things which are not specifically contained in charters of this kind should henceforth under no circumstances be allowed by you in the aforesaid exchequer. And therefore we command you to have this our provision and grant enrolled before you in the aforesaid exchequer, and henceforth strictly observed in all particulars. Witness myself at Westminster, 6 February in the twentieth year of our reign.
[memb. 4, dorse]
De aquietacione scutagii ad scaccarium.	[Ordinance to ensure tenants in chief are not distrained by the exchequer to pay scutage in respect of knight's fees for which satisfaction has already been made in respect of the service owed the king].
9 (9). Quia comites, barones, et ceteri magnates, milites, et alii qui de domino rege tenent graviter distringuntur et multipliciter inquietantur pro scutagio domino regi prestando de feodis militum que de domino rege tenentur, et de quo tam ipsi domino regi de tempore suo quam progenitoribus suis de eorundem temporibus per ipsos comites, barones et alios et eorum antecessores satisfactum est, ut asserunt, dominus rex super hoc remedium festinum volens apponere, mandavit thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario quod, scrutatis rotulis de scutagio in custodia sua existentibus de toto tempore bone memorie Ricardi quondam regis Anglie, et ab eodem tempore usque nunc, de feodis militum que de rege tenentur in regno isto, omnes illos qui per se aut antecessores suos ipsi domino regi aut progenitoribus suis de scutagio suo satisfecerint, secundum quod per rotulos illos inveniri contigerit, faciant esse quietos, et districciones ea occasione factas relaxent: proviso tamen, quod si quid de scutagio per ipsos aut antecessores suos domino regi aretro fuerit, aut debeatur, inde respondeatur domino regi ad scaccarium suum predictum. [col. b] Et super hoc mandatur thesaurario et baronibus breve domini regis in hec verba:	9 (9). Concerning the discharge of scutage at the exchequer. Because earls, barons and other magnates, knights and others, who hold of the lord king, are greatly distrained and harassed in many ways for the payment of scutage to the lord king for the knights' fees which they hold of the lord king, and for which they claim that satisfaction has been given both to the same lord king in his time and to his progenitors in their time, by the same earls, barons and others, and by their ancestors, the lord king, wishing to provide a swift remedy for this, commanded his treasurer and barons of the exchequer that, having examined the scutage rolls in their custody for the entire time of Richard of good memory, formerly king of England, and from that time until now, for the knights' fees which are held of the king in this realm, they should acquit all those who, in their own persons or those of their ancestors, have given satisfaction to the same lord king or to his predecessors for their scutage, according to what is found in those rolls, and should release the distraints made because of this: provided however that, if any of the scutage, from them or their ancestors, is in arrears or owed to the lord king, they are to answer for this to the lord king at his aforesaid exchequer. [col. b] And on this matter a writ of the lord king is sent to the treasurer and barons in these words:
Rex thesaurario et camerariis suis salutem. Quia magnates et alii de regno nostro per districciones varias eis per summonicionem scaccarii nostri sepius factas multipliciter gravantur et inquietantur pro scutagio nobis prestando de feodis militum que de nobis tenent in eodem regno, de quo tam progenitoribus nostris de tempore suo quam nobis de tempore nostro satisfecerunt, ut accepimus, nos eis super hoc festinum remedium facere volentes, vobis mandamus quod, scrutatis rotulis de scutagio in custodia vestra existentibus, de toto tempore bone memorie Ricardi quondam regis Anglie progenitoris nostri, et ab eodem tempore usque nunc, de feodis militum que de nobis tenentur in regno predicto, omnes illos qui per se aut antecessores suos nobis aut progenitoribus nostris de scutagio suo satisfecerint, secundum quod per rotulos illos inveneritis [inde] quietos esse faciatis, districciones eis ea occasione factas penitus relaxando: proviso tamen, quod de scutagio, si quod nobis per ipsos aut antecessores suos debeatur, nobis respondeatur ad scaccarium predictum. Teste rege apud Chauton' .vij. ^o die Februarii anno regni sui vicesimo.	The king to his treasurer and chamberlains, greetings. Because the magnates and others of our realm, through various distraints often made on them by the summons of our exchequer, are being harrassed and troubled in many ways for the payment to us of scutage for the knights' fees which they hold of us in the same realm, for which they have given satisfaction both to our progenitors in their time and to us in our time, as we have understood, we, wishing to provide them with a swift remedy for this, command you that, after having examined the scutage rolls in your custody for the entire time of Richard of good memory, formerly king of England, our progenitor, and from that time until now, for the knights' fees which are held of us in the aforesaid realm, you should acquit all those who, in their own persons or those of their ancestors, have given satisfaction to us or to our progenitors for their scutage, according to what you have found in those rolls, entirely relaxing the distraints made against them because of this: provided, however, that for any scutage owed to us from them or their ancestors, they are to answer to us in the aforesaid exchequer. Witness the king at Chawton, 7 February, in the twentieth year of his reign.
[editorial note: There is a gap of 2-3 lines between these paragraphs, but a line in the margin links them.] Mandatum est eciam comiti Marescallo, et comiti Hereford' constabulario Anglie, quod mittant ad scaccarium omnes rotulos qui sunt in custodia sua de serviciis domino regi et ejus progenitoribus factis in excercitibus suis Wallie per totum tempus predictum.	The earl Marshal and the earl of Hereford, constable of England, have also been ordered to send to the exchequer all the rolls which are in their custody concerning services performed to the lord king and his progenitors on their expeditions to Wales, for the whole of the aforesaid period.
Et similiter mandatum est Willelmo de Valencia et Petro de Huntingfeld' quod mittant rotulos in custodia sua existentes de serviciis factis in excercitibus predictis, ita quod habeant rotulos suos ad scaccarium in quindena Pasche proximo futura thesaurario et baronibus liberandos, ut < iidem thesaurarius et barones > , inspectis tam rotulis eorundem quam aliis in thesauraria existentibus, debitum finem in premissis apponant, et remedium festinum etc.	And likewise William de Valence and Peter of Huntingfield are commanded to send the rolls in their custody concerning services performed on the aforesaid expeditions, so that they have their rolls at the exchequer, to be handed over to the treasurer and barons, at the quinzaine of Easter next, so that the same treasurer and barons, having inspected both their rolls and others kept in the treasury, can put a proper end to the above, and a swift remedy etc.
De abbate de Cestria.	[Proceedings on the claim of the abbey of Chester to be free of royal custody during vacancies and from the requirement to provide a pension for a royal clerk on the election of a new abbot].
10 (10). Cum post mortem Simonis abbatis Sancte Werburge Cestrie nuper defuncti, ministri domini regis custodiam abbathie predicte in manum domini regis seisiissent, credentes custodiam et exitus ejusdem, sicut aliarum abbathiarum que sunt de corona domini regis, ad ipsum dominum regem pertinere, et eciam, cum dominus rex a fratre Thoma, nunc < abbate > ejusdem loci, petierit pensionem uni de clericis suis concedi, racione nove creacionis ipsius Thome, et super hoc idem Thomas dominum regem diu secutus fuerit et eidem supplicaverit quod ecclesia sua gaudere posset libertatibus et consuetudinibus quibus tempore domini Henrici regis patris sui gavisa fuit, asserens quod temporibus retroactis, et a tempore quo comitatus Cestr' in manum predicti domini Henrici regis devenit, idem dominus Henricus rex tempore vacacionum ejusdem abbathie nichil de bonis predicte abbathie cepit nec aliquid de exitibus ejusdem < ad opus > suum devenit [[The following text has been deleted: et]] nec aliquam custodiam inde habuit, nec aliqui abbates, predecessores ipsius Thome, racione nove creacionis sue alicui clerico predicti domini Henrici regis pensionem aliquam concesserunt. Et petiit quod dominus rex, habita consideracione ad statum quem pater suus tempore suo habuit in predicta abbathia temporibus vacacionum ejusdem, eundem statum tempore suo, si placet, vellet continuare, et ecclesiam suam eodem statu uti et gaudere permittere.	10 (10). Concerning the abbot of Chester. Whereas after the death of Simon the abbot of St Werburgh of Chester, who has recently died, the lord king's officials seized the custody of the aforesaid abbey into the lord king's hands, believing that its custody and issues, like those of other abbeys which belong to the lord king's crown, belong to the same lord king, and also whereas the lord king requested from brother Thomas, now the abbot of the same house, a pension to be granted to one of his clerks, because of the new creation of the same Thomas, whereupon the same Thomas long sued to the lord king and begged him that his church might enjoy the liberties and customs which it enjoyed in the time of the lord king Henry his father, claiming that in the past, and from the time when the earldom of Chester came into the hands of the lord king Henry, the same lord king Henry, during vacancies in the same abbey took nothing of the goods of the same abbey, nor did any of its issues come to his benefit, nor did he have any custody of it, nor did any abbots, predecessors of the same Thomas, grant any pension to any clerk of the aforesaid lord king Henry, because of their new creation. And he requested that the lord king, considering the estate which his father in his time had in the aforesaid abbey during vacancies in it, should be pleased to continue the same estate in his time, if he likes, and to allow his church to use and enjoy the same estate.
Propter quod, dominus rex apud Norham precepit mandare thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario, et eciam Reginaldo de Grey justiciario suo Cestrie, et similiter fratri Roberto de Valle Regali eschaetori suo comitatus Cestrie, quod, scrutatis rotulis, et < eciam facta > diligenti inquisicione per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu predicto, inquirerent cujusmodi custodiam dominus Henricus rex pater suus, a tempore quo predictus comitatus Cestrie in manum suam devenit, [p. i-81][col. a] habere consuevit in abbathia predicta, et cujusmodi exitus inde percipere tempore vacacionis ejusdem, et si aliquis abbas ejusdem, racione nove creacionis sue, alicui clerico ipsius domini < Henrici > regis pensionem aliquam concessit nec ne. Et quid inde invenirent, et inquirere possent, sine dilacione ipsi domino regi, sub sigillis suis et eorum per quos facte fuerint inquisiciones, scire facerent.	On account of which, the lord king at Norham commanded his treasurer and barons of the exchequer, and also Reginald de Grey, his justice of Chester, and likewise brother Robert of Vale Royal, the escheator of his county of Chester, to be ordered that, examining their rolls, and also making careful enquiry by the oath of upright and law-worthy men from the aforesaid county, they should enquire into what custody the lord king Henry his father, from the time when the aforesaid county of Chester came into his hands, [p. i-81][col. a] used to have in the aforesaid abbey, and what issues he received from it during its vacancies, and if any abbot there, by reason of his new creation, granted any pension to any clerk of the same lord king Henry or not. And that they should inform the same lord king without delay, under their seals and the seals of those by whom the enquiries were made, of what they found and could discover on the matter.
Concessit tamen predictus Thomas abbas domino regi, ob reverenciam suam, quod ipse libenter concederet quandam pensionem hac vice uni clerico ipsius domini regis, ita quod, si domino regi per inspecciones rotulorum et inquisiciones capiendas, ut predictum est, constare poterit quod nulli predecessorum suorum hoc facere consueverint, quod de solucione ejusdem extunc exoneretur, et quod racione illius concessionis a successoribus suis nulla pensio tempore novarum creacionum suarum peteretur. Et dominus rex hoc idem concessit etc.	The aforesaid abbot Thomas, however, conceded to the lord king, of his reverence, that he would willingly grant a pension, this time, to a clerk of the same lord king: provided that, if the lord king could establish, from the inspections of rolls and the enquiries which are to take place, as has been said, that none of his predecessors were accustomed to do this, he should thenceforth be discharged from payment of it; and that no pension should be requested from his successors at the time of their new creation, because of that grant. And the lord king granted this etc.
Postea ad parliamentum ipsius domini regis apud Westm' in crastino Epiphanie Domini anno regni sui vicesimo mandaverunt thesaurarius et barones de scaccario quod quia compotus abbathiarum, prioratuum, custodiarum, et eschaetarum de comitatu Cestrie ad scaccarium Cestrie et non ad scaccarium London' redditur, propter quod ibidem veritas rei predicte racione debet inveniri, iidem thesaurarius et barones mandaverunt per breve de scaccario Reginaldo de Grey justiciario Cestrie quod, scrutatis rotulis de scaccario ibidem, id quod invenerit eis mandaret. Qui eis mandavit quod nec per scrutinium rotulorum et memorandorum de scaccario Cestrie nec eciam per diligentem inquisicionem inde factam invenire potuit quod dominus Henricus rex pater etc. de exitibus abbathie predicte tempore vacacionis ejusdem quicquam percepit. Et idem justiciarius similiter hoc idem domino regi mandavit.	Afterwards, at the same lord king's parliament at Westminster on the morrow of the Epiphany of the Lord, in the twentieth year of his reign, the treasurer and barons of the exchequer reported that, because the account of the abbeys, priories, wardships and escheats of the county of Chester is rendered at the exchequer in Chester and not at the exchequer in London, and so the truth of the aforesaid matter should rightly be found there, the same treasurer and barons had commanded Reginald de Grey, the justice of Chester, by a writ of the exchequer that, after examining the rolls of the exchequer there, he should send them what he found. He reported to them that neither from examination of the rolls and memoranda of the exchequer of Chester, nor by a careful enquiry made on the matter, could he find that the lord king Henry, the father etc., took anything from the issues of the aforesaid abbey during a vacancy in it. And the same justice likewise reported the same to the lord king.
Mandarunt eciam prefati justiciarius et eschaetor inquisiciones quas inde ceperunt racione mandati domini regis predicti sub sigillis suis et sigillis eorum per quos facte fuerint, per quarum veredictum compertum est quod tempore Henrici regis, patris domini regis nunc, vacavit abbathia predicta per mortem cujusdam Walteri abbatis, post cujus mortem Ricardus de Draycote, tunc justiciarius Cestrie, in abbathia predicta quendam servientem posuit, qui habuit sub se duos custodes, unum in celario et alterum ad portam, qui bona et exitus ejusdem domus tempore vacacionis illius, sumptibus ejusdem domus, custodierunt salvo et integre ad opus ejusdem domus et proximi abbatis de novo creandi, ita quod dominus Henricus rex, tempore vacacionis illius, de bonis et exitibus predicte domus ad opus suum nichil percepit preter sumptus et expensas servientum suorum predictorum ad hoc deputatorum. Et quidam Rogerus successit eidem, qui nulli clerico ipsius Henrici regis pensionem aliquam contulit racione nove creacionis sue. Et preterea, tempore regis Henrici vacavit iterato predicta abbathia per mortem predicti Rogeri, tempore cujus vacacionis, Johannes de Grey, tunc justiciarius Cestr', eodem modo fecit in omnibus quo predictus Ricardus de Draycote justiciarius fecit, quando vacavit < abbathia tempore suo. Et quod nichil de bonis aut exitibus predicte abbathie ad opus domini < Henrici > regis tunc temporis devenit, nec abbas succedens alicui clerico ipsius Henrici regis aliquam pensionem contulit, racione nove creacionis sue, nec pluries vacavit > predicta abbathia tempore regis Henrici.	The same justice and escheator also sent the enquiries which they held on the matter, at the command of the aforesaid lord king, under their seals and the seals of those by whom they were held, through the verdict of which it is established that during the time of the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, the aforesaid abbey was vacant through the death of a certain abbot Walter, after whose death Richard of Draycote, then justice of Chester, put a certain serjeant into the aforesaid abbey, who had under him two custodians, one in the cellar and the other at the gate, who kept the goods and issues of the same house safe and whole during that vacancy, at the expense of the same house, for the benefit of the same house and of the next abbot to be newly created. So that the lord king Henry took nothing from the goods and issues of the aforesaid house for his own benefit during that vacancy, apart from the costs and expenses of his aforesaid serjeants appointed to that task. And a certain Roger succeeded him, who did not grant any pension to any clerk of the same king Henry because of his new creation. And furthermore, during king Henry's time, the aforesaid abbey was again vacant through the death of the aforesaid Roger, during which vacancy John de Grey, then the justice of Chester, did the same in all respects as the aforesaid justice Richard of Draycote did, when the abbey was vacant during his time. And none of the goods or issues of the aforesaid abbey went to the benefit of the lord king Henry at that time; nor did the succeeding abbot confer any pension on any clerk of the same king Henry, because of his new creation; nor was the aforesaid abbey vacant again during king Henry's time.
Et quia nec per recordum rotulorum nec per inquisiciones predictas reperitur quod dominus rex Henricus, pater domini regis nunc, temporibus vacacionum predicte abbathie tempore suo, nichil de bonis aut exitibus predicte abbathie percepit, nec aliquid inde ad opus suum devenit, nec aliqua pensio alicui clericorum suorum racione nove creacionis alicujus abbatum predicte abbathie concessa fuit, nec < eciam > idem dominus Henricus rex aliquam custodiam inde habuit, nisi [editorial note: Altered from 'nec'.] quod justiciarii sui, ut predictum est, tempore vacacionis ibidem [col. b] unum servientem posuerunt, qui habuit sub se duos custodes, unum in celario, et alium ad portam, ad bona domus custodienda et ad opus abbatis futuri, et qui nichil de eadem domo ceperunt nisi tantummodo sumptus et expensas suas tempore quo ibidem < steterunt > , dominus rex de gracia sua speciali concessit quod tempore futuro, cum predicta abbathia vacaverit, fiat in eadem sicut tempore domini Henrici regis patris sui, ut predictum est, fieri consuevit; et predictus Thomas nunc abbas absolvatur de pensione danda clerico regis quam alias ob reverentiam domini regis concessit. Et successores sui decetero ad nullam pensionem, racione nove creacionis sue, prestandam clerico domini regis compellantur. Et similiter habeat breve eschaetori de habendo exitus predicte abbathie qui tempore ultime vacacionis in manum domini regis capti fuerunt. Et sciendum quod inquisiciones predicte remanent in cancellaria.	And because it is not found, either from the record of the rolls, or through the aforesaid enquiries, that the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, during vacancies in the aforesaid abbey during his time, took anything from the goods or issues of the aforesaid abbey, nor did any part of these come to his benefit, nor was any pension granted to any of his clerks because of the new creation of any abbot of the aforesaid abbey, nor did the same lord king Henry even have any custody of it, except insofar as his justices, as has been said above, [col. b] appointed a serjeant there during vacancies, who had two custodians under him, one in the cellar and the other at the door, to guard the goods of the house for the benefit of the future abbot, and who took nothing from the same house except their costs and expenses for the time when they were there, the lord king of his special grace granted that in future, when the aforesaid abbey is vacant, there should be done in it as was done in the time of the lord king Henry his father, as has been said above; and the aforesaid Thomas, the present abbot, is to be absolved from giving the pension to the king's clerk which he previously granted out of reverence for the lord king. And his successors are not henceforth to be compelled to grant any pension to any clerk of the lord king because of their new creation. And likewise he is to have a writ to the escheator to return the issues of the aforesaid abbey which were taken into the lord king's hands during the last vacancy. And be it known that the aforesaid enquiries remain in chancery.
Preterea dominus rex precepit quod super premissis fiant predicto abbati littere sue patentes. Et fiunt, et inrotulantur in cancellaria etc.	Furthermore the lord king commanded that his letters patent are to be issued to the aforesaid abbot on the above. And they have been, and are enrolled in chancery etc.
[De] libertate de Ewyas [Lacy] , que fuit [Theobaldi de Verdon'] .	[Proceedings relating to the seizure and restoration of the marcher liberty of Ewyas Lacy, belonging to Theobald de Verdun].
11 (11). Quia Theobaldus de Verdun coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio apud Bergeveny a die Sancti Michaelis in tres septimanas de diversis transgressionibus et inobedienciis factis domino regi, in lesionem corone et dignitatis, et eciam in contemptum ipsius domini regis manifestum, arrenatus, in inquisicionem patrie se inde posuit, que quidem inquisicio coram Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis justiciariis ad placita domini regis assignatis per ipsum dominum regem capi precipiebatur: ideo processus et recordum predicte loquele, scripta et inrotulata prout coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio placitabatur, per manum Gilberti de [Roubury] tradebatur predicto Gilberto de Thornton', ut secundum quod in recordo illo invenitur et inrotulatur veritatem inquirat. Et invenietur loquela illa in rotulis suis de termino Sancti Michaelis anno regni regis nunc nonodecimo.	11 (11). Concerning the liberty of Ewyas Lacy, which belonged to Theobald de Verdun. Because Theobald de Verdun, arraigned before the same lord king and his council at Abergavenny, three weeks after Michaelmas, for various trespasses and acts of disobedience perpetrated against the lord king, to the harm of his crown and dignity, and also in manifest contempt of the same lord king, put himself on an enquiry by the country on the matter, which enquiry was ordered by the same lord king to be held before Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues, the justices appointed to the lord king's pleas: therefore the record and process of the aforesaid suit, copied and enrolled just as it was pleaded before the same lord king and his council, was handed over by the hand of Gilbert of Rothbury to the aforesaid Gilbert of Thornton, for him to enquire as to the truth according to what is found and enrolled in that record. And that suit will be found in his rolls for the Michaelmas term in the nineteenth year of the reign of the present king.
Et sciendum quod per judicium in predicto placito postea coram ipso domino rege apud parliamentum suum apud Westm' in crastino Epiphanie anno regni sui vicesimo redditum, predictus Theobaldus, per consideracionem et judicium tocius consilii, committebatur gaole et exheredatus fuit de tota libertate sua regali quam habuit in terris suis de Ewyas Lacy, pro se et heredibus suis inperpetuum.	And be it known that by a judgment given afterwards in the aforesaid plea before the same lord king at his parliament at Westminster on the morrow of the Epiphany in the twentieth year of his reign the aforesaid Theobald, by the decision and judgment of the whole council, was sent to prison and disinherited of all his royal liberty which he had in his lands of Ewyas Lacy for himself and his heirs in perpetuity.
Set postea dominus rex, pro bono servicio antecessorum predicti Theobaldi facto sibi et progenitoribus suis, et quia idem Theobaldus transgressionem suam fatebatur, et voluntati se submisit, de gracia sua speciali concessit quod libertas predicta post mortem ipsius Theobaldi restituatur et remaneat heredibus suis, ita quod ipsi inde non exheredentur.	But afterwards the lord king, for the good service given to himself and his progenitors by the ancestors of the aforesaid Theobald, and because the same Theobald confessed his trespass, and submitted himself to his will, granted of his special grace that after the death of the same Theobald the aforesaid liberty was to be restored and remain to his heirs, so that they should not be disinherited of it.
Et predictus Theobaldus finem fecit pro redempcione corporis sui per quingentas marcas et recipitur, prout patet in rotulis predictis Gilberti de Thornton'.	And the aforesaid Theobald made fine in 500 marks for the ransom of his body and it has been accepted, as is clear from the aforesaid rolls of Gilbert of Thornton.
Et similiter homines predicti Theobaldi, qui, ut patet in eodem placito, de contemptu domino regi facto convicti fuerunt, propter quod prisone committebantur, finem fecerunt pro redempcione corporum suorum coram eodem Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis per preceptum regis super eodem placito. Et ibi inrotulantur fines eorum, et plegii eorundem finium.	And likewise the men of the aforesaid Theobald who, as is clear from the same plea, were convicted of contempt against the lord king, on account of which they were sent to prison, made fine for the ransom of their bodies before the same Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues at the king's command on the same plea. And their fines are enrolled there and the sureties for the same fines.
[p. i-82]
[col. a]
[memb. 5]
De Theobaldo de Verdon'.	[Proceedings against the Welsh inhabitants of Theobald de Verdun's marcher liberty of Ewyas Lacy].
12. Preceptum fuit Theobaldo de Verdun apud Herford' a die Sancti Michaelis in unum mensem coram ipso domino rege quod haberet coram domino rege et ejus consilio apud Westm' ad parliamentum suum in crastino Epiphanie Domini quosdam Walenses convictos in curia regis de quibusdam contemptu et transgressionibus ipsi domino regi factis, et infra libertatem predicti Theobaldi de Ewyas Lacy et sub potestate sua commorantes, ad faciendum et recipiendum quod dominus rex de consilio suo ordinaret. Et idem Theobaldus hoc idem assumpsit, si superstites essent, et inveniri infra potestatem suam potuissent.	12. Concerning Theobald de Verdun. Theobald de Verdun was ordered at Hereford, one month after Michaelmas, before the same lord king, to bring before the lord king and his council, at Westminster at his parliament on the morrow of the Epiphany of the Lord, certain Welshmen convicted in the lord king's court of a certain contempt and trespasses perpetrated against the same lord king, and within the aforesaid Theobald's liberty of Ewyas Lacy, and who live within his power, to do and receive what the lord king, on the advice of his council, would ordain. And the same Theobald undertook this, if they were alive, and could be found within his power.
Ad quem diem predictus Theobaldus in pleno consilio et in presencia ipsius domini regis arrenatus si corpora eorundem Walensium haberet, et secum duxisset, ad reddendum ipsi domino regi, prout ipsi Theobaldo per preceptum regis, ut predictum est, injunctum fuit, testabatur manifeste quod quidam eorundem Walensium mortui fuerunt, et quidam non fuerunt inventi, et quidam vagabundi et ignoti, ita quod nullum eorundem adduxit.	On which day the aforesaid Theobald, arraigned in full council and in the presence of the same lord king, as to whether he had the bodies of the same Welshmen, and had brought them with him to surrender them to the same lord king, as the same Theobald was instructed by the king's command, as has been said, attested that some of those Welshmen were dead, and some could not be found, and some were vagabonds and unknown: so that he had brought none of them with him.
Et quia dominus rex postea intellexit quod predictus Theobaldus falso, contra homagium et fidelitatem suam, testatus fuit, eo quod iidem quos mortuos testabatur sunt superstites; et quos non inventos testabatur in terris suis postea inveniebantur et capiebantur, et sunt in prisona ipsius domini regis Herford'; et quos ignotos et vagabundos testabatur noti sunt, et infra libertatem suam residentes, idem Theobaldus, coram ipso domino rege ad racionem positus qualiter et quomodo se vellet de premissis aquietare, posuit se inde in juratam patrie quod bene et fideliter testabatur, prout patet per recordum traditum inde Gilberto de Thornton' per manum Gilberti de Roubiry, et inrotulatur in rotulis Gilberti de Thornton', de termino Sancti Hillarii anno vicesimo.	And because the lord king afterwards learned that the aforesaid Theobald gave false witness, against his homage and fealty, because those whom he had attested were dead are alive, and those whom he attested could not be found in his lands were afterwards found and arrested, and are in the lord king's prison of Hereford, and those whom he attested to be unknown and vagabonds are known, and living within his liberty, the same Theobald, called to account before the same lord king as to how and in what way he wished to acquit himself of the aforesaid, put himself on a jury of the country that he gave his testimony well and faithfully, as is clear from the record of the matter delivered to Gilbert of Thornton by the hand of Gilbert of Rothbury, and enrolled in the rolls of Gilbert of Thornton, for the Hilary term in the twentieth year.
Et mandatum est coronatoribus comitatus Herford' quod venire faciant coram ipso domino rege in quindena Pasche ubicumque etc. .xxiiij. de comitatu predicto, qui melius etc.	And the coroners of the county of Herefordshire are ordered to produce before the same lord king, at the quinzaine of Easter wherever etc., 24 men from the aforesaid county who might best etc.
Et similiter mandatum est vicecomiti Herford' quod in propria persona sua tunc sit ibidem et ibi habeat corpora eorum quos rex intellexit quod habet in custodia sua, de illis quos Theobaldus testatus fuit quod non potuerunt inveniri.	And likewise the sheriff of Herefordshire is ordered to be there then in person, and to produce there those whom the king understands to be in his custody, of those whom Theobald attested could not be found.
Et sciendum quod nomina Walensium invenientur in recordo liberato predicto Gilberto de Thornton' per manus Gilberti de Roubiry, de magno placito inter dominum regem et predictum Theobaldum, in rotulis predicti Gilberti de Thornton' de termino Sancti Michaelis anno regni regis Edwardi .xix. ^o . Et similiter testimonium predicti Theobaldi intitulatum 'Super nomina eorundem Walensium'.	And be it known that the names of the Welshmen will be found in the record delivered to the aforesaid Gilbert of Thornton by the hands of Gilbert of Rothbury of the great plea between the lord king and the aforesaid Theobald in the rolls of the aforesaid Gilbert of Thornton for the Michaelmas term of the nineteenth year of the reign of king Edward. And likewise the testimony of the aforesaid Theobald entitled 'On the names of the same Welshmen'.
De aquietancia hominum Theobaldi de Verdon'.	[Proceedings against the men of Theobald de Verdun, indicted for preventing the king's sub-escheator taking possession of the castle of Caverswall after the death of William of Caverswall].
13. Dominus rex mandavit dilectis et fidelibus suis Reginaldo de Legh' et vicecomiti suo Stafford' quod, cum Willelmus de Mere, subescaetor regis in comitatu predicto, post mortem Willelmi de Cavereswelle, seisinam castri de Cavereswelle quibusdam de causis nomine regis petierit, et quidam homines tunc infra dictum castrum existentes ipsum subescaetorem super hiis perturbarunt, unde Johannes de Flaunstede, Johelus le Warenner, Robertus Galpyn, Willelmus Sheyl de Ipestanes, Ricardus Sibeli de Chedele, Henricus filius Thome le Lung, Ricardus filius Thome de Kyngeleye, Adam de la Sawe, Hugo de la Shawe, Henricus de Gondeslawe, Ricardus filius Ricardi Sibely, Simon de Littelwode, Rogerus Fox, Johannes filius Johannis Wodecok', Johannes le Fevere del Eveshe, Johannes Galpyn, Ricardus de Bokenhall', Simon le Charretter, Henricus de Mackeworth', Henricus de Caumpeden', et Simon de Hunteleye, indictantur, quod iidem Reginaldus et vicecomes inquirerent per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu predicto, qui prefatos indictatos nulla affinitate attingerent, per quos [col. b] rei veritas melius sciri posset, si predicti indictati culpabiles essent de perturbacione predicta nec ne; et quod inquisicionem in forma predicta captam mitterent domino regi sine dilacione, sub sigillis suis et sigillis eorum per quos facta fuerit.	13. Concerning the acquittance of Theobald de Verdun's men. The lord king commanded his beloved and faithful Reginald of Leigh and his sheriff of Staffordshire that, whereas William of Mere, the king's subescheator in the aforesaid county, after the death of William of Caverswall, claimed the seisin of the castle of Caverswall in the king's name for various reasons, and certain men then within the said castle disturbed the same subescheator in these things, and John of Flamstead, Joel the Warenner, Robert Galpyn, William Sheyl of Ipstones, Richard Sibeli of Cheadle, Henry son of Thomas Long, Richard son of Thomas of Kingsley, Adam de la Sawe, Hugh de la Shawe, Henry of Gentleshaw, Richard son of Richard Sibely, Simon of Littlewood, Roger Fox, John son of John Woodcock, John Smith of Eveshe, John Galpyn, Richard of Bucknall, Simon Carter, Henry of Mackworth, Henry of Campden, and Simon of Huntley, are indicted of this, the same Reginald and the sheriff should enquire by the oaths of upright and law-worthy men of the aforesaid county, who are not connected to the aforesaid indicted men in any way, through whom [col. b] the truth of the matter may best be known, whether the aforesaid indicted men were guilty of the aforesaid disturbance or not; and they are to send the enquiry held in the aforesaid form to the lord king without delay, under their seals and the seals of those by whom it was held.
Ita quod postea, in crastino Epiphanie Domini, miserunt predicti Reginaldus et vicecomes inquisicionem in forma predicta captam ipsi domino regi. Et similiter ibidem venerunt omnes prenominati indictati, preter Simonem de Littewode, qui in veniendo tali infirmitate subito detinebatur quod de ejus vita desperatur, prout per sacramentum de predictis indictatis per consilium domini regis captum compertum est.	So that afterwards, on the morrow of the Epiphany of the Lord, the aforesaid Reginald and the sheriff sent the enquiry held in the aforesaid form to the same lord king. And all the aforesaid indicted men likewise appeared at that time, except Simon of Littlewood, who on the way was suddenly detained by such a serious illness that his life was despaired of, as was found by the oath of the aforesaid indicted men taken by the lord king's council.
Et quia per veredictum predicte inquisicionis, lecte et audite coram domino rege et ejus consilio, manifeste reperitur, quod nullus predictorum indictatorum culpabilis est de perturbacione aliqua facta, ut predictum est, nec consencientes fuerunt ut consilio aut auxilio, ideo omnes predicti inde quieti etc.	And because it is clearly found by the verdict of the aforesaid enquiry, read and heard before the lord king and his council, that none of the aforesaid indicted men is guilty of causing any disturbance, as has been said above, nor did they consent to it by giving advice or aid, therefore all the aforesaid are to go thence quit etc.
Et sciendum quod inquisicio remanet in cancellaria etc.	And be it known that the enquiry remains in chancery etc.
De comite Glouc' et priore de Goldeclive.	[Proceedings on the complaint of the prior of Goldcliffe against the earl of Gloucester, alleging continued distraints by the earl while a plea was pending about the earl's jurisdictional claims over the prior].
14 (12). Prior de Goldeclyve queritur domino regi et ejus consilio de hoc quod, cum ipse inplacitari non debeat, aut priores de Goldeclyve, predecessores sui, per alterius brevia quam de cancellaria domini regis emanencia inplacitari non consueverunt aliquibus temporibus retroactis, et Gilbertus de Clare, comes Glouc' et Hertf', et ballivi sui de Karlyon, ipsum priorem ad respondendum in curia sua de Karlyon distrinxerunt, propter quod super libertate predicta placitandi placitum inter ipsos priorem et comitem in curia regis pendeat, et jam diu est fuit pendens, et inhibitum esset prefato comiti quod pendente placito predicto super libertate predicta in curia regis de districcionibus et gravaminibus aliquibus predicto priori aut hominibus suis, contra libertatem predictam, inferendis penitus supersederet, et ministros suos supersedere faceret, quousque placitum predictum inter ipsos priorem et comitem terminaretur, et eciam mandatum fuit eidem comiti quod idem comes haberet coram ipso domino rege a die Pasche in unum mensem anno regni sui .xix. ^o , ubicumque tunc fuisset in Anglia quosdam ballivos suos, videlicet Johannem Tassall', Leuwelinn' ap Eynion, Gilbertum le Waleys, et Griffinum Vaken, qui districciones diversas prefato priori et conventui post placitum predictum inchoatum contra prohibicionem regis predictam fecerunt, ad respondendum domino regi de contemptu, et ipsi priori de transgressione predicta, predictus comes ad prefatum terminum predictum breve non returnavit nec ballivos suos predictos habuit coram ipso domino rege, sicut ei mandatum fuit.	14 (12). Concerning the earl of Gloucester and the prior of Goldcliffe. The prior of Goldcliffe makes complaint to the lord king and his council about this: that, whereas he ought not to be impleaded, and the priors of Goldcliffe, his predecessors, have not at any time in the past been accustomed to be impleaded, by the writs of anyone other than those from the lord king's chancery, and Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, and his bailiffs of Caerleon had distrained the same prior to answer in his court of Caerleon, on account of which a plea is pending in the king's court between the same prior and earl, on the matter of the aforesaid liberty of pleading, and has been pending for a long time, and the aforesaid earl was given a prohibition to the effect that, while the aforesaid plea on the aforesaid liberty was pending in the king's court, he should entirely cease, and have his officials entirely cease, from inflicting any distraints or wrongs upon the aforesaid prior or his men contrary to the aforesaid liberty, until the aforesaid plea between the same prior and earl was ended, and the same earl was also commande, that the same earl should produce before the same lord king, one month after Easter, in the nineteenth year of his reign, wherever he then was in England, certain bailiffs of his, namely John Tassall, Llewellyn ap Eynion, Gilbert le Waleys, and Griffin Vaughan, who had made various distraints on the aforesaid prior and convent after the aforesaid plea had begun, contrary to the king's aforesaid prohibition, to answer to the lord king for contempt, and to the same prior for the aforesaid trespass, the aforesaid earl did not return the aforesaid writ at the term mentioned above, nor did he produce his aforesaid bailiffs before the same lord king, as he was commanded.
Et super hoc prefatus dominus rex postea, ad querelam ipsius prioris, de partibus Scocie mandavit iterato prefato comiti quod a districcionibus et gravaminibus prefato priori et conventui aut hominibus suis contra libertatem suam predictam inferendis, occasione placiti predicti, et pendente placito illo inter eos in curia sua omnino supersederet, et ballivos suos supersedere faceret, et eciam districciones ea occasione factas omnino relaxaret, et relaxare [sic: read 'relaxari'] faceret, et quod haberet ballivos suos predictos a die Sancti Michaelis in .xv. dies coram ipso domino rege ubicumque etc. ad respondendum domino regi de contemptu, et ipsi priori de transgressionibus predictis, et quod idem comes tunc esset ibi ad ostendendum quare priori mandato domini regis in nullo parere curavit, prefatus comes, racione mandatorum domini regis predictorum sibi directorum, de districcionibus et gravaminibus ipsi priori et hominibus suis pendente placito predicto desistere non curavit; nec ministris suis [p. i-83][col. a] penitus desistere aut supersedere precepit nec breve illud retornavit, immo per graviores districciones quam prius ipsum priorem et homines suos distrinxit, et distringere fecit, per Philippum ab Felip, Willelmum Graf', Gilbertum le Waleys, Griffinum Vachan, Johannem Tessale, et Willelmum le Parent Johan ballivos suos, videlicet in vigilia Epiphanie proximo preteritum [sic: read 'preterita'] , per .l. boves, vaccas, et alia averia sua, injuste et contra mandatum domini regis predictam [sic: read 'predictum'] , et prohibiciones sibi factas per brevia domini regis, et ipsi comiti liberata, unum, videlicet, die veneris proxima ante Dominicam Palmarum, anno regni regis .xix. ^o apud Teukesbiry, et aliud die martis proxima ante Pentecosten eodem anno extra Boulton' in comitatu Norhumbr' versus Norham per manus Philippi clerici et Willelmi de Aykedon', in contemptum domini regis .x. mille librarum, et ad dampnum ipsius prioris centum librarum. Et inde producit sectam etc.	Whereupon the aforesaid lord king afterwards, at the complaint of the same prior commanded the same earl again, from Scotland, to cease utterly, and have his bailiffs cease, from inflicting distraints and wrongs on the aforesaid prior and convent, or on their men, contrary to his aforesaid liberty, because of the aforesaid plea, and while that plea was pending between them in his court, and also that he should completely release, and have released, the distraints made for that reason, and that he should produce his aforesaid bailiffs at the quinzaine of Michaelmas before the same lord king, wherever etc., to answer to the lord king for contempt, and to the same prior for the aforesaid trespasses, and that the same earl should be there at that time, to show the lord king why he did not care to obey the lord king's previous command in any way, the aforesaid earl did not care to desist from the distraints and wrongs inflicted upon the same prior and his men while the aforesaid plea was pending because of the lord king's aforesaid orders addressed to him, nor did he command his officials [p. i-83][col. a] to completely desist or cease, nor did he return that writ, but rather he distrained the same prior and his men, and had them distrained, with more weighty distraints than before, through Philip ab Felip, William Graff, Gilbert le Waleys, Griffin Vaughan, John Tessale, and William le Parent Johan his bailiffs, namely, on the eve of Epiphany past, through 50 oxen, cows and other animals of theirs, unjustly and contrary to the lord king's aforesaid command, and the prohibitions given him by the lord king's writs, delivered to the same earl, namely one on the Friday before Palm Sunday, in the nineteenth year of the king's reign, at Tewksbury, and another on the Tuesday before Whitsun in the same year, outside Bolton in the county of Northumberland, towards Norham, by the hands of Philip, a clerk, and William of Aykedon, to the contempt of the lord king of £10,000, and to the harm of the same prior of £100. And he produces suit in support of his complaint etc.
Et super hoc Willelmus Inge, qui sequitur pro domino rege, dicit quod predictus comes brevia predicta sibi demandata, et predictis die et anno liberata, retornare non curavit, immo brevia illa penes se retinuit, et concelavit, in contemptum et inobedientiam domini regis manifestam .x. mille librarum. Et hoc offert verificare pro domino rege, sicut curia consideraverit etc.	Whereupon William Inge, who sues on the lord king's behalf, says that the aforesaid earl did not trouble to return the aforesaid writs addressed to him, and delivered to him on the aforesaid day and year: but rather he kept those writs back and concealed them, in manifest contempt and disobedience of the lord king of £10,000. And he offers to prove this for the lord king, as the court adjudges etc.
Et comes in propria persona sua venit, et defendit vim et injuriam, et quicquid ei inponitur in contemptum aut inobedienciam < erga > dominum regem etc. Et < ad sectam domini regis > dicit quod < < statim > > postquam dominus rex primo ei inhibuerat ne districciones aut gravamina inferret predicto priori aut hominibus suis, occasione placiti predicti, et pendente placito illo inter eos, ipse incontinenti inhibuit hominibus suis in forma predicta.	And the earl appears in person. He denies the force and the wrong, and whatever he is accused of in contempt or disobedience towards the lord king etc. And at the suit of the lord king he says that immediately after the lord king prohibited him for the first time from inflicting distraints or wrongs on the aforesaid prior or his men, by reason of the aforesaid plea, and while the plea was pending between them, he at once prohibited his men on the aforesaid terms.
Et Johannes de Creppinges, qui presens est, bene cognoscit quod dominus suus sic ei inhibuit, et quod ipse Johannes sub eadem forma fecit eandem inhibicionem hominibus predicti comitis domini sui.	And John of Crepping, who is present, fully acknowledges that his lord prohibited him in this way, and that the same John issued the same prohibition on the same terms to the men of the aforesaid earl his lord.
Et idem comes, quo ad capcionem predictorum averiorum predicti prioris, dicit quod ipse fuit in predicta vigilia Epiphanie hic coram domino rege, et hoc bene constat domino regi et ejus consilio. Unde si ballivi predicti aliquam capcionem vel districcionem fecerunt predicto priori predicto die, hoc non fuit ex scitu suo aut per preceptum suum, et de hoc paratus est se aquietare qualitercumque curia ista consideraverit.	And the same earl, with regard to the taking of the aforesaid prior's aforesaid animals, says that he was here before the lord king on the aforesaid eve of the Epiphany, and this is well known to the lord king and his council. And so, if the aforesaid bailiffs made any seizure or distraint on the aforesaid prior on the aforesaid day, this was not with his knowledge or at his command, and he is prepared to acquit himself of this in whatever way this court should adjudge.
Et, quo ad querelam Willelmi Inge pro rege de brevibus non retornandis, dicit quod dominus rex bene novit causam absencie sue ad predictum mensem Pasche quo die primum breve fuit retornabile, < prout predictus Willelmus dicit > .	And, with regard to William Inge's suit on the king's behalf concerning the non-return of writs, he says that the lord king well knows the reason for his absence on the aforesaid month after Easter, when the first writ was to be returned, as the aforesaid William says.
Et quo ad secundum breve ei liberatum, ut dicitur, per Robertum Bardolf' attornatum suum, dicit quod non bene recolit si tale breve liberatum fuit sibi, nec ne.	And with regard to the second writ delivered to him, as it is claimed, by Robert Bardolf his attorney, he says that he does not well remember whether such a writ was delivered to him or not.
Set quia garderoba sua est in partibus Wallie et custodes ejusdem, supplicat domino regi et ejus consilio quod ipse diem habere possit et respectum usque quindenam Pasche proximo futuram, et interim cum hominibus suis consulere, et tunc inde respondere. Et de gracia speciali domini regis ei conceditur.	But because his wardrobe and its keepers are in Wales, he begs the lord king and his council that he might be adjourned and respited until the quinzaine of Easter next, and might in the meantime consult with his men, and then reply on the matter. And of the lord king's special grace this is granted to him.
Et dictum est priori predicto quod sit tunc coram ipso domino rege ubicumque etc. Et similiter dictum est predicto attornato quod dicat comiti domino suo quod in propria persona sua sit ad eundem terminum etc. [editorial note: From here to the end of item 14 seems to have been added later, in a space which is slightly too small for it.] Et eciam quod predictus comes habeat ad prefatum terminum corpora predictorum Philippi ap Felyp, Willelmi Graff, Gilberti le Waleys, Griffini Vauhan, Johannis Tessale, et Willelmi le Parent Johan, ad respondendum tam domino regi de contemptu quam prefato priori de transgressione predicta.	And the aforesaid prior is told to appear then before the same lord king, wherever etc. And the aforesaid attorney is likewise told to tell the earl, his lord, to appear in person at the same term etc. And also that the aforesaid earl is to produce at the aforesaid term the aforesaid Philip ap Felyp, William Graff, Gilbert le Waleys, Griffin Vaughan, John Tessale, and William le Parent Johan, to answer both to the lord king concerning contempt and to the aforesaid prior concerning the aforesaid trespass.
Postea ad diem illum liberatum fuit transcriptum recordi predicti Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis ut [col. b] in loquela illa procedant, prout de jure et secundum consuetudinem etc. fuerit faciendum.	Afterwards, on that day, the transcript of the aforesaid record was delivered to Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues, so that they could [col. b] proceed in that suit, as was rightly and in accordance with custom etc. to be done.
[De] inquisicionibus allocandis de [terris] ponendis ad [mortuam] manum.	[Ordinance on the formal requirements that need to be met before returned inquisitions ad quod damnum into alienations in mortmain can be further considered].
15 (13). De concessione domini regis facienda super inquisicionibus returnatis in cancellaria de terris ad mortuam manum ponendis, rex precepit quod nichil fiat ubi medii sunt, nisi religiosi ostendant eorum assensum domino regi, per litteras patentes eorundem mediorum sigillis signatas; et eciam quod nichil fiat ubi donator penes se nichil retinet; et similiter ubi inquisiciones facte sunt et retornate sine waranto, videlicet brevi originali returnato cum inquisicione; et similiter nisi breve originale mencionem faciat de singulis articulis, secundum novam formam per ipsum regem adjectis etc.	15 (13). Concerning the approval of inquisitions about land being put into mortmain. On the matter of the lord king's grant to be made in response to inquisitions returned in chancery on the putting of lands into mortmain, the king has commanded that nothing is to be done where there are mesne lords, unless the religious show their assent to the lord king, in the form of letters patent sealed with the seals of the same mesne lords; and also, that nothing is to be done where the donor retains nothing for himself; and likewise, where inquisitions are held and returned without a warrant, that is the original writ returned with the inquisition; and likewise, unless the original writ makes mention of each article added by the lord king according to the new form etc.
[Admissio facta abbati de Thorneye de hundredo de Normancrosse.]	[Restoration of the hundred of Normancross to the abbot of Thorney].
16 (14). Abbas de Thorneye supplicavit domino regi quod concedere vellet ei hundredum de Normancrosse ad feodi firmam sicut predecessores sui aliquo tempore hundredum illud tenere consueverunt, et ita quod ipse et successores sui decetero < reddant > .x. marcas per annum ad scaccarium pro eodem hundredo, ubi predecessores sui temporibus suis tantummodo reddere consueverunt .c. solidos. Et dominus rex ei in eadem forma illud concessit, ita quod teneant [sic: read 'teneat'] illud hundredum eodem modo in omnibus absque diminucione seu augmentacione, sicut predecessores sui temporibus suis tenuerunt. Et habet cartam. Et inrotulatur in cancellaria etc.	16 (14). The admission of the abbot of Thorney to the hundred of Normancross. The abbot of Thorney begged the lord king to be pleased to grant him the hundred of Normancross in fee farm, as his predecessors had at one time held that hundred, and on condition that he and his successors would henceforth pay 10 marks a year at the exchequer for the same hundred, whereas his predecessors during their time only used to pay 100 shillings. And the lord king granted this to him on the same terms, so that he would hold that hundred in the same way in all things, without diminution or augmentation, as his predecessors had held it in their time. And he has a charter. And it is enrolled in chancery etc.
[Recorda missa per episcopum] Wyntoniensem [et socios suos.]	[Note concerning cases before the commissioners hearing complaints about official misconduct during the king's absence sent to the king's council and sent on by them to King's Bench].
17 (15). Memorandum quod recordum quod episcopus Wyntoniensis et socii sui miserunt coram consilio de magno placito abbatis de Rupe, et eciam recordum quod Jacobus de Asteleye detulit, sub sigillo ejusdem episcopi, de placito inter ipsum Jacobum et abbatem de Lilleshull', et eciam [recordum] quod quidam mancus detulit, qui sequitur versus priorem de Buttele, et in quo processu queritur quod predicti episcopi [sic: read 'episcopus'] et socii sui minus rite processerunt, et quoddam aliud recordum que quedam Emma de Bereford' detulit de eisdem auditoribus, per preceptum consilii traduntur Gilberto de Thornton' et sociis suis ut ipsi, vocatis justiciariis de Banco et recitatis predictis recordis coram eis, quam cito vacare poterunt, faciant quod de jure et secundum [consuetudinem] regni fuerit faciendum [etc.] .	17 (15). The records sent by the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues. Be it remembered that the record which the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues sent before the council, concerning the great plea of the abbot of Roche, and also the record which James of Astley brought, under the seal of the same bishop, concerning the plea between the same James and the abbot of Lilleshall, and also the record which a certain man who is maimed brought, who sues against the prior of Butley, and in which process he makes complaint that the same bishop and his colleagues did not proceed properly, and a certain other record which a certain Emma of Barford brought concerning the same auditors, are delivered to Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues on the orders of the council so that they, when the justices of the Bench have been called and the aforesaid records read before them, as soon as they have time, should do what is to be done rightly and in accordance with the custom of the realm etc..
[De abbate de Mermouster.]	[Authorisation for the enrolment of the privileges of the abbey of Marmoutier in chancery].
18 (16). Dominus rex precepit quod bulle et privilegia abbatis de Mermouster irrotulentur in cancellaria, ita quod, quandocunque contigerit ipsum aut monachos suos in Anglia commorantes contra tenorem eorundem privilegiorum [per] quoscunque fatigari aut [molestari] , statim veniant ad cancellariam, et fiat eis remedium per breve regis, prout melius fieri poterit etc.	18 (16). Concerning the abbot of Marmoutier. The lord king has commanded that the bulls and privileges of the abbot of Marmoutier are to be enrolled in chancery so that, whenever he or his monks living in England happen to be harassed or troubled by anyone contrary to the tenor of the same privileges, they are to come immediately to chancery, and a remedy is to be provided for them there by the king's writ, as may best be done etc.
19 (17). [editorial note: The heading is illegible due to damage.] Memorandum de amerciamento Johannis de Insula de comitatu Suthpt' quod taxatur per consilium ad centum solidos pro contemptu facto domino regi apud Wynton' coram R. Malet et sociis suis ad assisas in comitatu Suthpt' capiendas assignatis, prout iidem [sic: read 'idem'] et socii sui recordantur.	[Amercements assessed by the king's council]. 19 (17). [editorial note: The heading is illegible due to damage.] Be it remembered, concerning the amercement of John de Lisle of the county of Hampshire, that it is assessed by the council at 100 shillings for the contempt committed against the lord king at Winchester before R. Malet and his colleagues, assigned to hold assizes in the county of Hampshire, as he and his colleagues record.
[p. i-84]
[col. a]
Et eciam de amerciamento ejusdem, pro falsa querela sua versus Gilbertum de [Thorneton'] et sociis suis.	And also concerning the amercement of the same man for his false complaint against Gilbert of Thornton and his colleagues.
Et similiter de amerciamento vicecomitis [Noting'] , quia se retraxit de querela sua versus Robertum Bardolf', et quod amerciamentum non dum taxatur etc.	And likewise concerning the amercement of the sheriff of Nottingham, because he withdrew from his complaint against Robert Bardolf, which amercement is yet to be assessed etc.
[memb. 5, dorse]
De peticione Willelmi de Valenciis de portu de Milleford' et aliis.	[Proceedings on the complaint by William de Valence and his wife Joan against the bailiffs of the late queen Eleanor in relation to the boundaries of Milford Haven; petition of the same William and Joan relating to Joan's claim to the inheritance of William de Mountchesney].
20 (18). De portu de Milleford' juxta Haverford', quem Willelmus de Valencia et Johanna uxor ejus clamant pertinere ad comitatum suum de Penebrok', et unde queruntur quod ballivi domine regine consortis etc. tempore suo ultra metas et divisas ejusdem portus ad baroniam de Haverford' pertinentis purpeostarunt [sic: read 'purprestrarunt'] , et apropriarunt maximam partem, super partem illius portus contingentis [sic: read 'contingentem'] ipsos Willelmum et Johannam et comitatum suum predictum.	20 (18). Concerning the petition of William de Valence regarding the port of Milford, and other things. Concerning the port of Milford near Haverford, which William de Valence and Joan his wife claim belongs to their earldom of Pembroke, and concerning which they make complaint that the bailiffs of the lady queen, the consort etc., during her time made purprestures outside the bounds and limits of the same port which belongs to the barony of Haverford, and appropriated a very large part, in the part of that port belonging to the same William and Joan and their aforesaid earldom.
Mandetur Roberto Typetot justiciario Westwallie quod per sacramentum proborum etc. de partibus illis inquirat de metis et divisis predicti portus inter partem contingentem baroniam de Haverford' et partem contingentem comitatum predictum. Et inquisicionem mittat domino regi sine dilacione sub sigillo suo et sigillis eorum per quos etc. Et rex habebit consilium.	Robert Tibetot the justice of West Wales is commanded that by the oath of upright etc. from those parts, he is to enquire into the bounds and limits of the aforesaid port between the part belonging to the barony of Haverford and the part belonging to the aforesaid earldom. And he is to send the enquiry to the lord king without delay, under his seal and the seals of those by whom etc. And the lord king will take counsel on this.
Et de aliis peticionibus suis, videlicet de hereditate Willelmi de Monte Caniso petenda et eciam quod procedatur juxta bullam quam idem Willelmus et Johanna impetrarunt ad inficiendum processum per quem Dionisia filia predicti Willelmi legitima censebatur, alias eis responsum fuit, videlicet in parliamento post Natale Domini anno octavo decimo, ut patet in rotulis ejusdem parliamenti, et ad quam responsionem se teneant etc.	And concerning their other petitions, namely concerning the claiming of the inheritance of William de Mountchesney, and also that this should proceed in accordance with the bull which the same William and Joan obtained to reverse the process by which Denise, the daughter of the aforesaid William, was deemed legitimate, they were previously given an answer, namely at the parliament after Christmas in the eighteenth year, as is clear from the rolls of the same parliament, and with which answer they are to content themselves etc.
De Radulpho de Ivyngho et sociis suis.	[Proceedings on complaints against Ralph of Ivinghoe and his colleagues, the commissioners appointed to hear complaints against the officials of queen Eleanor].
21 (19). De peticionibus porrectis versus magistrum Radulphum de Ivingho et socios suos per Robertum de Bures et alios, ut patet in ligula earundem, iidem Robertus et alii coram cancellario et aliis de consilio racione earundem peticionum ad scaccarium die lune in prima septimana Quadragesime adunatis, sepius et solempniter vocati, nullus eorum venit ad peticionem suam prosequendam. Et ideo de peticionibus suis nichil agi potuit vel agebatur etc.	21 (19). Concerning Ralph of Ivinghoe and his colleagues. Concerning the petitions put forward against master Ralph of Ivinghoe and his colleagues by Robert de Bures and others, of which details are given in the bundle, the same Robert and others were called often and solemnly before the chancellor and others of the council, assembled because of the same petitions at the exchequer on the Monday in the first week of Lent, but none of them came to prosecute their petition. And therefore nothing could be done or was done on the matter of their petitions etc.
De adjornamento Roberti Bardolf'.	[Proceedings against Robert Bardolf and his colleagues for misconduct in holding a gaol delivery session at Nottingham].
22 (20). Robertus Bardolf' habet diem per ajornamentum in pleno consilio a die Pasche in .xv. dies coram ipso domino rege ubicumque etc. ad respondendum domino regi super quibusdam per ipsum factis nuper apud Notingham in assignacione sua ad gayolam ibidem deliberandam, prout patet per querelam quam Willelmus de Shadworth' vicecomes Notingh' versus predictum Robertum porrexit, et postea de querela illa in pleno consilio se retraxit, propter quod remansit in misericordia etc.	22 (20). Concerning the adjournment of Robert Bardolf. Robert Bardolf has a day through an adjournment in full council at the quinzaine of Easter before the same lord king, wherever etc., to answer the lord king for certain things recently done by him at Nottingham, under his appointment to deliver the gaol there, as is clear from the complaint which William of Shadworth, sheriff of Nottingham, brought against the aforesaid Robert. And afterwards he withdrew from that complaint in full council, on account of which he was amerced etc.
Et quia predictus Robertus, ad sectam regis de querela illa calumpniatus, dixit quod non potuit sine sociis suis ad predictam delibacionem [sic: read 'deliberacionem'] assignatis inde respondere, ideo preceptum est vicecomiti Notingh' quod venire faciat ad prefatum terminum Willelmum Hamelyn et Ricardum de Weston'. Et similiter dictum est Johanni de Vilers, et Willelmo de Colewik' sociis ejusdem assignacionis, et qui in curia inventi fuerunt, quod sint ad prefatum terminum ad respondendum simul cum predicto Roberto, et quod idem Robertus tunc ibidem habeat warantum suum de assignacione predicta etc.	And because the aforesaid Robert, challenged at the king's suit on that complaint, said that he could not answer on it without his colleagues appointed to the aforesaid delivery, the sheriff of Nottingham is therefore commanded to produce at the aforesaid term William Hamelyn and Richard of Weston. And likewise John de Vilers, and William of Colwick, colleagues on the same commission, who were found in the court, were told to be there at the aforesaid term to answer together with the aforesaid Robert, and the same Robert was told to have there at that time his warrant for the aforesaid appointment etc.
[col. b]
De assignatis ad custodiendum libertates comitum Glouc' et Herf' que remanent regi per judicium.	[Appointment of custodians for the marcher liberties of Glamorgan, Brecon and Ewyas Lacy, which are in the king's hands].
23 (21). Mandetur Rogerus de Burghull' et assignetur ad custodiendum libertatem regalem in terris comitis Glouc' de Glawmorgan, et eciam in terris comitis Herford' de Breghennok', que libertates per judicium et consideracionem tocius consilii domini regis remanent in manum domini regis, prout alibi patet plenius, racione contemptus, inobediencie, et transgressionum, de quibus prefati comites sunt convicti etc. Assignetur eciam Rogerus le Rus ad custodiendum libertatem regalem in terris Theobaldi de Verdun de Ewyas Lacy, que similiter per judicium remanet in manum domini regis, pro contemptu et inobediencia de quibus convictus, ut patet in rotulis Gilberti de Thornton' de termino Sancti Michaelis anno .xix. ^o . Et dicatur eis, firmiter injungendo, quod tractent populum parcium illarum bono modo et conpetenti absque aliquibus injuriis seu gravaminibus eis injuste inferendis etc.	23 (21). Concerning those appointed to the custody of the liberties of the earls of Gloucester and Hereford, which remain to the king by judgment. Roger of Burghill is ordered and is appointed to the custody of the royal liberty in the earl of Gloucester's lands of Glamorgan, and also in the earl of Hereford's lands of Brecon, which liberties remain in the lord king's hands under a judgment and decision of the lord king's whole council, as is more clearly to be seen elsewhere, because of the contempt, disobedience and trespasses of which the aforesaid earls were convicted etc. Roger le Rus is also appointed to the custody of the royal liberty in Theobald de Verdun's lands of Ewyas Lacy, which likewise remains under a judgment in the lord king's hands, for the contempt and disobedience of which he is convicted, as is clear from the rolls of Gilbert of Thornton for the Michaelmas term in the nineteenth year. And they are to be told and firmly instructed to treat the people of those parts in a good and suitable manner, without unjustly inflicting any wrongs or harrassments on them etc.
De attornatis et apprenticiis.	[Ordinance to restrict the number of professional attorneys allowed to practice in the Common Bench].
24 (22). De attornatis et apprenticiis, dominus rex injunxit J. de Metingh' et sociis suis quod ipsi per eorum discrescionem provideant et ordinent certum numerum de quolibet comitatu de melioribus et legalioribus et libencius addiscentibus, secundum quod intellexerint quod curie sue et populo de regno melius valere poterit, et majus commodum fuerit. Et quod ipsi quos ad hoc elegerint curiam sequantur, et se de negociis in eadem curia intromittant, et alii non. Et videtur regi et ejus consilio quod sepcies viginti sufficere poterint. Apponant tamen prefati justiciarii plures, si viderint esse faciendum, vel numerum anticipent. Et de aliis remanentibus fiat per discrecionem eorundem justiciariorum etc.	24 (22). Concerning attorneys and apprentices. Concerning attorneys and apprentices, the lord king has instructed John of Mettingham and his colleagues to provide and ordain at their discretion a certain number from each county, from the best and most law-worthy and most willing learners, in accordance with what they understand will be best and most convenient for his court and for the people of the realm. And that those whom they choose for this are to be around the court, and involve themselves with business in the same court, and others are not. And it seems to the lord king and his council that one hundred and forty would be enough. However, the aforesaid justices are to appoint more if it seems appropriate to them, or they may decrease the number. And with regard to the others who remain let action be taken at the discretion of the same justices etc.
De querela Willelmi de Everoys versus J. de Metingh' et socios suos.	[Proceedings on the complaint of William Devereux against the justices of the Common Bench, alleging delay in the hearing of his case].
25 (23). Willelmus de Everoys coram justiciariis de Banco quoddam placitum diu secutus est, prout domino regi fecit intendere, nec ad judicium in eodem placito reddendum aliquo modo justiciarii procedere volunt.	25 (23). Concerning William Devereux's complaint against John of Mettingham and his colleagues. William Devereux has long sued a certain plea before the justices of the Bench, as he has given the lord king to understand, but the justices are unwilling to proceed to give judgment in any way in the same plea.
Et super hoc, iidem justiciarii bene recordantur quod placitum predictum diu secutus fuit, set quia idem Willelmus petit tenementa de seisina et contractu factis tempore guerre, et inter duo bella, prout partes in plitando [sic: read 'placitando'] concesserunt, et inter partes guerre, prout dominus rex recordatur, qualitercunque idem Willlemus in placitando dixerit quod non fuerunt partes guerre, immo ex una parte ejusdem guerre, per quod seisina et contractus inter non partes guerre se tenere deberent, dictum est prefatis justiciariis quod ad judicium procedant, prout facere consueverunt, et faciendum est, de seisina et contractibus factis tempore et in [sic: read 'inter'] partes guerre etc.	Whereupon the same justices state clearly on record that he did sue the aforesaid plea for a long time, but because the same William claims tenements on the basis of a seisin and contract made in time of war, and between the two battles, as the parties conceded in pleading, and between parties on opposing sides in that war, as the lord king records, although the same William in pleading said that they were not on opposite sides, but on the same side in the same war, through which the seisin and contract should be held to be between non parties to a war, the aforesaid justices are told to proceed to judgment, as they were accustomed to do, and as is to be done, concerning seisin and contracts made in time of war and between the parties on opposing sides in war etc.
De placito Johannis Lovel.	[Decision that judgment is to be given in a Common Bench case on the basis of an exception made by John Lovel, even though that exception was not enrolled].
26. In placito eciam quod Johannes Lovel miles sequitur coram eisdem justiciariis de Banco, cum super brevi in placito illo cassando aut affirmando diu judicium fuerit dependens racione forme illius brevis non usitate in cancellaria, et pars tenens in principio placiti coram Thoma de Weyland' et sociis suis, tunc justiciariis de Banco, formam brevis calumpniaverit, cujus calumpniam [sic: read 'calumpnia'] in processu habito coram eisdem Thoma et sociis suis in rotulis eorundem non invenitur, et quia Elias Bekingham, qui de societate predicti Thome tunc fuit, recordatur quod tenens semper formam brevis calumpniavit, cujus soli recordo major fides [p. i-85][col. a] est adhibenda quam rotulis predicti Thome, in quibus falsitas manifesta reperiebatur, per quod idem Thomas et alii de societate sua, omnes tunc justiciarii preter predictum Eliam, et falsitati sue consencientes, penitenciam suam sustinuerunt, et idem Elias semper fidelis extiterit et in servicio regis fideliter se gesserit, et eciam cum omnes justiciarii nunc concordant quod, si breve consimilis forme coram eis delatum fuerit, et per tenentem calumpniatum, in continenti cassaretur, nec esset juri consonum quod per maliciam predicti Thome et sociorum suorum sibi adherencium, qui excepcionem tenentis admittere noluerunt, cum ipsam proposuerit tempore competenti, non allocaverunt, prout per prefatum Eliam recordatum < est > , dictum est justiciariis quod procedant ad judicium super excepcione tenentis, prout fuerit faciendum et ac si in recordo inveniretur etc.	26. Concerning John Lovel's plea. Also in the plea which John Lovel, knight, sues before the same justices of the Bench, in which judgment has long been pending as to quashing or upholding the writ in that plea, because the form of that writ was not one customary in chancery and the tenant at the beginning of the plea before Thomas of Weyland and his colleagues, then justices of the Bench, challenged the form of the writ, which challenge is not found in the record of the plea before the same Thomas and his colleagues in their rolls, but because Ellis of Beckingham, who was at that time a colleague of the aforesaid Thomas, states on record that the tenant at all times challenged the form of the writ, to whose sole record greater faith [p. i-85][col. a] is to be given than to the rolls of the aforesaid Thomas, in which manifest falsehood was found - for which the same Thomas and his other colleagues, all the justices at that time, except for the aforesaid Ellis, consenting to his falsehood, have received their punishment, and the same Ellis was always loyal and conducted himself faithfully in the king's service - and also since all the justices now in office agree that, if a writ in similar form were brought before them, and were challenged by the tenant, it would immediately be quashed, nor would it be in accordance with justice that by the malice of the aforesaid Thomas and his colleagues adhering to him, who refused to admit the tenant's exception, although he put it forward at a suitable time, and did not allow it, as is recorded by the aforesaid Ellis, the justices are told to proceed to judgment on the defendant's exception, as should have been done and as if it were found in the record etc.
De auditoribus ad debita regis et patris sui.	[Appointment of commissioners to report on the debts of Henry III, on the debts of the king incurred prior to his coronation, and on the debts of the king incurred subsequently].
27 (24). Ad audiendum, purificandum omnimoda debita et ad summandum et summas reportandum coram domino rege de debitis Henrici regis, patris domini regis nunc, assignentur Thomas de [Bellehus] , W. de Carleton', et H. de Cressingham.	27 (24). Concerning the auditors for the king's debts, and those of his father. Thomas de Bellehus, W. of Carleton, and Hugh of Cressingham are to be appointed to hear and establish all debts, and to sum them up and to report on the totals before the lord king, in the matter of the debts of king Henry, the father of the present lord king.
Ad audiendum, purificandum omnimoda debita, et ad summandum et summas reportandum coram domino rege de debitis ab eo petitis ante coronacionem suam, assignentur episcopus Eliensis, decanus de Sancto Paulo, et J. de Cobeham etc.	The bishop of Ely, the dean of St Paul's and John of Cobham, etc., are to be appointed to hear and establish all debts, and to sum them up and to report on the totals before the lord king, in the matter of the debts incurred by him before his coronation.
Ad audiendum, purificandum omnimoda debita, et ad summandum et summas reportandum coram domino rege de debitis ab eo petitis post coronacionem suam, assignentur J. de Lascy, et W. de Grenefeld'.	J. de Lascy, and W. of Greenfield are to be appointed to hear and establish all debts, and to sum them up and to report on the totals before the lord king, in the matter of the debts incurred by him after his coronation.
Et sciendum quod omnes peticiones porrecte de aliquibus debitis predictis traduntur assignatis predictis, prout assingnantur [sic: read 'assignantur'] etc.	And be it known that all petitions put forward concerning any of the aforesaid debts are delivered to the aforesaid appointees, in accordance with their appointments etc.
Provisio facta per milites excercentes ad arma.	[Royal ratification of an ordinance relating to the conduct of tournaments].
28 (25). Cum per milites arma in regno isto excercentes quedam provisio facta sit de valettis ad tornamenta venientibus et [adire] volentibus, et provisio illa per comites, barones, et ceteros magnates, sit approbata, et per sigilla sua confirmata quantum [in eis] est, prout patet per provisionem illam signatam sigillis eorundem, et iidem comites et alii magnates, domino regi [instanter] supplicavit [sic: read 'supplicaverunt'] quod provisionem illam per litteras suas ratificare et confirmare velit, ad majorem [securitatem milicie, et aliorum] , tam de regno suo arma excercencium, quam de aliis terris in eodem regno veniencium, et ad arma adire volencium: dominus rex, audita coram eo provisione predicta, et intendens quod provisio illa ad commune commodum arma excercencium, [si teneatur] , devenire posset, precibus que [sic: read 'precibusque'] magnatum regni sui condescendere volens, precepit quod provisio predicta per litteras sigillo [suo] signatas confirmetur et firmiter observetur in singulis articulis in eadem contentis, et quod mandetur vicecomitibus, constabulariis castrorum, custodi [sic: read 'custodibus'] prisonarum, quod quocienscumque per custodes ejusdem provisionis qui in eadem nominantur, aut eorum aliquem, per conservacionem ejusdem mandentur, quod ipsis custodibus sint intendentes, et quod admittant eos qui contra predictam provisionem venerint, cum per predictos custodes eis liberati fuerint, et eos custodiant salvo et secure, in forma qua [eis tradentur] custodiendi etc.	28 (25). The provision made by knights exercising arms. Whereas a certain provision has been made by the knights exercising arms in this realm for servants coming and wishing to be present at tournaments, and that provision has been approved by the earls, barons and other magnates, and confirmed by their seals, as far as it is within their power, as is clear from that provision sealed with their seals, and the same earls and other magnates pressingly begged the lord king to be pleased to ratify and confirm that provision by his letters, for the greater security of knights and others, both those from his realm exercising arms and those from other lands entering his realm, and wishing to go to arms: the lord king, when the aforesaid provision had been heard before him, and understanding that, if it is upheld, that provision would be to the common advantage of those exercising arms, and wishing to accede to the prayers of the magnates of his realm, has commanded that the aforesaid provision be confirmed by letters sealed with his seal, and strictly observed in each of the articles contained in it, and that sheriffs, constables of castles and wardens of prisons are to be commanded that, whenever they are commanded by the keepers of the same provision, who are named in it, or any of them, for its preservation, they are to obey the same keepers, and to receive those who contravene the aforesaid provision, when they are delivered to them by the same keepers, and to keep them safely and securely, in the form in which they are handed over to them to be guarded etc.
[col. b]
Quod petentes [confirmationes cartarum] adeant [scaccarium] .	[Procedure for dealing with requests for the king's confirmation of charters].
29 (26). De religiosis et aliis qui petunt cartas suas confirmari per dominum regem nunc, et peticiones suas super hoc porrexerunt, precepit rex, quod omnes illi adeant scaccarium coram thesaurario et baronibus, et faciant finem. Et thesaurarius faciet prout [videtur] esse faciendum etc.	29 (26). That those seeking confirmation of charters should go to the exchequer. On the matter of religious and others who ask for their charters to be confirmed by the present lord king, and have put forward their petitions on this matter, the king has commanded that all these people are to go to the exchequer before the treasurer and barons, and to make fine. And the treasurer will do what seems to him is to be done etc.
30 (27). Cum super advocacione ecclesie de Kynefare inter ipsum dominum regem petentem, et Johannem filium Johannis filii Philippi [defendentem] , in curia domini regis placitum motum fuisset, et idem Johannes posuerit se inde in [juratam patrie] loco magne assise domino regi capiendam utrum ipse majus jus haberet in advocacione predicta an predictus dominus rex, et super hoc Willelmus [Inge] , qui pro rege sequitur, pro ipso domino rege dixerit quod, ex quo per [recordum] rotulorum de thesauraria domini regis ipsius regis [jus] verificari potuisset, idem dominus rex de jure suo non debuit se ponere in juratam patrie etc. [editorial note: This entry is clearly unfinished.]	[Unifinished entry relating to litigation brought by the king against John FitzPhilip claiming the advowson of the church of Kinver]. 30 (27). Whereas on the matter of the advowson of the church of Kinver a plea had been initiated in the lord king's court between the same lord king, demandant, and John, son of John FitzPhilip defendant, and the same John has put himself on a jury of the country on the matter, to be held in place of the lord king's great assize, as to whether he had the greater right in the aforesaid advowson, or the aforesaid lord king, whereupon William Inge, who sues on the lord king's behalf, said for the same lord king that, since the same king's right would be able to be proved from the record of the rolls of the lord king's treasury, the same lord king ought not to put himself on a jury of the country on the matter of his right etc.
De episcopo Lincolniensi et comite [Cornubie] .	[Proceedings relating to a claim for the king's aid by the earl of Cornwall in a suit brought by the abbot of Rewley relating to distraints made by the bishop of Lincoln at Yarnton].
31 (28). Cum abbas Regalis Loci Oxon' coram Thoma de Weylaund' et sociis suis nuper justiciariis domini regis de Banco placitasset [sic: read 'implacitasset'] episcopum Lincolniensem de averiis ipsius abbatis captis et injuste detentis etc., et idem episcopus advocasset [capcionem] et detencionem averiorum predicti abbatis juste etc. pro eo quod abbas de Eynesham de eodem episcopo tenet [manerium] de Erdington', in quo averia predicta capta fuerunt, per servicium duorum feodorum militis, de quo predecessores [sui episcopi] , a tempore quo non extat memoria fuerunt in seisina per manus predecessorum predicti abbatis de Eynesham, et [super] hoc predictus abbas Loci Regalis dixisset quod ipse [habet] quoddam breve pendens in curia regis versus comitem [Cornubie] , de hoc quod idem comes Cornubie [acquietet ipsum de servicio] quod prefatus episcopus ab eo exigebat de predicto [manerio] et unde idem comes, qui medius est inter eos, ipsum abbatem acquietare debuit, et quia idem comes [porrexit] cartam domini Henrici regis, patris domini regis nunc etc., [que testabatur] quod idem dominus Henricus rex concessit [Ricardo comiti Pictavie et] Cornubie, patri predicti comitis, predictum manerium simul cum aliis terris et tenementis que fuerunt Roberti Drwyes in Anglia, et dixit [quod racione illius carte] non potuit sine domino rege respondere, [ideo loquela illa coram] prefatis justiciariis remansit sine die, prout patet [per recordum] quod de eisdem justiciariis venit coram domino [rege in termino Sancte Trinitatis] , anno regni sui .xix. ^o . Et quia predictus episcopus [postea] sequutus fuit quoddam breve domini regis, per Willelmum de Honnor attornatum suum, et habuit comiti Cornubie directum, quod [esset coram] ipso domino [rege et ejus consilio in crastino Sancti Andree] apud Westm' ostensurus cartam predictam predicti domini [Henrici regis, et eciam] auditurus [recordum predicte loquele] quod Johannes de [Metingham] ad eundem terminum mitteret, et idem episcopus ad diem [illum non] comparuit nec per se [nec per attornatum] ad prosequendum [recordum] predictum vel brevia per attornatum suum inpetrata: et super hoc [predictus comes] singulis diebus [per attornatum suum comparuit cum] carta predicta, paratus facturus et recepturus quod curia regis [consideraret. Tandem] , in crastino Purificacionis anno vicesimo, dictum [est attornato predicti comitis] quod de loquela predicta inde [quietus recederet] quo ad tunc, salvo jure cujuslibet etc.	31 (28). Concerning the bishop of Lincoln and the earl of Cornwall. Whereas the abbot of Rewley of Oxford had impleaded the bishop of Lincoln concerning the same abbot's animals, which had been seized and unjustly kept etc., before Thomas of Weyland and his colleagues formerly the lord king's justices of the Bench, and the same abbot had avowed that the seizure and detention of the animals of the aforesaid abbot had been done justly etc. because the abbot of Eynsham holds the manor of Yarnton, in which the aforesaid animals were seized, from the same bishop for the service of two knights' fees, of which his precessors as bishops were in seisin from time immemorial, at the hands of the predecessors of the aforesaid abbot of Eynsham; and in response the aforesaid abbot of Rewley had said that he has a certain writ pending in the king's court against the earl of Cornwall that the same earl of Cornwall should acquit him of the service which the aforesaid bishop demanded from him for the aforesaid manor, and of which the same earl, who is a mesne between them, ought to discharge the same abbot, and because the same earl produced a charter of the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king etc., which attested that the same lord king Henry had granted to Richard, count of Poitou and earl of Cornwall, the father of the aforesaid earl, the aforesaid manor together with other lands and tenements which belonged to Robert de Dreux in England, and said that because of that charter he could not answer without the lord king, therefore that suit remained without day before the aforesaid justices, as is clear from the record which came before the lord king from the same justices in the Trinity term in the nineteenth year of his reign. And because the aforesaid bishop afterwards sued a certain writ of the lord king, through William de Honnor his attorney, and had it addressed to the earl of Cornwall, that he should appear before the same lord king and his council at Westminster on the morrow of St Andrew to show the aforesaid charter of the aforesaid lord king Henry, and also to hear the record of the aforesaid suit which John of Mettingham would send at the same term, and the same bishop did not appear on that day, either in person or through his attorney, to prosecute the aforesaid record or the writs obtained by his attorney; whereupon, the aforesaid earl appeared each day through his attorney with the aforesaid charter, ready to do and receive what the king's court would adjudge. Finally, on the morrow of the Purification in the twentieth year, the attorney of the aforesaid earl was told that he could go quit of the aforesaid suit for the time being, saving the right of everyone etc.
32. [Assignentur] R. Malet, Thomas de Bray et vicecomes Bedeford' ad deliberandum prisonam de Willelmo de [...] [editorial note: This word begins with a 't'] imprisonato pro receptamento felonum etc.	[Ad hoc appointment of justices of gaol delivery for trial of a single prisoner]. 32. R. Malet, Thomas de Bray and the sheriff of Bedford are appointed to deliver the prison of William de [...] , imprisoned for the harbouring of felons etc.
[p. i-86]
[col. a]
[memb. 6]
Declaracio carte Johannis Giffard per dominum regem facta. [editorial note: This heading is at the top of the membrane: the other is in the margin.]	[Royal clarification of the wording of his charter granting the commote of Iscennen to John Giffard].
De carta Johannis Giffard'.
33 (29). Cum dominus rex anno regni sui undecimo per cartam suam dedisset et concessisset Johanni Giffard' commotum de Hiskynny cum pertinenciis simul cum forisfacturis hominum de commoto predicto, que ad ipsum dominum regem pertinere poterant aut debebant; racione cujus carte prefatus Johannes ad se pertinere dicebat omnimodas forisfacturas omnimodorum hominum de commoto predicto qualitercumque et ubicumque forisfactas, ac Robertus Tipetot, justiciarius domini regis in partibus illis, pro ipso domino rege dixisset quod prefatus Johannes racione verborum in predicta carta contentorum nullas forisfacturas, nisi tantummodo illorum hominum qui de commoto illo fuerint et terras et catalla sua forisfecerint in eodem commoto et in curia ipsius Johannis racionabiliter et secundum legem et consuetudinem parcium illarum modo debito fuerint convicti, clamari potuit aut debuit habere.	33 (29). The clarification of John Giffard's charter made by the lord king. Concerning John Giffard's charter. Whereas the lord king, in the eleventh year of his reign, gave and granted to John Giffard, by his charter, the commote of Iscennen with its appurtenances, together with the forfeitures of men of the aforesaid commote, which might or ought to belong to the same lord king, because of which charter the aforesaid John said that all forfeitures of all men of the aforesaid commote, however and wherever forfeited, belonged to him, but Robert Tibetot, the lord king's justice in those parts, said on the same lord king's behalf that the aforesaid John could not claim and ought not to have, by reason of the words contained in the aforesaid charter, any forfeitures except those of those men who were of that commote, and who forfeited their lands and chattels in the same commote, and who were convicted in due fashion in the same John's court, reasonably, and in accordance with the law and custom of those parts.
Propter quod dominus rex apud Berwyk' super Twedam in octabis Sancti Martini anno regni sui vicesimo ad querelam utriusque predictorum Roberti et Johannis cartam predictam coram se et consilio suo legi fecit, et [ad] ambiguitatem quorundam predictorum verborum in predicta carta contentorum decetero auferendam, eadem verba declaravit in hunc modum; videlicet, quod si quis hominum de commoto predicto infra commotum illum [editorial note: One letter has been deleted here, slightly above the level of the line: it may be a number, or entirely unconnected.] aliquid contra pacem fecerit, et in commoto illo arestatus fuerit, et in curia ipsius Johannis ductus, et ibidem de facto illo convictus, propter quod factum redimi voluerit, aut mortem subire debuerit judicialiter, habeat prefatus Johannes redempcionem aut forisfacturas illas cum acciderint. Et si aliquis hominum de commoto illo in commoto domini regis vel alibi extra commotum illum in curia domini regis ubicumque de aliqua felonia convictus fuerit, propter quod decollatus fuerit, aut suspensus, seu alio modo dampnatus, dominus rex tantummodo habebit bona et catalla ipsius felonis que secum inventa fuerunt tempore capcionis sue, et prefatus Johannes habebit cetera catalla ipsius felonis ubicumque infra commotum predictum inventa fuerint et extiterint, quiete et absque calumpnia justiciariorum, vicecomitum, aut aliorum ballivorum domini regis. Set si quis talium pro delicto de quo convictus fuerit in curia regis se redimere voluerit, et finem inde fecerit, remaneat illa redempcio, seu finis, domino regi cum quilibet se ipsum de suo proprio licite possit redimere. Set caveat ballivus domini regis, quicumque fuerit, ne racione cupiditatis alicujus redempcionis ad opus domini regis, illum redimi permittat qui non sit redimendus racione enormis facti de quo fuerit convictus. Si vero ballivus, seu minister domini regis quicumque, seu aliquis cum ballivis aut ministris ipsis in officio regis existens infra commotum predictum contra pacem domini regis depredatus aut interfectus fuerit, vel alio modo contra pacem domini regis lesus, dominus rex tam cognicionem placiti, facti, aut felonie predictorum, in curia sua quam forisfacturam felonum talium et eorum redempcionem, penitus optinebit, non obstante forma carte predicte.	On account of which the lord king at Berwick upon Tweed, at the octave of Martinmas in the twentieth year of his reign, at the complaint of both the aforesaid Robert and John, had the aforesaid charter read before him and his council, and, in order henceforth to remove the ambiguity of certain of the aforesaid words contained in the aforesaid charter, he explained the same words as follows: namely, that if any man of the aforesaid commote does anything against the peace within that commote, and is arrested in that commote, and brought before the same John's court, and is there convicted of that deed, on account of which deed he wishes to be ransomed, or ought to suffer sentence of death, the aforesaid John is to have the ransom or those forfeitures as they occur. And if any man of that commote is anywhere convicted in the lord king's commote or elsewhere outside that commote in the lord king's court of any felony, for which he is beheaded or hanged or executed in any other way, the lord king will have only the goods and chattels of the same felon which were found with him at the time of his arrest, and the aforesaid John will have the other chattels of the same felon, wherever they are found or are within the aforesaid commote, freely and without challenge by the justices, sheriffs or other bailiffs of the lord king. But if any such wishes to ransom himself for the crime for which he is convicted in the lord king's court, and to pay a fine for it, that ransom or fine is to remain to the lord king: since everyone can lawfully ransom himself of his own. But let the lord king's bailiff, whoever he is, beware, lest through greed for any ransom for the lord king's benefit he allows a person to be ransomed who is not ransomable because of the enormity of the crime of which he was convicted. If, however, a bailiff, or any official of the lord king, or anyone working with the same bailiffs or officials in the king's service, is robbed or killed within the aforesaid commote against the lord king's peace, or harmed in some other way against the lord king' peace, the lord king will obtain completely both the jurisdiction of the aforesaid plea, deed or felony, in his court, and the forfeiture of such felons and their ransom, notwithstanding the terms of the aforesaid charter.
Quod justiciarii itinerantes inquirant de factis justiciariorum assignatorum ad gaiolas deliberandas.	[Ordinance granting the justices in eyre authority to enquiry into misconduct by the justices of gaol delivery and to hold retrials of certain categories of prisoner acquited before those justices].
34 (30). De justiciariis assignatis ad gaiolas deliberandas, rex vult decetero quod vos, et ceteri justiciarii itinerantes ad communia placita, in singulis comitatibus ubi itineraturi estis, habeatis plenariam potestatem inquirendi qui justiciarii assignati predicti gaiolas deliberaverint de felonibus aliquibus seu prisonibus per patriam longinquam, suspectam aut procuratam, et justiciarii inde scientes, consencientes; et qui fuerint convicti committantur prisone ut manutentores et sustentatores felonum domini regis, et inde graviter redimantur juxta vestram et sociorum vestrorum discrescionem et delicti quantitatem, [col. b] in itinere illo ante recessum vestrum. Similiter, justiciarii assignati qui, non observata forma potestatis sue seu waranti, gaiolam aliquam deliberaverint, veluti tres sine quarto, eodem modo prisone committantur et coram vobis redimantur, set non ita graviter ut predicitur, si per oblivionem aut ignoranciam hoc fecerint; set, si gratis aut maliciose hoc fecerint, et de hoc vobis constiterit, puniantur et redimantur, ut predictum est. Prisones vero qui coram talibus justiciariis per patriam, in quam se de bono et de malo posuerint, fuerint deliberati, licet omnes justiciarii ad eorum deliberacionem assignati presentes non fuerint in eorum deliberacione, remaneant de facto illo, de quo deliberati fuerint, quieti, dum tamen per bonam patriam et non procuratam fuerint deliberati, et < hoc vobis evidenter constiterit. Set, si prisones aliqui coram > talibus justiciariis per patriam longinquam, facti vel felonie sibi inpositorum ignorantem, vel patriam procuratam, fuerint deliberati et de eisdem factis seu feloniis coram justiciariis itinerantibus iterato indictati, nichilominus inde respondeant coram eisdem justiciariis itinerantibus, et per patriam bonam et legalem se acquietent non obstante si recordum justiciariorum assignatorum de eorum acquietacione vocaverint; quod si noluerint, retrudantur gaiole, et habeant penitenciam communem legem refutantibus provisam quousque se super patriam ponere voluerunt bonam et legalem. Istam formam in presenti itinere vestro incipiatis, et exnunc in aliis itineribus vestris observetis.	34 (30). That the justices in Eyre should enquire into the actions of justices assigned to deliver gaols. Concerning justices assigned to deliver gaols, the king wills henceforth that you, and the other justices in eyre for common pleas, in each county which you visit, are to have full power to enquire as to whether those aforesaid justices assigned have delivered the gaols of any felons or prisoners, through a distant, suspect or rigged jury; and justices who knew of this, consented to it and were convicted of it are to be sent to prison as maintainers and supporters of the lord king's felons, and are to pay a heavy ransom for this, at the discretion of yourself and your colleagues and in accordance with the magnitude of the offence, [col. b] in that Eyre before your departure. Likewise, justices assigned who have delivered any gaol without observing the terms of their power or warrant, as for example three without a fourth, are to be sent to prison in the same way, and ransomed before you: but not as harshly as has been said above, if they did this through forgetfulness or ignorance; but if they did it without reason or maliciously, and you have established this, they are to be punished and ransomed as has been said above. Prisoners who were delivered before such justices by a jury, on which they put themselves for good or for ill, even though all the justices appointed to their delivery were not present at their delivery, are to remain quit of that matter, for which they were delivered, provided however that they were delivered by a good jury and not a rigged one, and this is clearly established by you. But if any prisoners have been delivered before such justices by a distant jury, ignorant of the deed or felony of which they are accused, or by a rigged jury, and are indicted again of the same deeds or felonies before justices in eyre, they are nevertheless to answer before the same justices in eyre, and to acquit themselves by a good and lawful jury, notwithstanding that they have vouched the record of the justices assigned concerning their acquittance; and if they refuse, they are to be returned to gaol, and to have the punishment provided for those who refuse the common law, until they are willing to put themselves on a good and lawful jury. You are to begin using this procedure in your present Eyre, and henceforth to observe it in your other Eyres.
35. De equo furato apud Joneby, super quo mandastis, scrutentur rotuli de alio itinere. Et si casus consimilis inveniatur in villa predicta, vel aliis terris que fuerunt regis Scocie in comitatu Cumbr', fiat prout inveneritis. Et si nichil reperiatur, fiat secundum consuetudinem usitatam in patria, prout per recordum comitatus inveneritis.	[Instructions from the king's council to the justices of the Cumberland eyre given in response to their queries] 35. Concerning the horse stolen at Johnby, about which you have written, let the rolls of the other Eyre be searched. And if a similar case is found in the aforesaid village, or in other lands in the county of Cumberland which belonged to the king of Scotland, let it be done as you find. And if nothing is found, let it be done according to the custom in use in the country, as you will find by the record of the county.
36. De Gilberto de Brunnollesheved', rex vult quod remaneat prisone, et similiter de Roberto de Wardwik', nulla capta ab eis manucapcione, vel fine ab eorum amicis. Ad parliamentum suum post Pascha de modo deliberacionis eorundem vult habere tractatum, et vult quod interim in prisona remaneant etc.	[Instructions from the king to the justices of the Cumberland eyre relating to the release of Gilbert of Burnside and Robert of Warwick]. 36. Concerning Gilbert of Burnside, the king wishes him to remain in prison, and likewise Robert of Warwick, with no bail being taken from them, nor any fine from their friends. He wishes the manner of their delivery to be discussed at his parliament after Easter, and wishes them to remain in prison in the meantime etc.
Recognicio prioris de Gyseburn' facta Henrico de Newerck'.	[Debt acknowledgement made to master Henry of Newark by the prior of Guisborough for the benefit of the daughters of Gilbert of Louth and related agreements]
37 (31). De recognicione prioris de Gyseburn' facta in cancellaria domini regis magistro Henrico de Newerk' decano Ebor', de quodam debito sexcentarum marcarum, in quo idem prior tenebatur Gilberto de Luda defuncto, coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio apud Norham a die Pasche in unum mensem, anno regni sui decimo nono in presencia venerabilis patris J. archiepiscopi Ebor', magistri H. de Newerk' decani Ebor', et Johannis le Espicer administratoris testamenti Gilberti de Luda, ordinatum est et per predictos archiepiscopum, decanum, Johannem, et eciam per predictum priorem concessum, quod recognicio facta predicto decano de predicto debito sexcentarum marcarum in cancellaria regis per predictum priorem omnino suspendatur et in rotulis cancellarie cancelletur, ita quod nec idem decanus, nec aliquis nomine suo, racione predicte recognicionis, aliquid decetero versus predictum priorem aut successores suos exigere poterint seu vendicare. Et per ipsum regem et consilium suum, consencientibus predictis archiepiscopo, decano, Johanne, et priore, ordinatum est et concordatum est quod predictus prior et successores sui predictas sexcentas marcas reddant prefatis archiepiscopo et decano proporcionaliter terminis subscriptis: videlicet, ducentas marcas ad festum Sancti Michaelis proximo futurum, et ducentas marcas ad festum Sancti Michaelis proximo sequens, et residuas ducentas marcas ad festum Sancti Michaelis proximo sequens, ita quod predicte sexcente < marce > plenarie et integre solvantur terminis predictis, et sub sigillis predictorum archiepiscopi, et decani, et eciam duorum amicorum [proximiorum] parentum filiabus predicti Gilberti de Luda, et per ipsos archiepiscopum [p. i-87][col. a] et decanum eligendorum, in aliquo certo loco, prout ipsi archiepiscopus, decanus, et amici, melius et securius viderint esse faciendum, in [deposito] ponantur, custodiende ad opus et maritagium filiarum predicti Gilberti. Et predictus prior cognovit pro se et successoribus suis quod, si in solucione predicte pecunie ad terminos predictos defecerit, quod vicecomes Ebor' fieri faciat de terris et catallis suis et successorum suorum. Et quia quoddam scriptum obligatorium, per quod predictus prior obligavit se predicto Gilberto defuncto in predicta pecunia, devenit in manus cujusdam Thome de Warthull', qui in prisona castri Ebor' detinetur pro quibusdam transgressionibus sibi inpositis, ut dicitur, et quod scriptum in manus suas devenit per predictum Johannem le Espicer, et ex liberacione sua, prout idem Johannes coram consilio cognovit, preceptum est vicecomiti Ebor' quod salvo et secure venire faciat predictum Thomam coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio ad Pentecosten proximo futuram ubicumque etc. ad respondendum et ad reddendum scriptum predictum. Et dictum est prefato Johanni quod sit ad eundem terminum ad respondendum simul cum prefato Thoma de predicto scripto.	37 (31). The acknowledgement of the prior of Guisborough made to Henry of Newark. Concerning the acknowledgement of the prior of Guisborough made in the lord king's chancery to master Henry of Newark, dean of York, of a certain debt of 600 marks, which the same prior owed the late Gilbert of Louth, before the same lord king and his council at Norham, one month after Easter, in the nineteenth year of his reign, in the presence of the venerable father J., archbishop of York, master Henry of Newark, dean of York, and John Spicer, the administrator of the testament of Gilbert of Louth, it is ordained and granted by the aforesaid archbishop, dean, and John, and also by the aforesaid prior, that the acknowledgement made to the aforesaid dean of the aforesaid debt of 600 marks in the king's chancery by the aforesaid prior should be completely suspended, and cancelled in the rolls of chancery, so that neither the same dean, nor anyone in his name, will henceforth be able to claim or demand anything against the aforesaid prior or his successors by reason of the aforesaid acknowledgement. And by the same king and his council, with the consent of the aforesaid archbishop, dean, John, and prior, it is ordained and agreed that the aforesaid prior and his successors are to pay the aforesaid 600 marks to the aforesaid archbishop and dean, in instalments, at the terms listed below: namely, 200 marks at the feast of Michaelmas next, and 200 marks at the following feast of Michaelmas, and the remaining 200 marks at the following feast of Michaelmas: so that the aforesaid 600 marks are to be paid fully and in whole at the aforesaid terms, and to be deposited in some particular place, which seems best and most secure to the same archbishop, dean and kinsmen, under the seals of the aforesaid archbishop and dean, and also of two close kinsmen of the daughters of the aforesaid Gilbert of Louth, to be chosen by the same archbishop [p. i-87][col. a] and dean, to be kept for the benefit and marriage of the daughters of the aforesaid Gilbert. And the aforesaid prior has acknowledged, for himself and his successors, that if he defaults in the payment of the aforesaid money at the aforesaid terms, the sheriff of Yorkshire is to levy it from his lands and chattels, and those of his successors. And because a certain bond, through which the aforesaid prior bound himself to the aforesaid late Gilbert for the aforesaid money, came into the hands of a certain Thomas of Warthill, who is being held in prison in York castle for certain trespasses of which he is accused, as is said, which bond came into his hands through the aforesaid John Spicer, and was delivered by him, as the same John acknowledges before the council, the sheriff of Yorkshire is commanded to produce the aforesaid Thomas, safely and securely, before the same lord king and his council at Whitsun next, wherever etc. to answer and to hand over the aforesaid bond. And the aforesaid John is told to be present at the same term to answer together with the aforesaid Thomas on the matter of the aforesaid bond.
Preterea ordinatum est, et per prefatos archiepiscopum, decanum, Johannem, et priorem concessum, quod predictum scriptum, cum per prefatos Thomam et Johannem redditum fuerit, tradatur prefatis archiepiscopo et decano, et in custodia eorundem remaneat, quousque de predicta pecunia terminis predictis et modo predicto plenarie fuerit satisfactum. Et post predictam solucionem factam, predictum scriptum reddatur predicto priori aut successoribus suis, ita quod extunc nullius sit valoris aut momenti.	Furthermore, it is ordained and granted by the aforesaid archbishop, dean, John, and prior, that the aforesaid bond, when it has been surrendered by the aforesaid Thomas and John, is to be handed over to the aforesaid archbishop and dean, and to remain in their custody, until satisfaction has been given in full for the aforesaid money at the aforesaid terms and in the aforesaid way. And after the aforesaid payment has been made, the aforesaid bond is to be given to the aforesaid prior or his successors, so that it will thenceforth be of no value or force.
Et insuper ordinatum est, et per prefatos archiepiscopum et decanum concessum, quod cum predicti denarii soluti fuerint, et sub sigillis ut predictum est in deposito positi, et contigerit quod amici predictarum filiarum de aliquo maritagio conpetenti alicui illarum providerint, et porcionem < ipsam > filiam contingentem de denariis predictis necesse habeant habere, si predictus archiepiscopus presens non fuerit, vel rogatus seu premunitus venire noluerit, ad porcionem illam denariorum predictorum filiam illam contingentem deliberandam ad maritagium illud perficiendum, bene licebit predicto decano et amicis sub quorum sigillis etc. cistam vel aliud in quo predicti denarii fuerint depositi aperire, et de denariis illis porcionem illam capere et asportare, et postea cistam vel aliud sigillis suis resigillare, ulterius non expectata presencia prefati archiepiscopi. Eodem modo fiat de predicto decano, si archiepiscopus et amici presentes fuerint in casu predicto, et decanus requisitus seu premunitus venire noluerit etc. set nullo modo sine presencia alterius predictorum archiepiscopi aut decani, amici predictarum filiarum de denariis predictis se intromittant, aut manum ad eos apponant.	And it is furthermore granted by the aforesaid archbishop and dean, that when the aforesaid money has been paid, and deposited under seal as has been said above, and it happens that the kinsmen of the aforesaid daughters arrange a suitable marriage for any of them, and consider it necessary to have the share of the aforesaid money pertaining to that daughter, that if the aforesaid archbishop is not present, or if, after he has been asked or warned, he refuses to come to hand over that share of the aforesaid money pertaining to that daughter and to complete the marriage arrangements, the aforesaid dean and the kinsmen under whose seals etc. will be fully permitted to open the chest or other receptacle in which the aforesaid money has been deposited, and to take and remove that portion of that money, and afterwards to reseal the chest or other receptacle with their seals, without waiting any longer for the presence of the aforesaid archbishop. And likewise with regard to the aforesaid dean, if the archbishop and kinsmen are present in the aforesaid circumstances and the dean, after having been asked or warned, refuses to come etc.. But the kinsmen of the aforesaid daughters are in no way to meddle with the aforesaid money, or to lay their hands on it, without the presence of either the aforesaid archbishop or the dean.
The dorse of m. 6 is blank.
[memb. 7]
De contencione inter cives London' et mercatores Wasconie.	[Proceedings on the dispute between the citizens of London and the merchants of Gascony about the sale of wines in London and the temporary arrangements made about this to last until the next parliament].
38 (32). Cum inter cives London', ex una parte, et mercatores Wasconie, ex altera, super vendicione vinorum < ipsorum > mercatorum Wasconie in civitate London' temporibus retroactis contenciones multociens fuerunt insuborte, et dominus rex de pace et concordia inter partes predictas se intromittere inceperit et eciam partibus eisdem coram ipso domino rege et consilio suo ad diem istum, videlicet ad clausum Pascha [sic: read 'Pasche'] , anno regni sui vicesimo, dies datus fuisset, ut, auditis coram ipso domino rege et consilio suo allegacionibus et disputacionibus, racionibus que [sic: read 'racionibusque'] quibuscumque per predictas partes porrectis, fieret in hac parte quod dominus rex de consilio suo decreverit, et prout de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni sui fuerit faciendum; coram consilio domini regis tunc existenti apud Stibbeneth' extra London', venerunt quidam Henricus le Waleys, Willelmus de Hereford', cum quibusdam aliis de civitate predicta, et similiter venerunt quidam mercatores [col. b] Wasconie, qui dicebant se vina sua vendidisse totis temporibus retroactis pro voluntate sua in civitate predicta, et quod modo, et per aliquod tempus preteritum, per custodem et communitatem civitatis predicte impediti fuerunt minus juste et ad maximum dampnum eorundem mercatorum.	38 (32). Concerning the dispute between the citizens of London and the merchants of Gascony. Whereas disputes have often arisen in the past between the citizens of London on the one hand and the merchants of Gascony on the other, concerning the sale of the wines of the same merchants of Gascony in the city of London, and the lord king began to involve himself in bringing about peace and concord between the aforesaid parties, and a day had also been given to the same parties before the same lord king and his council on this day, namely at the Close of Easter in the twentieth year of his reign, so that, when the allegations and disputes had been heard before the same lord king and his council, and all the arguments had been put forward by the aforesaid parties, there would be done on that matter what the lord king decreed on the advice of his council, and as was to be done rightly and in accordance with the law and custom of his realm, a certain Henry le Waleys and William of Hereford came before the lord king's council, then at Stepney outside London, together with certain others from the aforesaid city; and likewise certain merchants [col. b] from Gascony came, who said that at all times in the past they had sold their wines at their pleasure in the aforesaid city, and that now, and for some time past, they were prevented by the warden and community of the aforesaid city, unjustly, and to the very great harm of the same merchants.
Et predicti Henricus et Willelmus simul cum aliis de civitate predicta secum ibidem existentibus, post diutinas altercaciones inter ipsos et predictos mercatores coram consilio inde habitas, per quosdam de consilio rogati et requisiti, pro bono pacis inter ipsos et mercatores predictos, quod permitterent mercatores < de > Wasconia cum vinis suis apud London' venientes vina sua libere vendere, et statu suo gaudere quo nunc gaudent usque proximum parliamentum domini regis, salvo jure utriusque partis, et sic quod nulli parcium predictarum cederet in prejudicium, ita quod dominus rex tunc, habita deliberacione et consilio, finem debitum et perpetuum in negocio predicto apponeret, precise responderunt quod negocium predictum totam tangebat < communitatem > civitatis predicte, et quod non fuerunt ibi nisi sex vel octo communitatis predicte, et quod major pars et majoris [sic: read 'majores'] persone communitatis predicte non fuerunt ibi presentes, per quod ipsi Henricus et Willelmus, cum aliis secum tunc existentibus, sine presencia absencium predictorum de negocio illo in aliquo se intromittere non potuerunt aut voluerunt: immo quantum in eis fuit, et ad ipsos pertinebat, concesserunt quod dominus rex in negocio < predicto > faceret et fieri preciperet quod sibi placeret.	And the aforesaid Henry and William, together with others from the aforesaid city then accompanying them, after lengthy arguments between them and the aforesaid merchants had taken place on this matter before the council, were asked and requested by certain members of the council, for the good of peace between themselves and the aforesaid merchants, to permit the merchants of Gascony coming to London with their wines to sell their wines freely, and to enjoy the status quo which they now enjoy, until the lord king's next parliament, saving the right of each party, and in such a way that it would not be to the prejudice of either of the aforesaid parties, so that the lord king, having then considered the matter and taken counsel on it, could put a due and perpetual end to the aforesaid business, they gave the straight answer that the aforesaid business concerned the whole community of the aforesaid city, and that only six or eight of the aforesaid community were present, and that the greater part and the most important people of the aforesaid community were not present there, for which reason the same Henry and William, with the others accompanying them at that time, could not and would not negotiate on any part of that business without the presence of the aforesaid absentees: but, insofar as it was in their power and pertained to them, they granted that the lord king could do and order to have done what pleased him in the aforesaid business.
Propter quod dominus rex postea, audita responsione predicta predictorum Henrici, Willelmi, et aliorum secum existencium, et de consensu eorundem Henrici et aliorum per ipsum regem requisitorum, voluit quod mercatores predicti vina sua in civitate predicta vendant pro voluntate sua cuicumque volenti vina < illa > emere usque ad proximum parliamentum suum sine impedimento custodis, vicecomitum, aut civium predicte civitatis, dum tamen vina illa infra civitatem predictam vendantur et emantur, et quod alibi extra civitatem predictam per ipsos mercatores ad vendendum nullo modo per aquam vel terram carientur. Set si dominus rex quacumque parte fuerit et vina habere voluerit, per hoc non inpediantur mercatores predicti quin vina sua, quociens neccesse fuerit, et dominus rex preceperit, vina sua ad opus domini regis mittere poterint, et cariare facere, set ad alios non.	On account of which the lord king, when he had heard the aforesaid reply of the aforesaid Henry, William and others accompanying them, and with the consent of the same Henry and others, who had been asked for it by the king, willed that the aforesaid merchants sell their wines in the aforesaid city at their pleasure to anyone wishing to buy those wines, until his next parliament, without being obstructed by the warden, the sheriffs or the citizens of the aforesaid city: provided, however, that they buy and sell those wines within the aforesaid city, and that they are not carried elsewhere outside the aforesaid city to be sold by the same merchants in any way, by land or water. But if the lord king is anywhere, and wishes to have wines, the merchants are not to be prevented from sending their wines, and having them carried, for the use of the lord king, as often as it is necessary and the lord king orders it, but not for others.
Et sciendum quod per vendiciones, empciones, aut cariagia, predicto tempore facta, nulli parcium predictarum aliquid de jure suo minuetur aut augeatur, set ad parliamentum predictum proximo futurum salvetur unicuique parti quod de jure fuerit salvandum et sibi viderit expedire. Et hoc tam per dominum regem, quam per predictos Henricum et alios, et predictos mercatores concessum est: et tunc, Deo dante, contentio predicta finem debitum per ipsum dominum regem et consilium suum sorcietur.	And be it known that the right of neither of the aforesaid parties is to be diminished or increased in any way by sales, purchases or transportation made at the aforesaid time, but what is rightly to be saved to each party is to be saved until the aforesaid next parliament, if they think it will benefit them. And this has been granted by the lord king, by the aforesaid Henry and others, and by the aforesaid merchants: and then, God willing, the aforesaid dispute will come to a proper resolution through the same lord king and his council.
The dorse of m. 7 is blank.
[memb. 8]
Concordia inter Willelmum filium Willelmi de Brewose et Mariam que fuit uxor Willelmi de Brewose.	Agreement between William, the son of William de Braose, and Mary, the widow of William de Braose, on the various matters in dispute between them].
39 (33). Memorandum quod die sabbati in festo Invencionis Sancte Crucis anno regni regis Edwardi vicesimo, taliter concordatum est coram consilio domini regis, ipso domino rege consenciente, inter Willelmum filium Willelmi de Breouse et Mariam que fuit uxor Willelmi de Breouse, videlicet quod, cum prefata Maria in cancellaria domini regis, et eciam in scaccario ejusdem regis, assensu et voluntate executorum predicti defuncti, sufficientem securitatem invenisset domino regi et aliis creditoribus de debitis in quibus dictus defunctus eis tenebatur satisfacere, quatenus bona dicti defuncti post ejus obitum inventa sufficiant ac thesaurarius et barones ejusdem scaccarii administracionem bonorum predictorum eidem Marie concesserint; qua propter [sic: read 'quapropter'] eadem Maria a prefato Willelmo de bonis predictis in partibus Wallie existentibus trescentum quaterviginti et [p. i-88][col. a] tresdecim libras et octo denarios exigit, et de bonis ejusdem defuncti in comitatibus Glouc', Wiltes', Kanc', et Sussex', existentibus, quaterviginti quatuor libras < .xij. solidos et quinque > denarios. Que quidem bona post obitum dicti Willelmi ad manus Willelmi filii Willelmi devenerunt.	39 (33). The agreement made between William, the son of William de Braose, and Mary, the widow of William de Braose. Be it remembered that on the Saturday, on the feast of the Finding of the Holy Cross, in the twentieth year of the reign of king Edward, the following agreement was reached before the lord king's council, with the consent of the same lord king, between William, the son of William de Braose, and Mary, the widow of William de Braose: namely that, whereas the aforesaid Mary had found sufficient surety in the lord king's chancery and also in the lord king's exchequer, with the consent and by the wish of the executors of the aforesaid deceased, to satisfy the lord king and other creditors for the debts which the said deceased owed them, as far as the goods of the aforesaid deceased found after his death suffice for this, and the treasurer and barons of the same exchequer have granted the administration of the aforesaid goods to the same Mary; on account of which the same Mary demands £393 and 8d. from the aforesaid William from the aforesaid goods in Wales, [p. i-88][col. a] and from the goods of the same deceased in the counties of Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Kent and Sussex, £84 12s. and 5d. Which goods after the death of the said William came into the hands of William, the son of William.
Et unde idem Willelmus nec prefate Marie, nec executoribus dicti defuncti, adhuc satisfecit, predictus Willelmus concessit quod ipse, vel aliquis nomine suo ad hoc potestatem habens, et similiter predicta Maria, vel aliquis nomine suo, apud Horsham in crastino Sancte Trinitatis convenient et ibidem bene et fideliter computabunt, ita quod dictus Willelmus de omnibus que ipse vel ballivi sui receperunt de bonis predictis, unde racionabiliter poterunt onerari, tam de partibus Anglie quam de partibus Wallie, dicte Marie satisfaciet et ibidem securitatem inveniet vel si forte tunc de bonis Wallie, propter absenciam ballivorum suorum, vel aliqua alia racione, finaliter computare non possint, tunc ipsi vel eorum ballivi vel attornati ad hoc potestatem habentes, ad aliquem certum diem quem tunc ad hoc providebunt, citra festum beati Petri ad Vincula, in partibus Wallie convenient, et ibidem, ut predictum est, computabunt, ita quod dictus Willelmus de omnibus que ipse vel ballivi sui receperunt de bonis predictis, unde racionabiliter poterunt onerari, dicte Marie satisfaciet et ibidem securitatem inveniet.	For which the same William has not yet satisfied either the aforesaid Mary or the executors of the said deceased, and the aforesaid William has granted that he, or someone in his name with power to do this, and likewise the aforesaid Mary, or someone in her name, will meet at Horsham on the morrow of Trinity Sunday, and there they will account well and faithfully: so that the said William will give satisfaction to the said Mary for everything which he or his bailiffs have received of the aforesaid goods, for which they could reasonably be charged, both in England and in Wales, and will find security there for these things; or if by chance they cannot finally account for the goods from Wales at that time, on account of the absence of his bailiffs or for some other reason, then they or their bailiffs or their attorneys with power to do this will meet in Wales on a specified day which they will assign for this at that time, before the feast of the Advinculation of the Blessed Peter, and there they will account as has been said above; so that the said William will give satisfaction to the said Mary for everything which he or his bailiffs have received from the aforesaid goods, with which they could reasonable be charged, and he will find security there for these things.
Preterea, dictus Willelmus concessit, pro se et heredibus suis, predicte Marie teneri in sexdecim libris sterlingorum annuatim, usque ad legitimam etatem Lheysen, fratris et heredis Morgani Vaghan, pro custodia terre de Kylney, nisi idem Leysen ante legitimam etatem obierit, solvendis prefate Marie vel executoribus suis annuatim, toto tempore predicto, apud Horsham, vel Cyreseis, in comitatu Sussex', scilicet unam medietatem ad festum Sancti Michaelis annuatim, et ad festum Pasche aliam medietatem. Et inde scriptum suum prefate Marie facit in forma predicta.	Furthermore the said William has conceded, for himself and his heirs, that he owes the aforesaid Mary £16 sterling annually until the majority of Lheysen, the brother and heir of Morgan Vaughan, for the wardship of the land of Kylney, unless the same Leysen should die before his majority; to be paid annually to the aforesaid Mary, or to her executors, for the whole of the aforesaid period, at Horsham, or ?Chesworth, in the county of Sussex, that is half at the feast of Michaelmas annually and the other half at the feast of Easter. And he has made his deed to the aforesaid Mary on this matter in the aforesaid form.
Et sciendum quod incipiet solvere firmam predictam ad festum Sancti Michaelis proximo futurum, et pro arreragiis temporis antecedentis sexdecim libras dicte Marie solvet ad festum Sancti Michaelis proximo futurum, et de custodia terre et heredis Johannis de Penrys, in partibus Wellie [sic: read 'Wallie'] , quam predicta Maria dicit ad se pertinere racione predicta, concessit idem Willelmus quod plenam et celerem justiciam eidem, cum sequi voluerit, inde fieri faciet. Et de viginti et una acra prati in Sauvagemedwe et alibi, quam predicta Maria dicit ad se pertinere racione dotis sue maneriorum Segwig', et Grenstede, sic sunt concordati, quod si Walterus Randulf', Ricardus clericus de Brom, Robertus de Burdevill', et Adam de Clothale, qui ad instanciam predictorum Willelmi et Marie, prius prestito sacramento, dicant pratum illud ad manerium de Grenested' et Segwig' pertinere, tunc eidem Marie nomine dotis remaneat; sin autem prefato Willelmo et heredibus suis remaneat inperpetuum.	And be it known that he will begin to pay the aforesaid farm at the feast of Michaelmas next, and he will pay the said Mary £16 for the arrears of the earlier period at the feast of Michaelmas next; and as for the wardship of the lands and heir of John de Penrys in Wales, which the aforesaid Mary says belongs to her for the aforesaid reason, the same William has conceded that he will have full and swift justice done to her on the matter, whenever she wishes to sue. And on the matter of twenty-one acres of meadow in Savage Meadow and elsewhere, which the aforesaid Mary says belong to her by reason of her dower from the manors of Sedgewick and Grinstead, they have come to an agreement on these terms: if Walter Randulf, Richard the clerk of Brom, Robert de Burdeville and Adam of Clothale, at the request of the aforesaid William and Mary, and after having first taken an oath, say that that meadow belongs to the manor of Grinstead and Sedgewick, then it is to remain to the same Mary by way of dower; but if not, it is to remain to the aforesaid William and his heirs in perpetuity.
De scriptis vero obligatoriis per que diversi debitores predicto Willelmo defuncto tenebantur, et que penes Willelmum filium Willelmi remanent, concessit idem Willelmus quod in crastino Sancte Trinitatis apud Horsham illa prefate Marie habere faciet simul cum rotulis et talliis per que ballivi, receptores, seu prepositi, qui compotum reddere tenentur de tempore Willelmi de Breouse defuncti, debeant onerari, habendum rotulos predictos donec compotum suum de omnibus ballivis plenarie receperint; et post compotum receptum, ut predictum est, rotuli predicti predicto Willelmo restituantur.	On the matter of the bonds, by which various debtors owe money to the aforesaid deceased William, and which remain in the possession of William, the son of William, the same William has conceded that he will let the aforesaid Mary have them on the morrow of Trinity Sunday, at Horsham, together with the rolls and tallies with which the bailiffs, receivers or reeves, who are obliged to render account for the time of the deceased William de Braose, ought to be charged, for her to have the aforesaid rolls until they have fully received their account from all the bailiffs; and after that account has been received, as has been said above, the aforesaid rolls are to be restored to the aforesaid William.
Concessit eciam idem Willelmus quod cartas quas habet que ad predictam Mariam pertinent, et maxime duas cartas quas cognovit habere de manerio de Bokham, et alias, si que in custodia sua poterunt inveniri, ad prefatum terminum eidem Marie plenarie habere faciet etc.	The same William has also conceded that at the same term he will fully allow the same Mary to have the charters which he has which belong to the aforesaid Mary, and especially two charters which he acknowledges that he has concerning the manor of Bookham, and any others which can be found in his custody etc.
40 (34). Memorandum quod die sabbati in festo Invencionis Sancte Crucis, anno regni regis Edwardi vicesimo, taliter concordatum est, coram consilio domini [col. b] regis, ipso domino rege consenciente, inter Willelmum filium Willelmi de Breouse, et Ricardum de Breouse, videlicet quod dominus Rogerus de Leukenore, Johannes Pecche, Ricardus de Brembre clericus, Walterus de Gedding', et Walterus le Graunt assignati sunt per dominum regem ad extendendum per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu Sussex' omnes terras et tenementa cum omnibus pertinenciis in Fyndon', Wassington', Westgrenested', Chereswrthe, et Segwyg, que quondam fuerunt Willelmi de Breouse defuncti in comitatu predicto, videlicet quantum terre ille et tenementa valeant per annum in dominicis, redditibus, serviciis, villenagiis, et omnibus exitibus terre, una cum feodis militum, et advocacionibus ecclesiarum, et omnibus aliis ad terras et tenementa predicta spectantibus qualitercumque; et eciam quod inquirant per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu predicto si Ricardus filius Willelmi de Breouse fuerit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo de quinquaginta et duabus solidatis redditus cum pertinenciis in Horsham, superstite Willelmo patre suo, sicut predictus Ricardus dicit, vel non, sicut < predictus > Willelmus filius Willelmi dicit.	[Agreement between William son of William de Braose and Richard de Braose on the matters in dispute between them]. 40 (34). Be it remembered that on the Saturday of the feast of the Finding of the Holy Cross, in the twentieth year of the reign of king Edward, the following agreement was made before the lord king's council, [col. b] with the consent of the same lord king, between William, son of William de Braose, and Richard de Braose, namely that Sir Roger of Lewknor, John Pecche, Richard of Bramber, clerk, Walter of Gedding and Walter Grant are appointed by the lord king to value by the oath of upright and law-worthy men of the county of Sussex, all the lands and tenements, with all their appurtenances, in Findon, Washington, West Grinstead, Chesworth, and Sedgewick, which formerly belonged to the late William de Braose in the aforesaid county: that is, how much those lands and tenements are worth a year in demesnes, rents, services, villeinages and all the issues of the land, together with the fees of knights and advowsons of churches, and all other things pertaining in any way to the aforesaid lands and tenements; and also that they should enquire, by the oath of upright and law-worthy men from the aforesaid county, if Richard, son of William de Braose, was seised in his demesne as in fee of 52 shillings' worth of rent with appurtenances in Horsham, during the lifetime of William his father, as the aforesaid Richard says, or not, as the aforesaid William the son of William says.
Et, si per inquisicionem illam invenerint quod predictus Ricardus de predicto redditu fuerit seisitus, tunc redditum illum extendant per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu predicto; et similiter predicti Rogerus de Leukenore, Ricardus de Brembre clericus, Walterus de Geddyngg', et Walterus le Graunt simul cum Willelmo Mercok' assignati sunt per dominum regem ad extendendum manerium de Tettebury in comitatu Glouc' per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de comitatu predicto. Et extentas illas, cum eas fecerint, domino regi sub sigillis suis et sigillis eorum per quos < facte fuerint, distincte et aperte, in octabis Sancti Johannis Baptiste anno predicto mittant, ita quod dominus rex habere faciat eidem Ricardo in dicto manerio de Tettebyri > , ad valenciam maneriorum de Wassyngton', Segwig, et Fyndon', cum pertinenciis, et ad valenciam quinquaginta duarum solidatarum redditus cum pertinenciis in Horsham, si inveniatur predictum Ricardum in vita patris sui inde fuisse seisitus, in excambium pro eisdem, < tenendum > secundum formam cujusdam finis in curia domini regis inde levati inter Willelmum de Breouse et Henricum de Wyteweye de maneriis de Wassyngton', Segwyg', et Fyndon' cum pertinenciis. Et eciam habere faciat eidem Ricardo in eodem manerio de Tettebury, si sufficiat, et si non, alibi in comitatu Sussex' in loco competenti ad valenciam maneriorum de < Chereswrthe > , et Grenestede, in < excambium > pro eisdem, tenendum per formam alterius finis inde levati in curia domini regis inter Amiciam de Ripariis, comitissam Devon', et Willelmum de Breouse defunctum, ita quod de extentis terrarum et tenementorum in comitatu Sussex' decidant eidem Ricardo viginti marcate terre de integro.	And, if they find by that enquiry that the aforesaid Richard was seised of the aforesaid rent, then they are to value that rent, by the oath of upright and law-worthy men from the aforesaid county: and, likewise, the aforesaid Roger of Lewknor, Richard of Bramber, clerk, Walter of Gedding and Walter Grant, together with William Mercock, have been appointed by the lord king to assess the manor of Tetbury in the county of Gloucestershire, by the oath of upright and law-worthy men of the aforesaid county. And when they have made those valuations, they are to send them, clearly and plainly, under their seals and the seals of those by whom they were made, to the lord king at the octave of St John the Baptist in the aforesaid year: so that the lord king can let the same Richard have, in the said manor of Tetbury, the value of the manors of Washington, Sedgewick, and Findon, with appurtenances, and the value of 52 shillings' worth of rent with appurtenances in Horsham, if it is found that the aforesaid Richard, during his father's lifetime, was seised of them, in exchange for them, to hold according to the terms of a certain fine levied on the matter in the lord king's court between William de Braose and Henry of Whiteway, concerning the manors of Washington, Sedgewick, and Findon with appurtenances. And that he is also to let the same Richard have within the manor of Tetbury, if it is valuable enough, and if not, elsewhere in the county of Sussex in some suitable place, the value of the manors of Chesworth and Grinstead, in exchange for them, to hold according to the terms of another fine levied on them, in the lord king's court, between Amice de Rivers, countess of Devon, and the late William de Braose; so that out of those valuations of lands and tenements in the county of Sussex 20 marks' worth of land in total should be deducted from the same Richard.
Et si extenta manerii de Tettebury excedat extentam terrarum et tenementorum predictorum existencium in comitatu Sussex', tunc quod residuum fuerit quiete remaneat predicto Willelmo et heredibus suis.	And if the valuation of the manor of Tetbury exceed the valuation of the aforesaid lands and tenements in the county of Sussex, then the surplus is to remain freely to the aforesaid William and his heirs.
Et sciendum quod si predicti extentores ad extentas predictas tam de terris et tenementis in comitatu Sussex' quam de manerio de Tettebury in comitatu Glouc' faciendas, unanimi consensu concordari non possint, vel eorum aliquem absentem esse contigerit, quod extente ille facte secundum illam partem cui tres eorum de predictis quinque extentoribus consueverunt [sic: read 'consenserunt'] , pro rato et stabili habeatur.	And be it known that, if the aforesaid valuers cannot agree unanimously on the making of the aforesaid valuation, both of the lands and tenements in the county of Sussex and of the manor of Tetbury in the county of Gloucestershire, or if one of them is absent, then the valuation on which three of the aforesaid five assessors are agreed is to be considered firm and approved.
Et cum predictus Ricardus seisinam predictorum terrarum et tenementorum habuerit, ut predictum est, alter predictorum Willelmi et Ricardi alteri talem securitatem faciat pro se et heredibus suis qualem secundum legem terre fuerit faciendum, quod neuter eorum, nec heredes eorum, nec aliquis nomine suo, jus vel clamium in terris seu tenementis, penes alterum remanentibus, contra formam provisionis predicte, inposterum exigere poterunt, vel vendicare.	And once the aforesaid Richard has seisin of the aforesaid lands and tenements, as has been said above, each of the aforesaid William and Richard is to give the other such security, for himself and his heirs, as is to be given according to the law of the land, that neither of them, nor their heirs, nor anyone in their name, is henceforward to demand or claim any right or claim in the lands or tenements which remain to the other, contrary to the form of the aforesaid provision.
Concedunt eciam < predicti > Willelmus filius Willelmi, et Ricardus, quod si alter eorum contra concessionem istam in [p. i-89][col. a] aliquo venerit, vel ipsam per fraudem, collusionem, artem, vel ingenium, maliciose impedierit, et inde convictus fuerit, quod domino regi in .cc. libris sterlingorum < sibi > pro voluntate sua solvendis teneatur.	The aforesaid William, the son of William, and Richard also concede that, if either of them contravenes this concession in [p. i-89][col. a] any way, or obstructs it maliciously through deceit, collusion, artfulness or cunning, and he is convicted of this, he is to owe the king £200 sterling, to be paid to him at his pleasure.
Et sciendum est, quod predictus Ricardus exigit valorem exituum terrarum et tenementorum predictorum in comitatu Sussex', exceptis viginti marcatis terre predictis, a primo die Marcii, anno regni regis Edwardi decimo nono quousque habuerit seisinam ad valenciam terrarum illarum in Tettebury, et alibi, ut predictum est.	And be it known that the aforesaid Richard asks for the value of the issues of the aforesaid lands and tenements in the county of Sussex, except for the aforesaid twenty marks' worth of land, from 1 March in the nineteenth year of the reign of king Edward, until he has seisin to the value of those lands in Tetbury and elsewhere as has been said above.
Et predictus Willelmus concessit quod, cum extente ille facte fuerunt et retornate, quod de exitibus illis fiat secundum ordinacionem Dunelmensis Bathonensis et Wellensis episcoporum et comitis Lincoln' etc.	And the aforesaid William has granted that when those valuations have been made and returned, it is to be done with those issues in accordance with what the bishops of Durham and Bath and Wells and the earl of Lincoln ordain etc.
The dorse of m. 8 is blank.
[memb. 9]
De manucapcione Willelmi de Saltu.	[Mainprise of William de Saltu and Andrew de Barante, the masters of ships seized at Portsmouth and Sandwich].
41 (35). Manucaptores Guillelmi de Saltu, et Andree de Barante, magistrorum quarumdam navium arestatarum apud Portesmutam et Sandwicum: videlicet, Arnaldus Rudi de Solerio, Paschalus (?) de Villa Arnald', Aymoun de Burgo, Petrus Gombaldi, Garsias Arn' le Basele, Guillelmus Sigini de Floyraco. Isti predicti manucaptores pro predictis magistris quod ipsi magistri venient a die Pasche in unum mensem ad parliamentum domini regis apud Westm' ad standum recto et ad recipiendum rectum et ad respondendum et ad faciendum id quod de jure debebunt etc.	41 (35). Concerning the mainprise of William de Saltu. The guarantors of William de Saltu and Andrew de Barante, the masters of certain ships seized at Portsmouth and Sandwich: namely Arnold Rudi de Solerio, Paschal de Villa Arnald', Aymon de Burgo, Peter Gombaldi, Garcia Arn' le Basele, William Sigini of Floyraco. The aforesaid are the guarantors for the aforesaid masters, that those masters will appear one month after Easter at the lord king's parliament at Westminster, to stand to right, and to receive justice, and to answer and to do what they rightly ought to do etc.
42. Johannes de Segrave, de homagio suo faciendo, per ipsum dominum regem adjornatus est usque ad parliamentum predictum etc.	[Adjournment of the homage of John de Segrave till the next parliament] 42. John de Segrave, on the matter of doing homage, is adjourned by the same lord king until the aforesaid parliament etc.
43. Item manucaptores Radulphi de Crumbewelle, scilicet, Simon Basset, Gervasius de Wyleford', Willelmus Sampson, Ricardus Waldeshef, Ricardus le Curzun de Breydeshale, Johannes de Crumbewelle, Johannes Maullore, Johannes Bek', Johannes Saumpsoun, et Henricus Gernoun.	43. Item, the guarantors of Ralph of Cromwell: namely Simon Basset, Gervase of Wilford, William Sampson, Richard Waldeshef, Richard Curzon of Breadsall, John of Cromwell, John Mallore, John Beck, John Sampson, and Henry Gernoun.
The dorse of m. 9 is blank.
[memb. 10]
Kanc' [editorial note: This is in a different hand from the rest of the heading.] . Placitum inter Mariam que fuit uxor Willelmi de Brewose et Willelmum filium dicti Willelmi de medietate manerii de Wycham.	[Proceedings on the dower claim of Mary, the widow of William de Braose, to half of the manor of Wickhambreux against William, the son of William de Braose].
44 (36). Maria que fuit uxor Willelmi de Breouse petiit coram domino rege et ejus consilio versus Willelmum filium Willelmi de Breouse < medietatem > manerii de Wykham cum pertinenciis in comitatu Kanc' ut dotem suam que eam contingit de libero tenemento quod fuit predicti Willelmi de Breouse quondam viri sui etc. Et unde dicit quod predictus Willelmus, quondam vir suus, obiit seisitus de predicto manerio cum pertinenciis in dominico suo ut de feodo etc.	44 (36). Kent. The plea between Mary, the widow of William de Braose, and William, the son of the said William, concerning half the manor of Wickhambreux. Mary, the widow of William de Braose, claimed before the lord king and his council against William, the son of William de Braose, half the manor of Wickhambreux with its appurtenances in the county of Kent as her dower, as her share of the free tenement late of William de Braose, her late husband etc. And on this matter she says that the aforesaid William, formerly her husband, died seised of the aforesaid manor with its appurtenances in his demesne as of fee etc.
Et predictus Willelmus per quendam Nicholaum Seliman, attornatum suum, venit et dicit quod predictum manerium aliquando fuit predicti Willelmi quondam viri predicte Marie, qui quidem Willelmus, per longum tempus antequam predictam Mariam desponsavit, feoffavit de predicto manerio cum pertinenciis quemdam Egidium filium suum, et in plenariam seisinam posuit, ita quod postea, in curia domini < Henrici regis > , patris domini regis nunc, coram magistro Rogero de Seyton' et sociis suis, justiciariis ejusdem domini Henrici regis de Banco, anno regni sui quinquagesimo quinto, levavit quidam finis inde inter predictos Willelmum et Egidium, per quem finem idem Willelmus recognovit predicta tenementa cum pertinenciis, simul cum aliis tenementis, esse jus ipsius Egidii, ut illa que idem Egidius habuit de dono predicti Willelmi. Et dicit quod ipse postea perquisivit predictum manerium cum pertinenciis de predicto Egidio, unde dicit quod predictus Willelmus quondam vir etc. a tempore levacionis predicti finis, per quem ipse se dimisit de libero tenemento et feodo predictorum tenementorum, nunquam fuit postea in seisina de predicto manerio, ita quod predictam Mariam vel aliam inde dotare potuit. Et hoc paratus est verificare qualitercumque < curia > etc.	And the aforesaid William appears through a certain Nicholas Seliman, his attorney. He says that the aforesaid manor did at one time belong to the aforesaid William, formerly the husband of the aforesaid Mary; which William, a long time before he married the aforesaid Mary, enfeoffed a certain Giles, his son, of the aforesaid manor with its appurtenances, and put him in full seisin of it: so that afterwards, in the court of the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, before master Roger of Seaton and his colleagues, the same lord king Henry's justices of the Bench, in the fifty-fifth year of his reign, a certain fine was levied on this matter between the aforesaid William and Giles, through which fine the same William acknowledged the aforesaid tenements with appurtenances, together with other tenements, to be the right of the same Giles, as things which the same Giles had of the gift of the aforesaid William. And he says that he afterwards acquired the aforesaid manor with appurtenances from the aforesaid Giles, and so he says that the aforesaid William, formerly the husband etc., from the time of the levying of the aforesaid fine, through which he surrendered the free tenement and fee of the aforesaid tenements, was never afterwards in seisin of the aforesaid manor, so as to be able to endow the aforesaid Mary or any other with it. And he is prepared to prove this in any way the court etc.
[col. b]
Et predicta Maria dicit quod predictus Willelmus ad aliquod verificare adpresens admitti non debet. Dicit enim quod idem Willelmus, post mortem Willelmi patris sui, ad curiam domini regis accessit, et breve domini regis petiit et optinuit, ad inquirendum de quibus tenementis idem Willelmus pater suus obiit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo, et quis fuit ejus heres propinquior, prout moris est in cancellaria domini regis post mortem tenentis de domino rege in capite; per quam inquisicionem, ad sectam ipsius Willelmi prosecutam, et coram eschaetore domini regis captam, compertum fuit quod predictus Willelmus pater suus obiit seisitus de predicto manerio cum pertinenciis simul cum aliis tenementis in dominico suo ut de feodo, et quod ipse Willelmus propinquior heres ejus fuit; racione cujus inquisicionis postea in cancellariam returnate, ipse Willelmus seisinam suam habuit de predicto manerio, < sicut > de aliis tenementis de quibus obiit seisitus: unde, desicut per predictam inquisicionem per breve domini regis captam, cujus inquisicionis idem Willelmus dedicere non potest quin pars fuit, cum breve illud per quod capta fuit ad sectam ipsius Willelmi fuit impetratum, et inquisicio illa ad sectam suam summonita, prosecuta fuit et capta, et idem Willelmus racione illius inquisicionis petiit seisinam predicti manerii sibi liberari, et optinuit, ut de tenemento de quo pater suus obiit seisitus, prout per inquisicionem illam compertum fuit, petit judicium si predictus Willelmus ad aliud verificare debeat admitti.	And the aforesaid Mary says that the aforesaid William ought not to be admitted to prove anything at present. For she says that the same William, after the death of William his father, came to the lord king's court and requested and obtained a writ of the lord king, to enquire as to the tenements of which the same William his father died seised in his demesne as of fee, and who was his next heir, as is the custom in the lord king's chancery after the death of a tenant in chief of the lord king; through which inquisition, prosecuted at the suit of the same William, and held before the lord king's escheator, it was found that the aforesaid William his father had died seised of the aforesaid manor with its appurtenances together with other tenements in his demesne as in fee, and that the same William was his next heir; by reason of which inquisition afterwards returned to chancery, the same William had his seisin of the aforesaid manor, as of the other tenements of which he died seised: whence, since by the aforesaid inquisition held by a writ of the lord king - to which inquisition the same William cannot deny that he was a party, since that writ by which it was held was acquired at the suit of the same William, and that inquisition was summoned, prosecuted and held at his suit - the same William requested the seisin of the aforesaid manor to be delivered to him by reason of that inquisition, and obtained it, as of a tenement of which his father died seised, as was found by that inquisition, she asks for judgment as to whether the aforesaid William ought to be admitted to prove anything.
Et super hoc, idem Willelmus quesitus si clamat tenere predicta tenementa per descensum hereditarium de predicto Willelmo patre suo, an ut perquisitum suum de predicto Egidio, quem Willelmus pater suus feoffavit de predicto manerio per cartam suam, super qua postea quidam finis levavit ut dicit; [[The following text has been deleted: et]] dicit quod ipse non clamat tenere predictum manerium per descensum hereditarium < de predicto > Willelmo patre suo, immo ut perquisitum suum de predicto Egidio; et dicit expresse, quod predictus Willelmus pater suus, et quondam vir etc., die quo predictam Mariam desponsavit nec uncquam postea fuit seisitus de predicto manerio ut de feodo, ita quod ipsam inde dotare potuit. Et de hoc ponit se super patriam. Et Maria similiter.	Whereupon the same William, asked whether he claims to hold the aforesaid tenements by hereditary descent from the aforesaid William his father, or as his acquisition from the aforesaid Giles, whom William his father enfeoffed with the aforesaid manor by his charter, on which a certain fine was afterwards allegedly levied, says that he does not claim to hold the aforesaid manor by hereditary descent from the aforesaid William his father, but rather as his acquisition from the aforesaid Giles, and he says expressly that the aforesaid William his father, and formerly the husband etc., was not seised of the aforesaid manor as of fee on the day on which he married the aforesaid Mary or at any time afterwards, so as to be able to dower her with it. And on this matter he puts himself on the country. And Mary likewise.
Ideo preceptum est vicecomiti quod venire faciat coram justiciariis.	Therefore the sheriff is commanded to produce before the justices.
De abbate Cestrie de pensione quam contradicit racione nove creacionis sue clerico regis facienda.	[Proceedings brought against the abbot of Chester for refusal to prove a pension for a royal clerk on his election].
45 (37). Abbas Sancte Wereburge Cestrie coram ipso domino rege et ejus consilio apud Norham die jovis proxima ante Ascensionem Domini anno regni regis Edwardi decimo nono arrenatus et ad racionem positus, quare, racione nove creacionis sue, cuidam clerico domini regis de pensione annua, quousque eidem clerico per ipsum abbatem in beneficio conpetenti fuerit provisum, concedenda contradicit, et facere recusat, cum episcopi et prelati quicumque, qui de ipso domino rege teneant et tenere debeant, racione nove creacionis sue, hoc facere debeant, et ad hoc teneantur, dicit, quod a tempore quo comitatus Cestr' in manum domini Henrici regis, patris domini regis, devenit, nuncquam aliquis predecessorum suorum hoc facere consuevit. Et petit quod dominus rex, si sibi placuerit, aliud ab eo non exigat quam facere teneatur, per quod successores sui et ecclesia sua in posterum dampnum incurrant aut jacturam, vel ad non debita et inconsueta facere teneantur, ad exheredacionem ecclesie sue predicte.	45 (37). Concerning the abbot of Chester, and a pension which he refuses to give, to be given to a clerk of the king's by reason of his new creation. The abbot of St Werburgh of Chester, arraigned before the same lord king and his council at Norham on the Thursday before the Ascension of the Lord, in the nineteenth year of the reign of king Edward, and called to account as to why, on the matter of granting an annual pension to a certain clerk of the lord king's, by reason of his new creation, until provision is made for the same clerk in a suitable benefice by the same abbot, he refuses and declines to do this, when all bishops and prelates who hold and ought to hold of the same lord king, should do this and are obliged to do this by reason of their new creation, says that from the time when the earldom of Chester came into the hands of the lord king Henry, the father of the present lord king, none of his predecessors was ever accustomed to do this. And he requests the lord king, if it pleases him, not to demand anything else from him than that which he is obliged to do, through which his successors and his church, might in future incur harm or loss, or be obliged to do things which they are not bound or accustomed to do, to the disinheritance of their aforesaid church.
Idem tamen abbas adpresens, ob reverenciam domini regis, concedit quod ipse hac vice cuidam clerico ipsius domini regis cui dominus rex graciam < illam > concedere voluerit, fatetur se teneri in annua pensione centum solidorum quousque de beneficio conpetenti eidem fuerit provisum, racione nove creacionis sue, prout dominus rex ab eo exigit, ita quod si domino regi, per inspeccionem rotulorum de cancellaria aut de scaccariis suis Lond' aut Cestrie, aut alio modo, constare poterit quod predecessores [p. i-90][col. a] ipsius abbatis temporibus retroactis, ut predictum est, racione nove creacionis sue, alicui clerico domini regis de pensione aliqua teneri non consueverunt, quod racione istius concessionis sue successores sui ad consimile facere non teneantur, nec ecclesia sua Cestrie inde oneretur, et petit quod dominus rex in forma predicta istam suam concessionem admittere dignetur. Et dominus rex hoc idem ei concedit etc.	The same abbot however, at present, out of reverence for the lord king grants that he himself, on this occasion, acknowledges that he owes a certain clerk of the lord king's, to whom the lord king wishes to grant that grace, an annual pension of 100 shillings, until he is provided with a suitable benefice, by reason of his new creation, as the lord king demands from him, so that if the lord king, from an inspection of the rolls of chancery, or of his exchequers of London or Chester, or in any other way, can establish that the predecessors [p. i-90][col. a] of the same abbot in the past, as has been said above, were not, by reason of their new creation, accustomed to owe any pension to any clerk of the lord king, then by reason of this grant of his his successors are not to be obliged to do the like, nor is his church of Chester to be burdened with this; and he requests that the lord king should deign to accept this concession of his in the aforesaid form. And the lord king grants this to him etc.
Et super hoc mandatum est thesaurario et baronibus de scaccario London', justiciariis, thesaurario et baronibus < de scaccario > Cestrie et similiter eschaetori comitatus Cestrie quod, scrutatis rotulis etc. diligenter inquirant cujusmodi custodiam dominus Henricus rex, pater etc., tempore vacacionis abbathie, a tempore quo comitatus Cestrie ad manus suas devenit, in eadem abbathia habere consuevit, et cujusmodi exitus de eadem abbathia, durante vacacione, percipere [col. b] consuevit, et quis vel qui custodiam abbathie predicte nomine ipsius domini Henrici regis habuit vel habuerunt; et quod super omnibus premissis, distincte et aperte, sine dilacione, reddant dominum regem cerciorem etc.	Whereupon the treasurer and barons of the exchequer of London, the justices, the treasurer and barons of the exchequer of Chester, and likewise the escheator of the earldom of Chester are commanded that, having examined the rolls etc., they should diligently enquire into what kind of custody the lord king Henry, the father etc. during a vacancy in the abbey, from the time when the earldom of Chester came into his hands, was accustomed to have in the same abbey, and what kind of issues he was accustomed to receive from the same abbey during a vacancy, [col. b] and what person or persons had custody of the aforesaid abbey in the name of the same lord king Henry; and to inform the king on all the above, clearly and openly, without delay etc.
Preterea dominus rex concessit, quod si sibi constare poterit quod predecessores predicti abbatis temporibus retroactis, ut predictum est, predictam pensionem dare non consueverunt, per quod predictus abbas ad hoc non teneatur, quod a solucione predicte pensionis absolvetur, et penitus inde sit quietus: et quod quicquid clerico ipsius domini regis, racione illius pensionis concesse, solverit, eidem abbati restituetur, una cum exitibus tempore vacacionis de predicta abbathia perceptis etc.	Furthermore the lord king has granted that, if he can establish that the predecessors of the aforesaid abbot in the past, as has been said above, were not accustomed to give the aforesaid pension, through which the aforesaid abbot is not obliged to do this, he is to be completely absolved from the payment of the aforesaid pension, and utterly quit of it: and anything which he has paid to a clerk of the same lord king's, because of this pension which has been granted, is to be restored to the same abbot, together with the issues received from the aforesaid abbey during the vacancy etc.
The dorse of m. 10 is blank, apart from a note in a later hand near the foot, which reads 'Parliamentum a ^o xx ^o Edwardi primi'.

Appendix: Additional Information and Related Material for Roll 5

Also enrolled on KB 27/130, mm. 14-16 and on the Welsh Roll for this year, whence it is calendared in Cal Chancery Rolls Various , 334-49.

Costessy and Long Bennington were among the manors confirmed to Eleanor, the queen mother, for life in January 1286: CPR 1281-92 , 218-9. She had died in 1291.

3-5

[nothing found]

i) For the enrolment of this case in King's Bench in Trinity term 1291 see KB 27/128, m. 8d

Staff' . Walterus de Hopton' in misericordia pro pluribus defaltis.

Idem Walterus summonitus fuit quod esset hic ostensurus quare, cum provisum sit quod non liceat alicui vastum, vendicionem seu destruccionem facere de domibus, boscis seu gardinis sibi dimissis ad terminum vite vel annorum, idem Walterus de domibus, boscis et gardinis que tenet ad vitam suam de hereditate Walteri, fratris et heredis Gawani le Boteler de Wemme defuncti, qui de rege tenuit in capite, infra etatem et in custodia domini regis existentis in Tirleye fecit vastum, vendicionem et destruccionem ad exheredacionem ipsius Willelmi et contra formam provisionis predicte. Et unde Henricus de Manecestre et Ricardus de Bretteville, qui sequntur pro rege et pro predicto Willelmo, dicunt quod predictus Walterus prostravit < apud Tirleye > unam grangiam precii viginti librarum et maheremium inde asportavit, unam capellam precii viginti librarum, duo stabula precii decem librarum et unam boveriam precii decem librarum prostravit similiter et asportavit; et in gardinis centum pomeria et centum pirus precii cujuslibet .ij. solidorum succidit, eradicavit et asportavit; et in boscis ibidem duo milia quercuum precii cujuslibet dimidie marce succidit, asportavit et inde pro voluntate sua disposuit, vastum, vendicionem et destruccionem faciendo ad exheredacionem predicti Willelmi et dampnum ejusdem mille librarum. Et inde producit sectam etc.

Et Walterus de Hopton' per Willelmum de Clehangre attornatum suum < venit et defendit > vim et injuriam quando etc. Et dicit quod, si ipse Willelmus intendit recuperare dampna sua de vasto si quod ante tempus suum factum fuerit tempore Galwani fratris sui, quod illud dicat; ad quod predictus Willelmus per custodes suos dicit quod habere debet recuperare dampna sua de vasto de toto tempore quo predictum manerium primo devenit in manum ipsius Walteri ad terminum vite ipsius Walteri ex quo hoc cedit in prejudicium suum et exheredacionem et non alterius.

Et predictus Walterus dicit quod tempore predicti Willelmi nullum fecit vastum in predicto manerio et hoc paratus est verificare sicut curia consideraverit. Et quo ad vastum si quod factum fuerit antequam aliquod jus predicto Willelmo descendit dicit quod de hoc non debet ei respondere. Et inde petit judicium. Et, nisi hoc sufficiat, dicet aliud. Dies datus est eis de audiendo judicio suo a die sancti Michaelis in .xv. dies coram rege ubicumque etc.

Postea a die sancti Hillarii in .xv. dies anno regni regis nunc vicesimo venerunt Walterus de Bello Campo custos predicti Willelmi nomine regis et similiter predictus Walterus de Hopton' etc. Et dictum est eidem Waltero de Hopton' quod ex quo predictus Willelmus per custodem suum queritur de predicto Waltero de Hopton' quod ipse fecit vastum postquam custodia predicti manerii devenit in manum regis nomine predicti Gawyni fratris ipsius Willelmi, cujus heres ipse est, ita quod jus et feodum requievit in persona predicti Gawyni et tantum liberum tenementum in persona predicti Walteri et predictus Walterus fecit vastum et vendicionem in terris et tenementis que modo sunt jus et hereditas predicti Willelmi et ad ipsum pertinent emende vasti quem respicit successio et seisina tenendum ad terminum vite tenti post mortem tenentis, per quod quidem vastum, si quod factum fuerit, accio compeciit predicto Gawyno ad petendum tenementum vastatum in dominico, qui quidem Gavanus in placitando obiit set morte preventus seisinam predicti tenementi assecutus non fuit, per quod predicta accio Willelmo fratri et heredi predicti Gavani de jure debet competere eo quod realis est et ad heredes transsitoria ad petendum predictum tenementum vastatum in dominico secundum formam statuti sicut compeciit fratri suo antenato, cujus heres ipse est, maxime cum predictus Willelmus habere debeat hereditatem suam adeo integre sine vasto sicut in manu regis devenit, dictum est predicto Waltero per judicium quod ea que pro se allegavit sibi sufficere non debeant et quod ulterius respondeat, si sibi viderit expedire. Et predictus Walterus ulterius respondit et dicit quod nullum fecit vastum in hereditate predicti Willelmi postquam jus et feodum predicti manerii ad predictum Gawanum fratrem predicti Willelmi, cujus heres ipse est, descendit. Et de hoc ponit se super patriam etc. Et predictus Willelmus per predictum Walterum de Bello Campo custodem suum similiter. Ideo preceptum est vicecomiti quod, associato sibi aliquo fideli milite de comitatu predicto, in propria persona sua accedat ad predictum manerium et in presencia parcium ad certum diem per ipsum vicecomitem ad hoc premunitarum, si interesse etc., per sacramentum tam militum quam aliorum diligenter inquirat etc. de vasto et vendicione predictis etc. Et de vasto si quod factum fuerit et locis vastatis et rebus venditis sub sigillo suo et sigillo eorum per quos facta fuerit inquisicio scire faciat regi super vasto etc. a die Pasche in tres septimanas ubicumque etc.

Postea a die Pasche in tres septimanas anno regni regis nunc vicesimo secundo < venerunt partes etc. > misit vicecomes inquisicionem etc., per quam compertum < est > quod predictus Walterus succidit et asportavit quadraginta quercus precii cujuslibet quercus decem et octo denariorum in bosco de Swyneyerd pertinenti ad manerium de Tyrley, vastum vendicionem et distruccionem faciendo infra terminum supradictum ad exheredacionem predicti Willelmi postquam jus et feodum predicti bosci descendit ad predictum Gawynum etc. Et quo ad aliud vastum in predicto manerio invenitur quod in nullo est culpabilis etc. Ideo consideratum est quod predictus Willelmus recuperet dampna sua in triplo secundum formam statuti, videlicet novem libras, versus predictum Walterum et similiter boscum vastatum per visum juratorum. Et predictus Walterus in misericordia.

Dampna .ix. libre, unde clericis .xl. solidi.

ii) For further connected litigation see KB 27/136, mm. 34-34d and KB 27/138, m. 45d.

Also enrolled on the Close Roll where the mandate is dated 6 February 1292: CCR 1288-96 , 257.

Also enrolled on the Close Roll under the same date: CCR 1288-96 , 256-7.

[nothing found]

i) For an earlier stage in this case see item 45 on this Roll.

ii) For a related mandate issued on 24 January 1292 and enrolled on the Close Rolls see CCR 1288-96 , 216.

iii) For the letters patent dated 30 January 1292 see CPR 1281-92 , 471.

11-12

For the related record in King's Bench enrolled in Michaelmas term 1291 see KB 27/129, mm. 53-54d.

[nothing found]

For related material see KB 27/129, mm. 12-13 (Michaelmas term 1291); KB 27/131, m. 49 (Easter term 1292); KB 27/137, mm. 22-22d (Trinity term 1293).

[nothing found]

For the king's grant of the hundred dated 1 February 1292 see CPR 1281-92 , 473.

i) For the plea of the abbot of Roche see State Trials , 1-5; KB 27/132, mm. 23-24.

ii) For the plea of James of Astley and the abbot of Lilleshull see JUST 1/541B, m. 27; SCKB, vol. II, 97-112.

iii) For the plea of the maimed man against the abbot of Butley see State Trials , 62-7; SCKB , vol. II, 86-97 (and Roll 2, item 204).

iv) For the plea of Emma of Barford see KB 27/131, mm. 47-47d.

For the royal inspeximus of these charters, attached as a schedule to the Charter Roll, between items belonging to January 1292 see CChR, 1257-1300 , 410-11.

For the case involving John de Lisle of Hampshire heard in King's Bench see KB 27/121, m. 24d.

See Roll 10, item 11.

[nothing found]

See SCKB , vol. II, 53-7.

i) For the seizures of these franchises see items 1 and 11-12 on this Roll.

ii) For the letters patent appointing these custodians issued on 19 February 1291 see CPR 1281-92 , 478.

For the follow-up to this ordinance issued on 2 June 1292 at the Trinity parliament in Berwick see CP 40/95, m. 71d

i) For the first stage of the litigation where William used a defective writ and withdrew from it at Easter term 1284 see CP 40/53, m. 69.

ii) The case was revived by an amended writ and pleaded again in Michaelmas term 1285: CP 40/60, m. 125.

iii) The case was revived a second time against Roger de Mortimer (who then vouched Edmund) in Michaelmas term 1290 (CP 40/86, m. 71d and see m. 53d) and again at Hilary term 1291 (CP 40/87, m. 106).

iv) For the related plea against Maud de Mortimer for other lands in Hilary term 1292 see CP 40/92, mm. 110-110d and CP 40/100, m. 12 (Easter term 1293) and CP 40/101, mm. 169, 170 (Trinity term 1293).

i) The original plea was heard in Easter term 1289 and recorded on CP 40/78, mm. 95-95d.

ii) The complaint made to the auditors is E 175/1, no. 7, m. 3.

iii) For a related mandate relating to exceptions and the granting of a bill recorded under Trinity term 1290 see CP 40/83, m. 116.

[nothing found]

i) The initial draft regulations made by the knights attending tournaments are perhaps reflected in one of the three distinct versions of the Statute of Arms which gives the statute in the form of legislation made at the request of the 'bannerets' of England. This was known to the editors of SR only through the text in Liber Horn ( SR , i, 230-1) but it is also to be found in the closely connected Liber Custumarum , also in the Corporation of London Records Office, and in BL MS. Royal 10.A.V at f. 59v.

ii) The draft regulations were then submitted to the barons, earls and other magnates of England and confirmed by them by the affixing of their seals to a copy of the draft rules (as mentioned in this entry). This submission may form the basis for a second of the three versions of the Statute of Arms, which takes the form of just such a petition. The editors of SR knew this only from older printed copies but it survives in a number of MS. texts. These include BL MSS. Additional 32085, ff. 47v-48r; Harley 748, ff. 112v-113r; Harley 936, ff. 225v-226v and 229r; Lansdowne 472, ff. 71r-72r; and Bodley MS. Additional C 188, f. 54r.

iii) Edward's first reaction to this petition seems to have been to appoint a commission consisting of the heir to the throne and five of the most senior magnates with power to make regulations on conduct at tournaments and to enforce their rules. Their appointment is record in letters patent in French issued in 5 February 1292 at Westminster which survive in DL 10/186

Edward par la grace de Deu roy de Engletere, seynur de Irlaunde e duk de Aquitaine, a tuz ses feaus saluz. Come par cuntes e baruns e depar la chyvalerie de nostre reaume ententivement eyums este requis ke acuns establisemenz feysums fere, par quey armes en noster reaume fussent meyntenues a lour dreyt, ou ke noster poer vousissoms doner e graunter a acunes genz de establir ceo ke eus veysent ke fust a fere en les choses avauntdites, nus a Edward, noster fiz, Edmon, noster frere, Willame de Valence, noster uncle, Gilbert de Clare, cunte de Gloucestre, e a Henry de Lacy, counte de Nicole, noster pleyn poer avoms done de purveer e establir ceo ke il verrount ke seyt a fere en les choses avantdites. Par quoy nus volums e fermement comaundoms a tuz noes viscuntes, baillifs e a tuz noes autres ministres ke kil seyent ke ceo qen cestes choses averount purveu e establi gardent e en tuz poinz sur greve forfeture facent garder, issi ke cels qen cuntre lur establisement en nul poynt vendrount par cels kil assigneront seyent arestuz e liverez a noster prisun quel part ke il les voudrount liverer e ke iloek seyent gardez par noes baillifs, ausi come maunde lur serra par cels a qi en cestes choses nus avoms done noster poer. E nous voloms ke nul par els arestu ne seyt delivere par nul de noz saunz especial comaundement de cels a qi nus avoms done le poer avauntdit. En temoynaunce de cest chose nus avoms fet fere noz lettres patentes. Donez a Westmoster le quint jour de Feverill' le an de nostre regne vintime.

iv) Subsequently, and in the course of this same parliament, the king decided to confirm the specific regulations already drawn up. This is what is recorded in this entry and the confirmation is recorded in the third version of the Statute of Arms, known only from the text in Bodleian MS. Rawlinson 277.

[nothing found]

i) For the mandate of the king to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer to search rolls and instruments for material to prove the king's right dated 9 December 1291 see E 159/65, m. 11

ii) For the enrolled version of this plea as heard in Trinity term 1292 and the subsequent production of written evidence from the rolls by the king's serjeant see CP 40/95, m. 204d

Stafford' . Dominus rex per Nicholaum de Warr', qui sequitur pro eo, petit versus Johannem filium Johannis filii Philippi advocacionem ecclesie de Kynefare ut jus suum per precipe de advocacione etc. Et unde idem Nicholaus pro rege dicit quod dominus rex Ricardus, consanguineus domini regis nunc, fuit seysitus de advocacione predicta ut de feodo et jure tempore pacis et [ad] eandem ecclesiam presentavit quendam Gilbertum de Lacy clericum suum, qui ad presentacionem suam fuit admissus et institutus, capiendo inde explecia ut in decimis minutis et grossis, oblacionibus et obvencionibus ad valenciam [etc.] ut de feodo et jure ejusdem ecclesie. Et quod tale sit jus ipsius domini regis idem Nicholaus paratus est pro eo verificare etc.

Et Johannes per attornatum suum venit. Et defendit jus suum quando etc. et seysinam domini regis Ricardi, antecessoris domini regis, de cujus seisina etc., ut de feodo et jure, et totum etc. Et ponit se in juratam patrie loco magne assise domini regis et petit recognicionem fieri utrum ipse majus jus habeat in predicta advocacione an dominus rex etc.

Et Nicholaus pro domino rege dicit quod de seysina regis Ricardi de advocacione predicta etc., cujus seysinam predictus Johannes dedicit, potest curia ista cerciorari, scilicet per recordum rotulorum abbatis de Evesham et Martini de Pateshull' et sociorum suorum justiciarorum domini Henrici regis, patris ipsius domini regis nunc, anno regni sui quinto itinerantes in comitatu predicto et per recordum rotulorum Thome de Multon' et R. de Lexington' et sociorum suorum justiciariorum ejusdem domini Henrici regis itinerancium in eodem comitatu anno regni sui duodecimo et similiter per recordum rotulorum qui vocantur Teste de Neville et petit pro rege quod scrutentur rotuli etc. Et scrutatis rotulis inveniuntur in rotulis predicti abbatis verba subscripta: 'Ecclesia de Kynefare est de dono domini regis et G. de Lacy illam tenet.' Et in rotulis predictorum Thome et R. etc. quod ecclesia de Kynefare est de donacione domini regis et Gilbertus de Lacy tenet eam de dono regis Ricardi. Et in rotulo de Testa de Neville quod ecclesia de Kynefare est de donacione domini regis et quod Gilbertus de Lacy tenet eam de dono domini regis. Unde idem Nicholaus pro rege dicit quod cum < de > seysina regis Ricardi, de cujus seysina etc., per recordum rotulorum curia ista certiorata est et eciam cum predicti rotuli recordantur predictam ecclesiam esse de donacione domini Henrici regis nec predictus Johannes aliquid ostendit < per quod > post tempus illud aliquid juris ei accrevit in advocacione illa per factum regium petit judicium si jurata procedere debeat de hiis de quibus curia ista in se habet recordum etc. Et Johannes quesitus si ipse tenet advocacionem predictam tanquam pertinentem ad manerium de Kynefare an alio titulo dicit quod ad hoc non habet necesse respondere quia dicit quod ipse posuit se in juratam patrie loco etc. de mero jure et petit recognicionem inde fieri etc. in forma qua se posuit etc., cum per recorda predicta non potest convinci utrum ipse majus jus habet an dominus rex, quia dicit quod non sequitur [quod] dominus Ricardus rex presentavit ad predictam ecclesiam, ergo fuit seysitus de advocacione ejusdem ut de feodo et jure etc.

Et Nicholaus pro rege dicit quod raciones ipsius Johannis concludunt ac si placitum istud esset inter communes personas; unde cum sufficiat domino rege racione prerogative sue ostendere per recordum curie quod ipse aut aliquis antecessorum suorum fuit seysitus de aliquo tenemento quod petit, petit judicium si jurata ista procedere debeat, quia si procedat hoc est infirmare recordum rotulorum per patriam etc., unde pro rege petit judicium etc.

In the margin at this point is written Ad judicium

Dies datus est eis de audiendo judicio suo hic in octabis sancti Michaelis etc.

iii) At Michaelmas term 1292 there is an enrolment of king's order of 30 August 1292 to continue the plea till parliament after Easter next, but the court refused to obey it, as it was not yet known when parliament was to begin and it was not in the king's interest to make an uncertain adjournment: CP 40/96, m. 6.

iv) In Trinity term 1293 there was a plea in the exchequer on the advowson and John objected that he had been impleaded by an earlier writ in Common Bench and the case had been continued to the next parliament: E 159/66, m. 31.

i) The original replevin plea heard in Easter term 1288 is enrolled on CP 40/72, m. 48.

ii) The same litigation was revived in Michaelmas term 1293: CP 40/102, m. 61.

Perhaps a retrial of William the son of the rector of Tempsford after his acquittal was quashed before the auditores querelarum : State Trials of Edward I, 27-40.

For a later related complaint see Roll 6, item 37.

i) For another private text of the general ordinance see BL MS. Additional 62534, ff. 99r-v

ii) For the case which gave rise to this query and ordinance see JUST 1/137, m. 32 (1292 Cumberland eyre: gaol delivery section)

Ricardus le Bere captus pro receptamento Roberti Stegbayn, probatoris suspensi pro burgaria domus Patricii de Schalermakek et pro roberia ibidem facta, venit et quesitus qualiter se velit acquietare de predicto receptamento dicit quod ipse alias coram Waltero de Mulecastre, qui obiit, Thoma de Derwentewater, Ricardo de Laton' et Willelmo de Boyville justiciariis ad gaolam deliberandam assignatis per patriam in quam se posuit de bono et malo de predicto receptamento et de burgaria et roberia illa per consideracionem ejusdem curie coram eis quietus recessit et inde vocat ad warantum recordum predictorum justiciariorum. Et predicti Thomas et Ricardus et Willelmus veniunt. Et Willelmus pro se dicit quod predictus Ricardus le Bere coram [[The following text has been deleted:
eis]] < eo > nunquam fuit acquietatus nec deliberatus. Dicit enim quod tempore deliberacionis predicte fuit ipse London'. Et predicti Thomas et Ricardus cognoscunt quod ipsi simul cum predicto Waltero de Mulcastre, qui obiit, fecerunt deliberacionem de ipso Ricardo in absencia ipsius Willelmi de Boville, qui coram eis quietus inde recessit. Ideo predictus Ricardus remittatur gaole donec sciatur inde voluntas domini regis tam < de > predicto Ricardo quam de processu deliberacionis etc.

Postea, consulto super hoc domino rege, mandavit idem dominus rex per quandam cedulam hinc inde missam quod vult quod justiciarii hic, et ceteri justiciarii sui itinerantes ad communia placita, in singulis comitatibus suis in itineribus suis habeant plenariam potestatem inquirendi qui justiciarii assignati gaiolas deliberaverint de felonibus aliquibus seu prisonibus aliquibus per patriam longinquam, suspectam aut procuratam, et justiciarii inde scientes, consencientes, et qui inde fuerint convicti committantur prisone ut manutentores et sustentatores felonum domini regis, et inde graviter redimantur juxta predictorum justiciariorum itinerancium discrescionem et delicti quantitatem in itineribus illis ante eorum recessum. Similiter, justiciarii assignati qui, non observata forma potestatis sue seu waranti, gaiolam aliquam deliberaverint, veluti tres sine quarto, eodem modo prisone committantur, et coram eis redimantur, set non ita graviter ut predicitur, si per oblivionem aut ignoranciam hoc fecerint; set, si gratis aut maliciose < hoc fecerint > , et hoc eisdem justiciariis itinerantibus constiterit, puniantur et redimantur ut predictum est. Prisones vero qui coram talibus justiciariis per patriam, in quam se de bono et de malo posuerunt, fuerunt deliberati, licet omnes justiciarii ad eorum deliberacionem assignati presentes < non > fuerunt in eorum deliberacione, remaneant de facto illo, de quo deliberati fuerunt, quieti, dum tamen per bonam patriam et non procuratam fuerint deliberati, et hoc predictis justiciariis itinerantibus evidenter constiterit. Set, si prisones aliqui coram talibus justiciariis assignatis per patriam longinquam, facti vel felonie sibi inpositorum ignorantem, vel patriam procuratam, fuerint deliberati, et de eisdem factis seu feloniis coram justiciariis itinerantibus iterato indictati, nichilominus inde respondeant coram eisdem justiciariis itinerantibus, et per patriam bonam et legalem se acquietent non obstante si recordum justiciariorum assignatorum de eorum acquietacione vocaverint; quod si noluerint, retrudantur gaiole, et habeant penitenciam legem communem refutantibus provisam, quousque super patriam se ponere voluerunt bonam et legalem.

Et super hoc, inspectis recordo et processu predictorum Thome et Ricardi de deliberacione predicti Ricardi, compertum est quod per .xij. de villa de Cokermue, sex de .v. villis libertatis de Cokermuth' et .xij. de corpore comitatus, unde sex fuerunt ex parte de Alderdale et sex ex parte de Cumbr', acquietatus fuit. Et in presencia predicti Ricardi et predictorum Thome de Derewentewater et Ricardi de Laton' inquisitum fuit per Johannem de Hudleston', Robertum de Haverington', Hugonem de Multon', Thomam de Curwen, Robertum de la Ferte, Hubertum de Multon', Robertum de Crokelyn, Willelmum de Felles, Walterum de Bampton', Johannem de Lucy, Thomam de Ribbeton', Thomam de Neuton', Johannem de Terreby, Johannem de Pardeshou, Johannem de Lamplogh', Ricardum le Brun, Radulphum de Eyncurt, Henricum le Mareschale, Robertum de Joneby, Johannem de Capella, Adam de Ulnesby, Adam le Engleys et Robertum de Tyllyol utrum predictus Ricardus le Bere acquietatus fuit de receptamento predicto modo debito aut per patriam longinquam, suspectam aut procuratam < et, si per patriam longinquam aud procuratam, > tunc si prefati Thomas de Derewentewater et Ricardus de Laton posuerunt se [sic: read 'fuerunt'] inde scientes et consencientes ad hoc et si hoc tunc gratis aut per oblivionem vel per ignoranciam fecerunt. Quesitum a prefato Ricardo le Bere si vellet quod inquireretur per predictos juratores in forma predicta dicebat quod nichil aliud diceret quam prius dicebat. Et predicti Thomas de Derwentwater et Ricardus de Laton' posuerunt se in juratam illam. Et juratores dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predicti .xij. de villa de Cokermue ubi predictum receptamentum factum fuit erant ita suspecti quod duo erant consanguinei uxoris predicti Ricardi le Bere et ceteri de predicta duodena sicut et prefati duo sunt tenentes Isabelle de Fortibus, comitisse Albemarlie, cujus [[The following text has been deleted:
ballivus]] < forestarius > predictus Ricardus le Bere tunc temporis erat in libertate quinque villarum predictarum. Et similiter sex juratores < de libertate predicta sunt tenentes predicte comitisse et sex juratores > de Allerdale fuerunt favorabiles parti predicti Ricardi le Bere eo quod erant prope ballivam suam et potuit eis valere in dando eis de bosco domine sue. Et .vj. juratores de Cumbr' fuerunt longinqui nec constabat eis de facto predicto. Et bene dicunt quod predicti juratores preter .vj. de Cumbr', qui fuerunt longinqui, ipsum favorabiliter, tacita veritate, ipsum < inde > acquietaverunt, non tamen < ab > [[The following text has been deleted:
pro]] aliquo quod ab ipso ceperunt set sex ex amicicia que erga ipsum et amicos suos habuerunt. Dicunt eciam quod predicta duodena < ville > de Cokermue preter duos consanguineos uxoris predicti Ricardi le Bere erant validiores et fideliores et meliores villate predicte. Quesiti eciam si inhibitum fuit per justiciarios predictos ad deliberacionem ipsius Ricardi le Bere quod nullus qui prefatum Ricardum le Bere aliqua affinitate attingeret remaneret in jurata predicta dicunt quod non nec umquam audiverunt hujusmodi inhibicionem nisi in itinere isto. Et de Thoma de Derewentwater et Ricardo de Laton dicunt quod quicquid inde fecerunt fecerunt per ignoranciam et non gratis, quia dicunt quod predictus Thomas de Derewentwater odio habuit Ricardum le Bere et Ricardus de Laton innocens est et legis inscius. Et quia compertum est quod predicti Thomas de Derewentewater et Ricardus de Laton processerunt ad deliberacionem predicti Ricardi le Bere sine predicto Willelmo de Boyville extra formam waranti sui, licet ignoranter, prout juratores testantur, tamen ipsi custodiantur donec domino regi satisfecerint etc. secundum quod deliquerint. Postea predictus Thomas de Derewentwatere fecit finem pro .xx. solidis pro predicta transgressione et aliis transgressionibus per plegium Michaelis de Harcla et Johannis de Terreby coronatoris. Et Ricardus de Laton' pro eodem per .xl. solidos per plegium predicti Thome de Derewentwater, si rex acceptaverit etc. Et quia constat justiciariis hic per juratam predictam quod predictus Ricardus le Bere acquietatus fuit per decem de melioribus ville predicte de Cokermue ubi debuit fecisse predictum receptamentum, licet in parte fuerunt suspecti, ut predictum est, et quod duo de duodena predicta fuerunt consanguinei uxoris predicti Ricardi, predictus Ricardus le Bere recomittatur gaole quousque sciatur inde voluntas domini regis etc.

A second query arising out of proceedings in the 1292 Cumberland eyre.

i) For the ultimate order for the release of Gilbert of Burnside issued in November 1293 and enrolled among the Michaelmas communia on the Memoranda Roll see E 159/67, m. 7

vicecomiti Westmerl' pro Gilberto de Bronnolvesheud'; istud breve fuit directum vicecomiti predicto sub magno sigillo regis per testimonium Walteri de Langeton' : Quia Gilbertus de Bronnolveshevd', qui nuper coram justiciariis regis ultimo itinerantibus in comitatu Westmerl' adjudicatus fuit prisone regis ibidem ad triennium pro quadam transgressione de qua convictus fuit coram eis, qui eciam pro felonia de qua similiter convictus fuit coram eisdem justiciariis eidem prisone liberatus extitit, licet ab ordinario loci tanquam clericus fuisset exactus, finem fecit cum rege per ducentas marcas pro relaxacione prisone predicte ad triennium, ita quod prefato ordinario si eum tamquam clericum exigat liberari possit juxta ecclesiasticam libertatem, mandatum est vicecomiti comitatus predicti quod, accepta a prefato Gilberto sufficienti securitate pro qua ipsemet respondere voluerit de predictis ducentis marcis regi reddendis ad scaccarium suum [[The following text has been deleted:
et quod predictus Gilbertus in bonis et catallis suis que occasione felonie predicte capte sunt in manum regis nunquam aliquid per libertatem aliquam seu alio modo in posterum vendicabit seu exigi faciet,]] tunc ipsum Gilbertum a prisona predicta si non alia occasione detineatur in ea deliberari et ordinario loci, si eum ut clericum exigat, tradi seu restitui faciat indilate. Et de eo quod inde fecerit et de securitate quam inde receperit thesaurario et baronibus regis de scaccario distincte et aperte super proximum compotum suum certificet. Et quod habeat ibi tunc hoc breve. Teste W. Bathon' et Wellensi episcopo thesaurario regis apud Westm' .v. die Novembris anno E. .xxj.. Et si contingat predictum Gilebertum < aliquid > de bonis et catallis suis predictis, ut predictum est, in manum nostram captis per aliquam libertatem vel quoquo alio modo exigere vel vendicare nullum inposterum inde habeat recuperare. Et mandatum fuit dictum breve vicecomiti sub magno sigillo per testimonium Walteri de Langeton'.

ii) for the later fine made by Robert of Warwick for his misconduct enrolled on Michaelmas 1293 communia section of the Memoranda Roll see E 159/67, m. 13d

Cumbr'; de fine Roberti de Warthewyk'. Robertus de Warthewyk,quondam subescaetor regis in comitatu Cumbr', finem fecit cum rege per .xx. marcas pro transgressione quam fecit falso et scienter liberando Alicie, Christiane et Agneti sororibus et heredibus Willelmi filii Johannis le Cressoner, qui pro felonia quam fecit utlagatus fuit, seisinam terrarum et tenementorum que fuerunt predicti Willelmi in comitatu Cumbr' tanquam veris heredibus ejusdem Willelmi, ac si idem Willelmus felo non fuisset, que tenementa per feloniam ejusdem Willelmi fuerunt escheata regis, unde convictus est coram H. de Cressingham et sociis suis justiciariis ultimo itinerantibus in comitatu predicto.

On 7 June 1293 master Henry of Newark, dean of York, was appointed to the custody of Alice, late wife of Gilbert of Louth, an idiot, and of her lands, until Thomas of Warthill, who had been appointed to her custody until she became sane, but who was currently in York gaol for trespasses in the king's stew of Fosse, has satisfied the king for these trespasses: CPR 1292-1301 , 20-1 (and note that he had previously been so appointed in October 1288: see CPR 1281-92 , 301)

For the eventual settlement of these disputes see Roll 6, item 27.

39-40

i) For later related agreements see CP 40/96, mm. 199 and 206 (Michaelmas term 1292).

ii) See also item 44 on this Roll.

i) The entry (as here) is also recorded in a schedule to the Close Roll in April 1293: CCR 1288-96 , 314.

ii) On 15 May 1293 a commission was issued to three named to do justice on a ship of Portugal lately arrested at Sandwich by the bailiff of Sandwich which the king had commanded him to deliver to William de Saltu and Andrew Berardi, merchants of Bayonne, in accordance with the statute of Winchester, on their finding surety for the owners to answer all claims before king: CPR 1292-1301 , 16 (and vacated entry in CCR 1288-96 , 283).

iii) For the record and process of the plea before the commissioners established at the Canterbury parliament of Easter 1293 see RPHI , 26-9.

iv) On 15 July 1293 a commission was issued to Osbert of Spaldington and John Butler to go to Portsmouth and execute the agreement drawn up before the king and council by the assent of the parties between Stephen True, master of the great cog called 'La Petre' of Yarmouth, and other English mariners, and Andrew Beraud and William de Saltu and other mariners of Bayonne on depredations, homicides and other trespasses committed off the Isle of Wight: CPR 1292-1301 , 31 (and for the terms of that agreement see CCR 1288-96 , 324-5).

It was not until 10 December 1295 that a mandate was issued for the lands of John de Seagrave to be delivered to him on his performance of homage: CFR 1272-1307 , 368.

[nothing found]

i) On 22 January 1291 the escheator was ordered to deliver Wickhambreux to Mary on a temporary basis ( in tenancia) until her dower was assigned: CCR 1288-96 , 159.

ii) In September 1291 she appointed an attorney for the suit before the king between them on a moiety of the manor of Wickhambreux: CCR 1288-96 , 203

iii) The case, as pleaded up to this point, was enrolled in King's Bench in Easter term 1291: KB 27/127, m. 46d

For a later stage of this case see item 10 on this Roll.

Appendix: Additional Information and Related Material [in Translation] for Roll 5

Also enrolled on KB 27/130, mm. 14-16 and on the Welsh Roll for this year, whence it is calendared in Cal Chancery Rolls Various , 334-49

Costessy and Long Bennington were among the manors confirmed to Eleanor, the queen mother, for life in January 1286: CPR 1281-92 , 218-9. She had died in 1291.

3-5

[nothing found]

i) For the enrolment of this case in King's Bench in Trinity term 1291 see KB 26/128, m. 8d

Staffordshire . Walter of Hopton is to be amerced for several defaults.

The same Walter has been summoned to appear here to show why, whereas it has been provided that no one is allowed to make waste, sale or destruction of buildings, woods or gardens leased to him for a life term or a term of years, the same Walter has committed waste, sale and destruction of the buildings and gardens which he holds for his life of the inheritance of Walter, the brother and heir of Gawain Butler of Wem deceased, who held of the king in chief and was in the wardship of the lord king in Tirley, to the disinheritance of the same William and contrary to the terms of the said provision. On which Henry of Mancetter and Richard de Bretteville, who sue on behalf of the king and of the said William, say that the said Walter has demolished a grange at Tirley worth twenty pounds and taken away the timber from it, he has also demolished one chapel worth twenty pounds, two stables worth ten pounds and one cowshed worth ten pounds and taken away the timber; in the gardens he had cut down, uprooted and carried away one hundred apple-trees and one hundred pear-trees, of which each was worth two shillings; in the woods there he has cut down, carried off and disposed of two thousand oaks each worth half a mark, as he wished; committing waste, sale and destruction to the disinheritance of the said William and to his damage of one thousand pounds. He produces suit in support of this etc.

Walter of Hopton appears through William of Cleehanger his attorney and denies and will deny the force and wrong whenever etc. He says that, if the same William is intending to recover his damages for any waste committed before his time that was committed in the time of his brother Gawain should say that; to which the said William through his guardians says that he ought to have recovery of his damages for waste for the whole time since the said manor first came into the hands of Walter for the term of the life of the same Walter, since this tended to his prejudice and disinheritance and that of no-one else.

The said Walter says that he has committed no waste in the said manor in the time of the said William and he is ready to prove this as the court should adjudge. As to any waste committed before any right descended to the said William, he says that he is not obliged to answer him on this. He asks for judgment on this. If this does not suffice, he will say more. They are adjourned to hear their judgment two weeks after Michaelmas before the king wherever etc.

Subsequently, two weeks after Hilary in the twentieth year of the reign of the present king, Walter de Beauchamp, the guardian of the same William, appeared in the name of the king and also the same Walter of Hopton etc. The same Walter of Hopton is told that, since the said William through his guardian is complaining about the said Walter of Hopton that he had committed waste after the wardship of the said manor had come into the hands of the king by reason of the said Gawain, the brother of the same William, whose heir he is, so that the right and fee rested in the person of the said Gawain and only free tenement in the person of the said Walter and the said Walter committed waste and sale in the lands and tenements which are now the right and inheritance of the said William and compensation for waste belong to the one to whom the succession belongs and seisin after the death of the tenant for life, by which waste, if any was committed, an action belonged to the said Gawain to claim the tenement where waste was committed in demesne, which Gawain died while he was bringing his plea but did not gain seisin of the said tenement because prevented from doing so by his death, so that the said action ought rightfully to belong to William, the brother and heir of the said Gawain, because it is a real action and transmissible to heirs to claim the said tenement where waste had been committed in demesne according to the terms of the statute, as it belonged to his elder brother, whose heir he is, especially as the said William is entitled to have his inheritance as undiminished without waste as it came into the hand of the king, the said Walter is told by way of judgment that what he had alleged on his behalf ought not to be sufficient and that he should answer over, if it seems expedient to him. The said Walter answers further and says he has committed no waste in the inheritance of the said William after the right and fee of the said manor descended to the said Gawain, the brother of the said William, whose heir he is. He puts himself on a jury on this etc. The said William, through his guardian Walter de Beauchamp, does likewise. The sheriff is therefore ordered to associate with himself some faithful knight of the said county and to go in person to the said manor and in the presence of the parties, after they have been warned to be present there on a certain day for this by the sheriff, if they wish to be present etc., by the oath both of knights and of others he is to make careful enquiry etc. about the said waste and sale etc. He is to inform the king as to the waste, if any has been committed, and of the places where it has been committed and of the things sold under his seal and the seals of those through whom the inquiry has been made three weeks after Easter wherever etc.

Subsequently, three weeks after Easter in the twenty second year of the reign of the present king, the parties appeared etc. The sheriff sent the enquiry etc. by which it was found that the said Walter had cut down and carried off forty oaks, each worth eighteen pence, in the wood of Swyneyerd belonging to the manor of Tyrley, making waste, sale and destruction within the said period to the disinheritance of the said William after the right and fee of the said wood had descended to the said Gawain etc. As for other waste in the said manor, it is found that he was not guilty of this etc. It was therefore adjudged that the said William is to recover his damages in triplicate according to the terms of the statute, namely nine pounds, against the said Walter and also the wood that had been wasted by the view of the jurors and the said Walter is to be amerced.

Damages: nine pounds of which forty shillings are to go to the clerks.

ii) For further connected litigation see KB 27/136, mm. 34-34d and KB 27/138, m. 45d

Also enrolled on the Close Roll where the mandate is dated 6 February 1292: CCR 1288-96 , 257.

Also enrolled on the Close Roll under the same date: CCR 1288-96 , 256-7.

[nothing found]

i) For an earlier stage in this case see item 45 on this Roll.

ii) For a related mandate issued on 24 January 1292 and enrolled on the Close Rolls see CCR 1288-96 , 216.

iii) For the letters patent dated 30 January 1292 see CPR 1281-92 , 471.

11-12

For the related record in King's Bench enrolled in Michaelmas term 1291 see KB 27/129, mm. 53-54d.

[nothing found]

For related material see KB 27/129, mm. 12-13 (Michaelmas term 1291); KB 27/131, m. 49 (Easter term 1292); KB 27/137, mm. 22-22d (Trinity term 1293).

[nothing found]

For the king's grant of the hundred dated 1 February 1292 see CPR 1281-92 , 473.

i) For the plea of the abbot of Roche see State Trials , 1-5; KB 27/132, mm. 23-24.

ii) For the plea of James of Astley and the abbot of Lilleshull see JUST 1/541B, m. 27; SCKB, vol. II, 97-112.

iii) For the plea of the maimed man against the abbot of Butley see State Trials , 62-7; SCKB , vol. II, 86-97 (and Roll 2, item 204).

iv) For the plea of Emma of Barford see KB 27/131, mm. 47-47d.

For the royal inspeximus of these charters, attached as a schedule to the Charter Roll between items belonging to January 1292 see CChR, 1257-1300 , 410-1.

For the case involving John de Lisle of Hampshire heard in King's Bench see KB 27/121, m. 24d.

See Roll 10, item 11.

[nothing found]

See SCKB , vol. II, 53-7.

i) For the seizures of these franchises see items 1 and 11-12 on this Roll.

ii) For the letters patent appointing these custodians issued on 19 February 1291 see CPR 1281-92 , 478.

For the follow-up to this ordinance issued on 2 June 1292 at the Trinity parliament in Berwick see CP 40/95, m. 71d.

i) For the first stage of the litigation where William used a defective writ and withdrew from it at Easter term 1284 see CP 40/53, m. 69.

ii) The case was revived by an amended writ and pleaded in Michaelmas term 1285: CP 40/60, m. 125.

iii) The case was revived a second time against Roger de Mortimer (who then vouched Edmund) in Michaelmas term 1290 (CP 40/86, m. 71d and see m. 53d) and again at Hilary term 1291 (CP 40/87, m. 106).

i) The original plea was heard in Easter term 1289 and recorded on CP 40/78, mm. 95-95d.

ii) The complaint made to the auditors is E 175/1, no. 7, m. 3.

iii) For a related mandate relating to exceptions and the granting of a bill recorded under Trinity term 1290 see CP 40/83, m. 116.

[nothing found]

i) The initial draft regulations made by the knights attending tournaments are perhaps reflected in one of the three distinct versions of the Statute of Arms which gives it in the form of legislation made at the request of the 'bannerets' of England. This was known to the editors of SR only through the text in Liber Horn ( SR , i, 230-1) but it is also to be found in the closely connected Liber Custumarum , also in the Corporation of London Records Office, and in BL MS. Royal 10.A.V at f. 59v.

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Aquitaine, to all his subjects greeting. Whereas we have been earnestly requested by the earls and barons and on behalf of the knights of our realm to have made certain regulations by which [the exercise of] arms might be properly preserved, or that we would give and grant our power to certain individuals to decree that which it seems to them should be done on these matters, we have given our full power to our son Edward, our brother Edmund, our uncle William de Valence, Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester, and to Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, to provide and establish that which they see is to be done on these matters. We therefore will and firmly command all our sheriffs, bailiffs and all our other officials, whomsoever they are, that they observe whatever they shall have provided and established on these matters and have it observed in all respects on pain of severe punishment, so that those who breach their regulations in any respect are to be arrested by those whom they appoint and handed over to our prison wherever they wish to hand them over and they are to be kept in custody there by our bailiffs, as will be ordered them by those to whom we have given our power in these matters. And it is our will that no one who is arrested by them be released by anyone of our officials without the special order of those to whom we have given the aforesaid power. In evidence of which matter we have had made our letters patent. Given at Westminster 5 February in the twentieth year of our reign.

[nothing found]

i) For the mandate of the king to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer to search rolls and instruments for material to prove the king's right dated 9 December 1291 see E 159/65, m. 11.

ii) For the enrolled version of this plea as heard in Trinity term 1292 and the subsequent production of written evidence from the rolls by the king's serjeant see CP 40/95, m. 204d

Staffordshire . The lord king through Nicholas of Warwick, who sues on his behalf, makes claim against John son of John fitz Philip to the advowson of the church of Kinver as his right by a precipe for an advowson etc. The same Nicholas says on behalf of the king that the lord king Richard, the kinsman of the present lord king, was seised of the said advowson as of fee and right in time of peace and presented to the same church one Gilbert de Lacy, his clerk, who was admitted and instituted at his presentation, receiving profits from it as in tithes small and large, oblations and obventions, to the value etc. as of the fee and right of the same church. The same Nicholas is ready to verify that such is the right of the same king on his behalf etc.

John appears through his attorney. He denies his right and will deny it whenever etc., and the seisin of the lord king Richard, the ancestor of the lord king, on whose seisin etc., as of fee and right, and all etc. He puts himself on a jury of the country in place of the grand assize of the lord king and asks for a jury verdict to be made as to whether he has greater right in the said advowson or the lord king etc.

Nicholas says on behalf of the lord king that this court can be informed about the seisin of king Richard of the said advowson etc., whose seisin the said John denies, namely by the record of the rolls of the abbot of Evesham and Martin of Pattishall and their colleagues, the justices of the lord king Henry, the father of the same present lord king, in the fifth year of his reign itinerant in the said county, and by the record of the rolls of Thomas of Moulton and R. of Lexington and his colleagues justices itinerant of the same lord king Henry in the same county in the twelfth year of his reign and also by the record of the rolls which are called the Testa de Neville and he requests on the king's behalf that the rolls be searched etc. When the rolls have been searched, the following words are found in the rolls of the said abbot: 'The church of Kinver is of the gift of the lord king and G. de Lacy holds it'. And in the rolls of the said Thomas and R. etc. that the church of Kinver is of the gift of the lord king and Gilbert de Lacy holds it of the gift of king Richard. And in the roll of the Testa de Neville that the church of Kinver is of the gift of the lord king and that Gilbert de Lacy holds it of the gift of the lord king. So the same Nicholas says on behalf of the king that since this court is informed of the seisin of king Richard, on whose seisin etc., by the record of the rolls and as the said rolls also record the said church to be of the gift of the lord king Henry and the said John shows nothing by which after that time any right accrued to him in that advowson by a deed of the king he asks for judgment whether the jury ought to proceed on things of which this court has a record in itself etc. John is asked whether he holds the said advowson as appurtenant to the manor of Kinver or by some other title and says that he has no need to answer to this because he says he has put himself on a jury of the country in place etc. on the mere right and asks for a jury verdict to be given on this etc. in the form on which he put himself, since it cannot be determined by the said records whether he has more right or the lord king, because he says that it does not follow from the fact that the lord king Richard presented to the said church that he was therefore seised of the advowson of the same as of fee and right etc.

Nicholas says on the king's behalf that the arguments of the same John are made as if this plea was between ordinary persons, but since it suffices for the lord king by reason of his prerogative to show by the record of the court that he or any of his ancestors was seised of any tenement that he claims he asks for judgment whether this jury ought to proceed because, if it proceeds, this is to impugn the record of the rolls by a jury etc.; and so he asks for judgment on behalf of the king etc.

In the margin at this point is written For judgment.

They are adjourned to hear their judgment here at the octaves of Michaelmas etc.

iii) At Michaelmas term 1292 there is an enrolment of king's order of 30 August 1292 to continue the plea till the parliament after Easter following, but that the court refused to obey it as it was not yet known when the parliament was to begin and it was not in the king's interest to make an uncertain adjournment: CP 40/96, m. 6.

i) The original replevin plea heard in Easter term 1288 is enrolled on CP 40/72, m. 48.

ii) The same litigation was revived in Michaelmas term 1293: CP 40/102, m. 61.

Perhaps a retrial of William, the son of the rector of Tempsford, after his acquittal was quashed before the auditores querelarum : State Trials of Edward I, 27-40

For a later related complaint see Roll 6, item 37.

i) For another private text of the general ordinance see BL MS. Additional 62534, ff. 99r-v.

ii) For the case which gave rise to this query and ordinance see JUST 1/137, m. 32 (1292 Cumberland eyre: gaol delivery section)

Richard le Bere, arrested for having harboured Robert Stegbayn, an approver who was hanged for the burglary of the house of Patrick of Skallermackek and for robbery committed there, appears and is asked how he wishes to acquit himself of the said harbouring and says that on a previous occasion before Walter of Muncaster (who has died), Thomas of Derwentwater, Richard of Laton' and William de Boyville, the justices assigned to deliver the gaol, he had gone quit by the jury on which he had put himself for good and ill on the said harbouring and burglary and robbery by the judgment of the same court before them and vouches the record of the said justices for this. The said Thomas and Richard and William appear. William says for himself that the said Richard le Bere was never acquitted or delivered before him. He explains that at the time of the said delivery he was at London. The said Thomas and Richard acknowledge that they, together with the said Walter of Muncaster (who has died), made a delivery of the same Richard in the absence of the same William de Boyville and that he went quit before them on this. So the said Richard is sent back to gaol until the will of the lord king is known on the said Richard and the process of delivery etc.

Subsequently, after the lord king had been consulted on this, the same lord king instructed by a certain schedule sent here on this that he wished that the justices here and his other justices itinerant for common pleas should have full power in each of their counties in their eyres to enquire which justices assigned had delivered gaols of any felons or any prisoners by juries drawn from far away, suspicious or arranged, and the justices were aware of this and agreed to it and those who were convicted of this were to be committed to prison as maintainers and supporters of those who were felons against the lord king and were to pay a heavy ransom according to the discretion of the justices itinerant and the quantity of the offence during their eyre before their departure. Likewise, justices assigned who have delivered any gaol without observing the terms of their power or warrant, for example, three without the fourth, are in like wise to be committed to prison and to be ransomed before them but not as gravely as previously said if they did this by forgetfulness or ignorance but, if they did this consciously or out of malice and the same justices itinerant learn of this, they are to be punished and ransomed as is said. Prisoners, moreover, who shall have been delivered before such justices by a jury on which they put themselves for good and ill, despite the fact that all the justices assigned for their delivery were not present at their delivery, are to remain quit of that deed for which they were delivered, provided they were delivered by a good jury and not an arranged one and this is clearly ascertained by the said justices itinerant. But, if any prisoners shall have been delivered before such justices assigned by a jury from far away, ignorant of the deed or felony alleged against them, or by an arranged jury, and they are indicted for the same deeds or felonies before the justices itinerant again, they are nonetheless to answer for them before the same justices itinerant and are to acquit themselves by a good and lawful jury, notwithstanding their voucher of the record of the assigned justices for their acquittal; and, if they refuse to do so, they are to be sent back to gaol and are to have the penitence provided for those refusing the common law, until they are willing to put themselves on a good and lawful jury.

Thereupon, having inspected the record and process of the said Thomas and Richard of the delivery of the said Richard, it is found that he was acquitted by twelve men of the town of Cockermouth, six men of the five villages of the liberty of Cockermouth and twelve men of the body of the county, of which six were from the Allerdale side and six from the Cumberland part. And in the presence of the said Richard and the said Thomas of Derwentwater and Richard of Laton' an inquiry was made by John of Huddlestone, Robert of Harrington, Hugh of Moulton, Thomas of Curwen, Robert de la Ferte, Hubert of Moulton, Robert de Crokelyn, William de Felles, Walter of Bampton, John de Lucy, Thomas of Ribbeton', Thomas of Newton, John de Terreby, John de Pardeshou, John of Lamplugh, Richard Brown, Ralph d'Eyncurt, Henry Marshal, Robert of Joneby, John of the Chapel, Adam de Ulnesby, Adam English and Robert de Tyllyol whether the said Richard le Bere was acquitted of the said harbouring in proper form or by a distant, suspect or arranged jury and, if by a distant or arranged jury, then whether the said Thomas of Derwentwater and Richard of Laton' were aware of this and agreed to this and, if so, then whether they did this voluntarily or through forgetfulness or ignorance. Richard le Bere is asked whether he wishes that enquiry be made by the said jurors in the said terms and he says that he will say nothing other than what he has said before. The said Thomas of Derwentwater and Richard of Laton' put themselves on that jury. The jurors say on their oath that the said twelve from the town of Cockermouth, where the said harbouring took place, were suspect because two were kinsmen of the wife of the said Richard le Bere and the rest of the twelve, as well as the said two, are tenants of Isabel de Forz, countess of Aumale, whose [[The following text has been deleted:
bailiff]] < forester > the said Richard le Bere then was in the liberty of the said five villages. And also the six jurors of the said liberty are tenants of the said countess and the six jurors of Allerdale were favourable to the side of the said Richard le Bere because they were close to his territory and he could be of use to them in giving them from his lady's wood. And the six jurors from Cumberland were from far away and did not know of the said deed. They affirm that the said jurors except for the six from Cumberland who were from far away acquitted him out of favour, concealing the truth, but not for anything which they received from him, but six out of friendship which they had for him and his kin. They explain that the said twelve of the town of Cockermouth, apart from the two kinsmen of the wife of the said Richard le Bere, were the stronger and more faithful and best men of the said town. Asked, moreover, if at the delivery of the same Richard le Bere, any prohibition was made by the said justices that no one who was linked with the said Richard le Bere by any affinity should remain on the said jury they say not and they have never heard such a prohibition except at this eyre. Of Thomas of Derwentwater and Richard of Laton they say that whatever they did on this they did by ignorance but not deliberately because they say that the said Thomas of Derwentwater had hatred against Richard le Bere and Richard of Laton is innocent and ignorant of the law. Because it has been found that the said Thomas of Derwentwater and Richard of Laton proceeded to the delivery of the said Richard le Bere without the said William de Boyville outside the terms of their warrant, even if out of ignorance, as the jurors attest, yet they are to be taken into custody until they have satisfied the lord king etc. in accordance with their offence. Subsequently, the said Thomas of Derwentwater made fine for twenty shillings for the said offence and other offences by the surety of Michael of Harclay and John de Terreby the coroner. And Richard of Laton for the same for forty shillings by the surety of the said Thomas of Derwentwater, if the king accepts etc. And because the justices here have ascertained by the said jury that the said Richard le Bere was acquitted by ten of the better men of the said town of Cockermouth where he was said to have committed the said offence of harbouring even though they were suspect in part, as was said, and that two of the said twelve were kinsmen of the wife of the said Richard, the said Richard le Bere is sent back to gaol until the will of the lord king on this is known etc.

A second query arising out of proceedings in the 1292 Cumberland eyre

i) For the ultimate order for the release of Gilbert of Burnside issued in November 1293 and enrolled among the Michaelmas communia on the Memoranda Roll see E 159/67, m. 7.

to the sheriff of Westmorland for Gilbert of Burnside; this writ was directed to the said sheriff under the king's great seal under the attestation of Walter of Langton. Because Gilbert of Burnside, who was recently adjudged to the king's prison there before the king's justices in their last eyre in the county of Westmorland for three years for an offence of which he was convicted before them, and who was also sent to the same prison for a felony of which he was similarly convicted before the same justices, although he was demanded by the local ordinary as a clerk, has made fine with the king in two hundred marks for release from prison for three years, so that he may be delivered to the said ordinary if he claims him as a clerk in accordance with ecclesiastical liberty, the sheriff of the said county is ordered that after he has accepted a sufficient surety from the said Gilbert, for which he will himself be answerable, for payment of the said two hundred marks to the king at his exchequer [[The following text has been deleted:
and that the said Gilbert will never claim or have demanded in future anything in his goods and chattels which have been taken into the king's hands by reason of the said felony by any liberty or in any other way]] then he is to have the same Gilbert released from the said prison, if he is not detained in it for any other reason, and to have him handed over or restored without delay to the local ordinary, if he demands him as a clerk. He is to inform the king's treasurer and barons of the exchequer clearly and openly of what he has done on this and of the surety which he has received at his next account. And he is then to have there this writ. Witness Walter, bishop of Bath and Wells, the king's treasurer, at Westminster on 5 November in the twenty first year of king Edward. And if it happen that the said Gilbert demand or claim anything of his said goods and chattels taken, as has been said, into our hands by any liberty or any other way he is to have no recovery for the future. The said writ was sent to the sheriff under the great seal under the attestation of Walter of Langton.

ii) For the later fine made by Robert of Warwick for his misconduct, enrolled on Michaelmas 1293 communia section of the Memoranda Roll see E 159/67, m. 13d

Cumberland; on the fine of Robert of Warwick. Robert of Warwick, former subescheator of the king in the county of Cumberland, made fine with the king in twenty marks for his offence in falsely and knowingly handing over to Alice, Christine and Agnes, the sisters and heirs of William, the son of John le Cressoner, who was outlawed for the felony he committed, the seisin of the lands and tenements which had belonged to the said William in the county of Cumberland as to the true heirs of the same William, as if William had not been a felon, which tenements were the king's escheat through the felony of the same William, of which he was convicted before Hugh of Cressingham and his colleagues the justices last itinerant in the said county.

For the eventual settlement of these disputes see Roll 6, item 27.

39-40

i) For later related agreements see CP 40/96, mm. 199 and 206 (Michaelmas term 1292).

ii) See also item 44 on this Roll.

i) The entry (as here) is also recorded in a schedule to the Close Roll in April 1293: CCR 1288-96 , 314.

iii) For the record and process of the plea before the commissioners established at the Canterbury parliament of Easter 1293 see RPHI , 26-9.

It was not till 10 December 1295 that a mandate was issued for the lands of John de Seagrave to be delivered to him on his performance of homage: CFR 1272-1307 , 368.

[nothing found]

i) On 22 January 1291 the escheator was ordered to deliver Wickhambreux to Mary on a temporary basis ( in tenancia) until her dower was assigned: CCR 1288-96 , 159.

ii) In September 1291 she appointed an attorney for the suit before king between them on moiety of manor of Wickhambreux: CCR 1288-96 , 203.

iii) The case, as pleaded up to this point, was enrolled in King's Bench in Easter term 1291: KB 27/127, m. 46d.

For a later stage of this case see item 10 on this Roll.