Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.
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'Edward III: March 1340', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/march-1340 [accessed 19 April 2024]
In this section
1340 March
Introduction March-May 1340
Westminster
29 March - 10 May
(C 65/7. RP , II.112-116. SR , I.281-294)
The Lent parliament of 1340, the second to be held in this calendar year, is recorded in C 65/7, a roll of 3 membranes, each approximately 245 mm. in width, sewn together in chancery style and/or glued. The condition of the roll is good. The text, written in a small, clear chancery script, occupies the rectos of the membranes only. The dorses are blank, apart from the contemporary notes, 'Pur le baron de Stafford', at the head of membrane 1 and the foot of membrane 3, and later notes, 'Parl' apud Westm' 14 E3', where the membranes are joined. Marginal headings are contemporary. Arabic numerals throughout the roll are later. The roll does not appear to be incomplete. The roll is to be associated with Thomas Drayton (the name as it appears in the roll, though perhaps a deviation from the toponym Brayton), whose appointment as clerk of the parliament is recorded in the roll; he served regularly in this capacity down to 1346. (fn. f1340bint-1)
Edward III returned from the Low Countries to England on 21 February, an action probably provoked by the efforts of the commons in the parliament of January-February to filibuster over the king's continued demands for money and (possibly) his hostility to the conditions they had set to the grant proposed in that assembly. Certainly, the fact that one of his first actions was to summon a new parliament, called by writs of 21 February to assemble at Westminster on 29 March, (fn. f1340bint-2) suggests that he had seen, and rejected, the schedule detailing the levy of 30,000 sacks and the conditions thereto attached, as set out on the closing day of the Hilary parliament, 19 February. There were, however, other general and particular explanations for the timing of the king's return. The king was now seriously in debt to his continental creditors and allies and, having provided hostages for his guarantee that he would return with money, left for home intent on resolving the problem of resources. He had also, on 26 January, assumed the title 'king of France': (fn. f1340bint-3) no notification had as yet been made to his subjects in England of the resulting change in the royal style, and (especially if he was to secure the much-delayed grant of taxation) the king clearly needed to present himself in England and justify his title. Accordingly, the writs of personal summons to the lords for the parliament of March alluded to the new title by specifying that it was not the king's intention to prejudice the kingdom of England by assuming the style of king of France. (fn. f1340bint-4) Although the writs for election sent to the sheriffs did not make the point (other than implicitly in the deployment of the new style, rex Anglie et Francie ), these officials were ordered by another series of writs, also issued on 21 February, to proclaim the king's new double title in the county courts; (fn. f1340bint-5) as a result, the elections held in the county courts for return to the March parliament are likely to have been held in the knowledge of Edward's evident intention to redouble his efforts in the continental war. Perhaps with this point in mind, the writs for election, like those for the previous parliament, specified that those chosen as shire representatives should be 'belted' knights - those involved in active military service. It is interesting that the sheriff of Rutland reported there were no such men available in his county. (fn. f1340bint-6) 15 senior justices, king's serjeants and other officials (including the clerk and chronicler Adam Murimuth) were instructed to be in attendance at parliament. There is also some evidence for the attendance of proctors of cathedral chapters, though the only known return of proctors for the diocesan clergy (those of York) merely presented excuses for non-attendance. (fn. f1340bint-7)
The parliament roll of March-May 1340 is the first since the re-opening of the extant series of rolls in 1339 to begin with a record of the appointment of receivers and triers of private petitions (items 3, 21): although private petitions are known to have been heard in the parliaments of October 1339 and January-February 1340 (see the relevant Appendices to Introductions to parliament rolls), the explicit mention of the receivers and triers appointed in March 1340 probably reflects the king's return to England and the expectation that this was likely to be accompanied by an upturn in the amount of private business forwarded for action before king and council in parliament. The case of Geoffrey Staunton, which found its way onto the parliament roll for July 1340 (item 31), is known to have been raised first in this assembly (Appendix no. 5). It is particularly interesting to notice that a clerk was assigned separately to act as receiver of petitions from Flanders and a tribunal was appointed to examine them (item 3). Given that Edward III had recently assumed the title of king of France specifically to offer the Flemings an opportunity to remain loyal to the French crown but to ally with the English, it is tempting to assume that he was aiming to use the English parliament for the resolution of complaints by his 'French' subjects, in just the same way that the same assembly acted as a point of receipt for petitions from the dependencies of the Plantagenet empire in Wales, Ireland and Aquitaine. On a more mundane level, it is possible that this separate tribunal was necessitated by the expectation of a flood of grievances from Edward's many creditors in Flanders: the involvement of the king's financier, William de la Pole, in the tribunal is telling in this respect. Whether those men subsequently appointed to deal with the 'notes' of Flanders (signifying diplomatic documents) (item 13) are to be seen as the triers of these petitions is uncertain. (fn. f1340bint-8)
The preliminaries having been completed on 29 March, parliament was adjourned the following day and re-opened on 1 April with the declaration of the causes of summons (items 4-5). The identity of the person who provided the speech is not given, and it is not clear that the king was present until the following Monday, 3 April (item 7), though the names of some of the bishops and lords in attendance were recorded (item 4). The statement was predictable, but nonetheless dramatic: if the king was not served with an aid, he would be dishonoured forever and would have to return to the Low Countries and surrender himself to imprisonment by his creditors; the implication was that parliament would then have to redeem him. The lords and commons, having been requested to consider this request, were then told to return on 3 April (item 5).
On that day, the lords and commons announced the decision that had eluded them in the previous two parliaments: an agreement to act in tandem in authorising a grant of direct taxation (item 6). The form of the subsidy they selected was complex. Based on the lords' proposal for a 'tenth' in October 1339, it was a 'ninth', to be collected for two years, in kind, in the form of corn, wool and new-born lambs. (fn. f1340bint-9) The parliament roll states that the lords granted the tax 'for themselves and for all their tenants', though this probably meant their unfree tenants (see Introduction to parliament of October 1339); it is interesting in light of the issue of the obligation of the parliamentary peerage at large to taxes voted by those members of the lords present in parliament that in the parliament of July 1340 it was subsequently determined that those clergy who attended parliament in person should contribute to the tax, though all the other clergy were declared exempt. (fn. f1340bint-10) In acknowledgement that the urban and commercial sectors of the economy, and the margins of the agricultural sector, would not have the necessary goods to pay this levy in kind, it was also agreed that those who did not 'live off their husbandry' would pay two conventional fifteenths in coin.
The 'ninth' meant a ninth part of the total goods assessed; it has been suggested that, since the levy was modelled directly on the ecclesiastical tithe, this rate rather than the lords' 'tenth' was chosen specifically to ensure that new valuations were carried out and the assessors did not rely on conventional estimates of agricultural used by the Church. (fn. f1340bint-11) This unprecedented and experimental levy is to be explained partly in terms of parliament's preference for a tax in kind at a time when there was a great scarcity of coin. But since the levy had actually to be realised in cash by the selling of the produce, it appears that parliament also chose this as the only realistic way to raise the huge sums that the king needed to settle his debts. On the basis of the commitments that Edward III's administration undertook on the security of the ninth, it has been suggested that it (and possibly parliament) estimated that the ninth would realise approximately £160,000 over the two years of its duration - over twice as much as could be expected from a biennial fifteenth and tenth. Although these estimates proved over-optimistic, the valuations subsequently taken indicated that the crown might still expect some £65,000 a year from the levy. (fn. f1340bint-12) What proved the downfall of the ninth, and therefore of the fiscal regime of 1340, was the fact that the crown found it impossible to sell the goods thus raised at the inflated prices it had fixed for them; the result was that by the end of 1340 the first year of the levy had yielded only a paltry £15,000, (fn. f1340bint-13) and in the parliament of 1341 it was decided to call off the second year and replace it with an alternative tax in wool based on the conventional fifteenth and tenth. (fn. f1340bint-14)
All this, however, still remained unknown in April 1340. Expectations of the ninth were evidently high, and the king now decided to proceed in the manner that had seemed impossible in the previous assembly and contemplate the conditions which parliament chose to set on the new levy: namely, that he would consent to 'the petitions which they will put forward before him and his council' and which, according to the parliament roll, 'are included below and begin in this form: "These are the petitions, etc."' (item 6). In fact, no such transcription of common petitions occurs on this roll: it is an interesting reflection on the haphazard attitude both to the information recorded on, and the manner of composition of, the parliament rolls that the chancery clerks responsible for this roll presumably never completed their task, or simply changed their minds without amending the earlier text. (The same point applies to the clerical petitions referred to at item 11.) Fortunately, however, a chance survival of a set of common petitions in the cartulary of Winchester Cathedral, undated there but generally associated by historians with the parliament of March-May 1340, allows us to penetrate this agenda. Dr Harriss, who provided the definitive analysis of this document, has argued that the speed with which this parliament reached its conclusions both about the subsidy and about the conditions attached suggests that the common petitions of April were in effect a repetition of the demands that the commons in the previous assembly had attached to their discredited offer of taxation on 19 February. (fn. f1340bint-15)
The common petitions preserved in the Winchester cartulary requested the preservation of the liberties of the Church, an investigation into the administration of recent taxes, the reservation of all royal revenues, extraordinary and ordinary, to the upkeep of the war under the supervision of a magnate council set up in parliament, a resumption of royal lands alienated since the death of Edward I, the redress of grievances through the council and parliament, and parliamentary authority to try and punish the king's ministers. Although the king remained in England and (presumably) at parliament, it was decided to set up a special legislative committee comprising leading prelates, magnates and legal experts of the council together with twelve knights of the shire (the parliament roll actually lists thirteen named knights) and six citizens and burgesses chosen by the commons, (fn. f1340bint-16) which would determine what needed to be enacted from the common petitions and the clerical gravamina, and whose legislation is denoted on the parliament roll by reference to the statute roll (items 7, 8). (fn. f1340bint-17) This legislation, along with a separate concession guaranteeing that the king's subjects in England would never be subject to him in his new capacity as 'king of France', was dated 16 April 1340, which was actually Easter Sunday: the choice of date was presumably meant to signal that this stage of business was concluded before the parliament reconvened after its Easter recess.
After cross-referring the decisions of the legislative committee to the statute roll and elsewhere, the parliament roll records a long series of rather laconic memoranda which represent something of the general administrative work of the parliament as well as the detailed working out of some of the decisions taken by the legislative committee and other committees appointed to deal with a range of diplomatic, military and administrative business (items 12-27). (fn. f1340bint-18) The record of the grant of the title of earl of Cambridge to the marquis of Juliers may be dated to 7 May by cross-reference to the charter roll (Appendix no. 14). (fn. f1340bint-19) Perhaps the most significant of the memoranda, however, are those relating to the investigation of the king's financiers, William de la Pole, John Charnels, Paul Montefloure and others (items 22-27). De la Pole and others appeared before the council on 5 April, and Montefloure on 8 April; but partly because of their opposition to investigation and partly because Holy Week was about to begin, it was decided (probably on 8 April, which was the vigil of Palm Sunday) to adjourn the assembly until 19 April, on condition that no member of the lords of commons should return home in the interim; the specification that 'those who will pursue their petitions, which have not yet been properly answered', should be present when parliament re-convened indicates that significant private, as well as public, business still remained to be done (item 28). It seems likely, however, that the king himself planned to withdraw, without further ado, back to the continent: the setting up of a special committee to try those private petitions annotated coram rege , 'before the king' (matters which would normally be reserved for judgment before the king and the administrative council), which may have occurred on or after 28 April (item 29), (fn. f1340bint-20) together with the record of an agreement that 'my lord the duke of Cornwall shall be keeper of England in the absence our lord the king' (item 36), strongly suggest that it was assumed that the later stages of the parliament would be held without the king's presence. In the event, Edward's return to the Low Countries was delayed until 22 June, (fn. f1340bint-21) which possibly explains why the parliament roll ends with a re-statement of the memorandum for the appointment of Prince Edward as regent (item 55) and a record of the decision to send the Bishop of Lincoln overseas with the king (item 56). It remains true, however, that the later stages of the parliament roll, which are taken up largely with the provision of troops for the Scottish march (items 37, 41-54), are singularly silent on the whereabouts or actions of the king.
They are equally uninformative on some of the crucial business intended to be conducted in the assembly that re-convened after the Easter recess. The financiers who had appeared before the council on 5 and 8 April were due to appear again on 1 May (items 23-27), but make no further appearance in the parliament rolls; it has been remarked that the king's earlier agreement to audit their accounts did not in itself jeopardise their financial or political standing: indeed, this parliament itself endorsed royal grants to de William de la Pole (Appendix no. 13). (fn. f1340bint-22) Although de la Pole failed to make any further advances to the king (a deficiency that may have lost him the post of second baron of the exchequer in June), the Bardi and Paul Montefloure were still able to supply significant loans during May and June in acts of generosity that may well have put an effective end to the parliamentary proceedings against them. (fn. f1340bint-23)
From the perspective of modern historiography, however, the most significant omission from the record of this parliament concerns the grant of the wool subsidy. Since September 1336, various subsidies over and above the ancient customs on wool, woolfells and hides had been collected on the basis of grants negotiated between the king and merchant assemblies. We known from the statute roll and other Public Records that, at the king's request, the parliament of March-May 1340 authorised a continuation of such additional levies from April 1340 to May 1341 at the rate of 33s. 4d. on each sack of wool. In return, the crown issued a statute guaranteeing that, upon the completion of this subsidy, the duties on wool exports would return to their pre-war rates, that the king had promised in parliament to make no further charges during the course of this subsidy, and that the prelates, earls and barons had sworn to uphold the agreement, declaring that they would do nothing to the contrary except with the assent of the 'prelates, earls, barons and commons of the realm, and that in full parliament'. (fn. f1340bint-24) Since the statute was dated on Easter Sunday, 16 April - which was also the date from which the new subsidy was scheduled to run - it seems most likely that these negotiations were concluded before the Easter recess. The prelates' promise to be bound by this latter agreement provides the only reference to the new deal on indirect taxation within the parliament roll itself (item 30); it is presumably recorded there because, as the statute indicates, the bishops consented to the imposition of sentences of excommunication on those (presumably merchants making 'private' deals with the crown?) who might seek to confound the parliamentary grant.
Historians have regarded this series of events as something of a defining moment in the history of indirect taxation, since it marks the first occasion on which the authority to sanction the wool subsidy, or maltolt , was accorded to parliament. (fn. f1340bint-25) A large number of merchants had in fact been summoned to Westminster for 27 March 1340, two days before the opening of parliament; the parliament roll records the decision to make writs (issued on 15 April) ordering them to return there on 27 May (by which time, it was presumably calculated, parliament would be over) (item 38). (fn. f1340bint-26) There is, however, no reason to doubt the record of the statute roll that the maltolt itself was negotiated and authorised in parliament. But since the wool subsidies granted by the merchants since 1336 appear to have been open-ended, it is not clear that the king needed to re-negotiate the grants in the spring of 1340. (fn. f1340bint-27) Indeed, the parliamentary grant had the effect of reducing the total value of the subsidies by lowering the rate paid by aliens to the same level as that charged on denizens, and by putting an end to the supplementary 'gift' of 40s. per sack which had been granted by a merchant assembly in January 1340. (fn. f1340bint-28) All this suggests that the parliament of March-May 1340 took advantage of the king's parlous financial position and his realisation of the need for political concessions to impress upon him the point that taxes which affected the whole economy of the land ought to be granted not by cliques of merchants with their own vested interest in making money from the customs system but by the body representative of the realm at large: parliament. The fact that such a debate went unrecorded on the parliament roll reflects not only the apolitical and still relatively formless nature of these records at this stage of their development but also perhaps the flexibility with which the crown continued to treat the matter of the authorisation of the wool subsidy: despite the interpretations that subsequent parliaments tried to place upon the legislation of 1340, (fn. f1340bint-29) it was not until 1362 that a statutory guarantee was provided that all such levies on overseas trade should be granted only in parliament. (fn. f1340bint-30)
In the shorter term, the principal significance of the parliament of March-May 1340 lay therefore not in the development of the fiscal constitution but in the manner in which Edward III was seen to allow his affairs to be conducted in England. His apparent passivity (and possible absence) during much of the assembly was exemplified in the highly unusual appointment of a committee, drawn from ministers, lords and commons, to undertake the legislative process in lieu of the normal procedures before king and council. This, however, was no mere expression of royal indifference; in the light of the heightened political tensions of the time and the political struggle over taxation experienced during the previous two assemblies, it seems likely that Edward used the appointment of the legislative committee as a means of signalling to parliament his desire for the active participation of both lords and commons in the settling of the affairs of the realm and thereby his expression of gratitude for the very generous grant of the ninth. As Dr Harriss has remarked, the resulting statutes represented a statement of the ideal of rule by counsel, not in the oppositional mode adopted by the Ordinances of 1311 (to which the agenda of the common petitions otherwise owed much) but in the context of the king's imminent return to the Low Countries: 'the Commons sought to invest the home council with undisputed authority for the government of England during the king's absence, and to secure from it good and economical government which would spare the community arbitrary levies and unnecessary taxation.' (fn. f1340bint-31) It was in this spirit that the council of regency was appointed later in May with general authority to rule on Edward's behalf under the titular presidency of Prince Edward and the effective authority of Archbishop Stratford. (fn. f1340bint-32) Finally, by explicitly linking the grant of supply (the ninth) to the legislative concessions, the statutes of 1340 set important limitations upon the king's right to tax at will: not only was the legislation guaranteed by the ninth, but the ninth itself was a guarantee that in future subjects the king's subjects should not sustain general fiscal exactions without the authority of parliament. (fn. f1340bint-33) Herein lay both an important statement of the principle of consent as a means of legitimising taxation and a powerful affirmation that the right to provide this consent lay solely with parliament.
The evidence surveyed above suggests that the principal reason for re-convening parliament after Easter 1340 was to deal with private or routine matters (those not requiring the king's personal attention) and with preparations for war, at least some of which business is recorded in the memoranda that take up a significant portion of the extant roll (items 12-57). Quite what role the commons played in the deliberation of such business is unclear. Nevertheless, they appear to have remained at least available, if not in formal session, until 10 May, the day on which the writs de expensis were issued and the date which (by default) is taken as the formal end of this session. (fn. f1340bint-34) It is interesting to notice that there are a significant number of chancery instruments dated immediately before the king's departure for the Low Countries, on 21-22 June 1340 from Shotley, recording grants made by the king and warranted 'by king and (examined by) council in the last parliament': (fn. f1340bint-35) these suggest that a number of private petitions dealt with in the session after Easter had to be referred to the king for formal decisions because they concerned matters of grace, and adds to the evidence that Edward III was not present for the business meetings held in the second sitting of this parliament.
Text and translation
| [p. ii-112] | |
| [col. a] | |
| [memb. 3] | |
| LES REMEMBRANCES DU PARLEMENT TENUZ A WESTMONSTIER, LE MESKERDY PROSCHEIN APRES LE DYMEIGNE EN MY QUARRESME, EN PRESENCE NOSTRE SEIGNUR LE ROI, L'AN DE SON REGNE D'ENGLETERRE QUATORZISME, ET DE FRANCE PRIMER. | THE OFFICIAL RECORD OF THE PARLIAMENT HELD AT WESTMINSTER ON THE WEDNESDAY IMMEDIATELY FOLLOWING THE SUNDAY IN MID-LENT, IN THE PRESENCE OF OUR LORD THE KING, IN THE FOURTEENTH YEAR OF HIS REIGN OF ENGLAND, AND THE FIRST OF FRANCE. |
| 1. Enprimes, estoit faite un generale proclamacion en la graunte sale de Westmonstier, en la fourme qe s'ensuyt: | 1. First, a general proclamation was made in the great hall of Westminster, in the form that follows: |
| 2. Por ce qe avant ces heures as parlementz et counsealx nostre seignur le roi debates, riotes et conteks ont este sours et mutz, par taunt qe gentz se sont alez es lieux ou les parlementz et counseiles ount este somons et assemblez, armez d'aketon, des plates, d'espeis, et de long coutelx, et des autres maneres d'armes; et par tiel cause les busoignes de nostre seignur le roi et de son roialme ont este empesches, et les graundz et autres qe y sont venuz par son comandement effreitez; nostre seignur le roi voillaunt purveer de remeide contre tieux malx, defende qe nule, sur peyne de forfaiture de quanq'il purra forfaire devers le roi, de quele estat ou condicion q'il soit, ne voise armez d'aketon, ne de plate, ne de haubergeon, ne a espeie, ne a long cotel, ne od autre arme suspecte, en la citee de Londres, ne en les suburbes, ne en les autres lieux entre la dite citee et le paleis de Westmonstier, ne nule parte en les paleis par terre ne par ewe, sur la peyne avandite; forspris les gentz nostre seignur le roi queux il vodra deputer, ou par son comandement serront deputez, pur la garde de sa pees es ditz lieux; et auxint forspris les ministres le roi, selonc la fourme de l'estatut fait a Norhampton. Et n'estmy l'entencion nostre seignur le roi qe chescun counte et baroun puisse avoir sa espeie porte od lui aillours qe en la presence le roi, ou place du counseil. Et auxint est defendu par nostre seignur le roi, et par le counseil, sur peyne d'enprisonement, qe nule enfaunt, ne autres, ne jue en nule lieu du paloys de Westmonstier durant le parlement qeyest somons, a bares, ne a autres jues nient covenables, come a ouster chaparons des gentz, ne a mettre mayn en eux, ne autre empeschement faire, par quoi chescun ne puisse peisiblement suir ses busoignes. | 2. Because before this time at parliaments and councils of our lord the king debates, riots and quarrels have been inevitable and numerous, because people have brought arms of acton and plate, swords and long knives and other kinds of arms to places where parliaments and councils have been summoned and assembled; and because the business of our lord the king and of his realm has been impeded, and the great men and others who have come there by his command have been intimidated; our lord the king, wishing to provide remedy against such wrongs, forbids anyone, on penalty of forfeiture of as much as he can forfeit to the king, of whatever estate or condition he may be, to come armed with acton or plate, habergeon, sword, long knife, or with any other suspicious arms, into the city of London or the suburbs, or into other places between the said city and the palace of Westminster, or any part of the palace, by land or by water, on the aforesaid penalty; saving those of our lord the king's people whom he wishes to appoint, or who shall be appointed by his instruction, for keeping the peace in the said places; and also saving the king's officials according to the form of the statute made at Northampton. And it is not the intention of our lord the king that any earl or baron should be prevented from carrying his sword with him anywhere other than in the king's presence or the place of council. And also it is forbidden by our lord the king and the council, on penalty of imprisonment, that any child or other person shall play either at bars or at any other unsuitable games, such as removing people's hoods, or laying hands on them, in any part of the palace of Westminster during the parliament which is summoned there, nor cause any other trouble by which anyone may not peacefully pursue his business. |
| 3. Et mesme le jour feurent les souzescritz articlez de faire les choses souzescritz, c'estassavoir: |
[Clerk of parliament and receivers of petitions.] 3. And on the same day, the articles written below for doing the things written below were made, that is to say: |
| Sire Thomas de Drayton' soit clerk du parlement. | Sir Thomas Drayton shall be the clerk of the parliament. |
| Item, pur resceivre les peticions d'Engleterre sont assignez Sires Michel de Wath, Thomas de Baumburgh, Maistre Johan de Thoresby et Sire Thomas de Evesham. | Also, Sir Michael Wath, Sir Thomas Bamburgh, Master John Thoresby and Sir Thomas Evesham are assigned to receive the petitions from England. |
| Item, pur les peticions de Gascoigne, Irlande et Gales, Sire Thomas de Drayton, Maistre Johan de Langetoft et Sire Henry de Stratford. | Also, for the petitions from Gascony, Ireland and Wales, Sir Thomas Drayton, Master John Langtoft and Sir Henry Stratford. |
| Item, qe touz ceux qe voillent liverer peticions les facent liverer entre cy et dymeygne proschein avenir [col. b] le jour enclos, et qe apres cel jour nule peticion ne soit resceue. | Also, that all those who would deliver petitions should deliver them between now and the Sunday next coming, [col. b] the day assigned, and after this day no petition shall be received. |
| Item, qe la criee soit faite de defense d'armes et autres chose, selonc ce q'est acustumez. | Also, that the announcement of the prohibition of arms and other things shall be made, as is the custom. |
| Item, Maistre Johan de Thoresby est deputez a resceivre les peticions de Flaundres; et mesmes les peticions resceux, qe Monsir William de Shareshull, Monsir William Scot, Monsir William de la Pole et le dit Maistre Johan regardent et examinent meismes les peticions. | Also, Master John Thoresby is appointed to receive the petitions from Flanders; and when the same petitions have been received Sir William Shareshull, Sir William Scot, Sir William de la Pole and the said Master John shall inspect and examine the same petitions. |
| 4. Le joedy proschein suant, fu le parlement ajourne tanqe a samady adonqes proschein avenir; et sur ce une proclamacion faite en le grante sale de Westmonstier. A queu jour feurent monstrez, tut primerement as prelatz, c'estassaver l'ercevesqe de Cantirbur', l'evesqes de Nicol, Duresme, Cestr', Londres, Sarum, Ely, Cicestr', Norwice et Kardoill, et as countes de Derby, Northt', Warrenn', Warrewyk, Arondell', Huntyngdon et Anegos, et as seignur de Wake, de Wylughby, le baron de Stafford, Monsir Rauf Basset et autres grauntz, les causes de la somons du parlement en especialte, et puys a meismes les grauntz et as communes de la terre en generalte, en la manere qe s'ensuyt. |
[Opening of parliament.] 4. On the Thursday immediately following the parliament was adjourned until the Saturday then next coming, and a proclamation thereon was made in the great hall of Westminster. On which day the reasons for the summons of parliament were declared in detail, first of all to the prelates, that is to say, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Lincoln, Durham, Chester, London, Salisbury, Ely, Chichester, Norwich and Carlisle, and to the earls of Derby, Northampton, Warenne, Warwick, Arundel, Huntingdon and Angus, and to Lord Wake, Lord Willoughby, Baron Stafford, Sir Ralph Basset and other great men, and then in general to the same great men and to the commons of the land, in the manner that follows. |
| 5. C'estassavoir, coment nostre seignur le roi convendra estre aide d'un graunt eide, ou il serra deshonurez a touz jours, et ses terres auxibien pardecea come pardela en graunt peril; qar il perdera ses aliez, et od tut cela il lui covendra en propre persone retourner a Brussell, et demorer y come prisoun, tanqe la soumme d'avoir en quele il se est obligez a eux soit pleynement paie. Et en cas q'il soit aidez, totes tiels meschiefs cesseront, et l'emprise quele il ad faite serra mene, od l'eid de Dieu, a bone fyne et par tant pees et quiete par tut. Et fu priez as prelatz, countes, barons, chivalers de countez, cyteyns et burgeys des citees et burghs qe entre le dit samady et le lundy proschein suant ils se vousissent aviser et graunter un covenable eide, dont le roi purreit estre bien eidez et ses busoignes esplaites par decea et pardela. | 5. That is to say, that our lord the king will need to be aided with a great aid, or he will be dishonoured forever and his lands both here and overseas will be in great peril, because he will lose his allies, and will also need to return to Brussels in person and remain there as a prisoner until the sum of money for which he is bound to them shall be fully paid. And if he is aided all such misfortunes will cease, and the undertaking which he has made will be brought, with the help of God, to a good end, and as a result there will be peace and quiet everywhere. And the prelates, earls, barons, knights of the shires, citizens and burgesses of the cities and boroughs were asked to consider this between the said Saturday and the Monday immediately following, and to grant a suitable aid, through which the king can be properly assisted and his business accomplished here and overseas. |
| 6. A quele requeste les ditz prelatz, countes et barons pur eux et pur touz lour tenantz, et les chivalers de conteez pur eux et pur les communes de la terre, eant regard as meschiefs et perils d'une part, en cas qe l'aide fausiste, qe Dieux defende, et al honur, profit et quiete d'autre parte qe purront avenir, od l'eid de Dieu, au dit nostre seignur le roi et a tote la nacion d'Engleterre, si il soit eidez, meismes cestui lundy graunteront au nostre seignur le roi par les causes susditz l'eide souzescrit; c'estassavoir, la neofisme garbe, la neofisme toison et la neofisme aignel de totes lour garbes, toisons et aigneux, aprendre des adonqes par deux aunz proscheinement suantz. Et les citeyns et burgeis du roialme la verrai neofisme de touz lour biens; et marchaundz qe demorent poynt en citees n'en burghs, et autres gentz qe demorent en forestes et gasteyns, et qe [p. ii-113][col. a] ne vivent poynt de lour gaignerie ou de lour estore de berbitz, la quinzisme de touz lour biens solonc la verroi value. Souz la condicion qe nostre seignur le roi de sa bone grace eant a graunt charge et subsides dont ils ont este chargez einz ces heures, et a ce graunt q'il ount fait a ore qe lour semble mout chargeant, lour ottrei les peticions queles ils mistront devant lui et devant son counsail, et les queles sont continuez desouz, et commencent ceste fourme: 'Cestes sont les peticions etc'. |
[Grant of subsidy.] 6. To which request the said prelates, earls and barons, for themselves and for all their tenants, and the knights of the shires, for themselves and for the commonalty of the land, considered on the one hand the misfortunes and perils which might occur if the aid is not granted, which God forbid, and on the other hand the honour, profit and quiet which will accrue, with the help of God, to our said lord the king and to all the nation of England if he is aided; on the same Monday, for the aforesaid reasons, they granted to our lord the king the aid written below; that is to say, the ninth sheaf, the ninth fleece and the ninth lamb from all their sheaves, fleeces and lambs, to be taken from then for two years immediately following. And the citizens and burgesses of the realm have granted a ninth of the true value of all their goods; and the merchants who do not dwell in cities or boroughs, and other people who dwell in forests and wastes, and those who [p. ii-113][col. a] do not live off their husbandry or off their stock of sheep, have granted a fifteenth of the true value of all their goods; upon the condition that, considering the great charge and subsidies with which they have been burdened before this time, and that this grant which they have now made seems very weighty to them, our lord the king, of his good grace, will grant them the petitions which they will put before him and his council, and which are included below and begin in this form: 'These are the petitions, etc.'. (fn. ii-112-21-1) |
| 7. Sur queles requestes et condicions, par comandement de nostre seignur le roi, et assent des prelatz, countes, barouns, et communes esteantz en dit parlement, feurent assignez les souzescritz de seer de jour en autre tanqe ils eussent exploitez, et de le mettre en estatut; c'estassavoir l'ercevesqe de Cantirburs, les evesqes de Duresme et de Cestr', et le tresorer, les countes de Derby, d'Arundell et de Huntyngdon, les seignurs de Wake, de Percy, Monsir Rauf de Nevill, Monsir Geffrai le Scrop', Monsir Johan de Stonore, Monsir Robert de Sadyngton et Robert Parvyng, od .xij. chivalers des countiez, queux les < communes > voleynt eslire. Et soient mesmes ceux assignez de seer sur les condicions et requestes touchaunt le clergie, et de les mettre en estatut. Et est acordez qe .vi. citeyns et burgeys soient ovesqe eux, pur exploit des choses susdites. Et les nouns des chivalers, de citeyns et de burgeys s'ensuent. C'estassaver, Roger de Chaundos, Piers Tylel, Johan de Orreton, Johan Turney, Edward de Seint Johan, Thomas de la More, Robert Jorce, Johan de Welnetham, Johan de Gonys, Thomas de Marleberwe, Rogier de Louthe, Johan de Hayton', William Gramary, chivalers, et Thomas de Wycombe, Robert de Morewode, Philipp de Cayly, Johan de Rattelesden', Johan de Preston', Thomas But, citeyns et burgeys. Les queux ercevesqe, evesqes et les autres ensi assignez, oies et tries les dites requestes, par commune assent et acord de touz, firent mettre en estatut, les pointz et les articles qe sont perpetuels. Le quel estatut nostre seignur le roi, par assent des touz en dit parlement esteantz, comanda de engrosser et ensealer et ferment garder par tut le roialme d'Engleterre; < et > le quel estatut comence, 'Al honur de Dieu etc'. (fn. ii-112-23-1) |
[Committee to make a statute.] 7. Upon which requests and conditions, by order of our lord the king and with the assent of the prelates, earls, barons and commons being in the said parliament, those men named below were assigned to sit in judgment from day to day until the said requests and conditions have been completed, and to put them in a statute; that is to say, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Durham and Chester, the treasurer, the earls of Derby, Arundel and Huntingdon, Lord Wake, Lord Percy, Sir Ralph Nevill, Sir Geoffrey Scrope, Sir John Stonor, Sir Robert Sadington and Robert Parving, with twelve knights of the shires whom the commons will elect. And those same men shall be assigned to sit in judgment upon the conditions and requests concerning the clergy, and to put them in a statute. And it is agreed that six citizens and burgesses shall be present for the accomplishment of the aforesaid business. And the names of the knights, citizens and burgesses follow. That is to say, Roger Chandos, Peter Tiliol, John Orreton, John Turney, Edward Saint John, Thomas de la More, Robert Jorce, John Welnetham, John Gonys, Thomas Marlborough, Roger Louth, John Hayton and William Gramary, knights; and Thomas Wycombe, Robert Morewode, Philip Cayly, John Rattelesden, John Preston and Thomas But, citizens and burgesses. Which archbishop, bishops and the others thus assigned, having heard and tried the said requests, by the common assent and accord of all, caused those points and articles which are permanent to be put in a statute. Which statute our lord the king, by assent of all those being in the said parliament, ordered to be engrossed and sealed and firmly observed throughout the realm England; which statute begins, 'To the honour of God, etc.'. (fn. ii-112-23-1) |
| 8. Et sur les poinz et articles qe ne sont mye perpetuels, einz pur un temps, si ad nostre seignur le roi, par assent des grantz et communes, fait faire et ensealer ses lettres patentes qe comencent en ceste manere, 'Edward etc. Sachetz qe come prelatz, countes, etc'. (fn. ii-112-25-1) | 8. And on the points and articles which are not permanent, but only for a term, our lord the king, by the assent of the great men and commons, has caused his letters patent to be made and sealed, which letters begin in this manner, 'Edward etc. Know that whereas the prelates, earls, etc.'. (fn. ii-112-25-1) |
| 9. Et puys a la requeste de grauntz et de communes, priantz a nostre seignur le roi, qe par reson q'il feu nomez roi de France en son estile, et q'il avoit < chaungez ses armes, > [...] eux ne feussent poynt tenuz de obeir a lui come au roi de France, ne qe le roialme d'Engleterre feust mys en subjeccion a lui come au roi de France ne a roialme de France, le fist faire ses lettres patentz de indempnite qe comencent en ceste manere, 'Edward etc. Sachetz qe come ascunes gentz entendont etc'. (fn. ii-112-27-1) |
[Title of 'king of France'.] 9. And then, at the request of the great men and commons who prayed our lord the king that, although he was named king of France in his title and had changed his arms, they would not be held to obey him as king of France, and that the realm of England would not be subject to him as the king of France or to the realm of France, he caused his letters patent of indemnity to be made, which letters begin in this manner, 'Edward etc. Know that whereas some of the people consider etc.'. (fn. ii-112-27-1) |
| 10. Item, prierent ascunes prelatz, countes, barouns, et autres grauntz du roialme lettre de indempnite de ce qe y se sont obligez au duk de Brabant en un summe, d'avoir en cas qe le mariage fausite entre le duk de Cornewaill' et la file le dit duk de Brabant, les queles lettres nostre seignur le roi lour ad ottreie, et les queux feurent faites < et > enseales, et comencent en ceste manere, 'Edward etc. A touz etc. Sachetz qe come pur certeines etc.'. Les queux estatutz et lettres sont enroullez de poynt en poynt en le chauncellerie. (fn. ii-112-29-1) | 10. Also, some of the prelates, earls, barons and other great men of the realm have requested a letter of indemnity because they are bound to the duke of Brabant for a sum of money if the marriage proposed between the duke of Cornwall and the daughter of the said duke of Brabant should fail, which letters our lord the king has granted them, and which were made and sealed, and begin in this manner, 'Edward etc. To all etc. Know that whereas for certain etc.'. Which statutes and letters are enrolled in detail in the chancery. (fn. ii-112-29-1) |
| [col. b] | |
| 11. Et auxi, par comandement de nostre seignur le roi feurent les peticions del clergie oies et respondues, les queles peticions comencent en ceste manere. 'Primerement qe nulles comissions etc'. (fn. ii-112-31-1) Et sur ceo estatut fait par assent de touz, qe comence en ceste manere, 'Edward etc. Come en le primer article etc'. Le quel estatut est enroullez come desus. (fn. ii-112-31-2) |
[Statute for the clergy.] 11. And also, by order of our lord the king, the petitions of the clergy were heard and answered, which petitions begin in this manner, 'First, that no commissions etc.'. (fn. ii-112-31-1) And a statute was made thereon by the assent of all, which begins in this manner, 'Edward, etc. Whereas in the first article etc.'. This statute is enrolled as above. (fn. ii-112-31-2) |
| 12. Et puys feurent certeyns gentz assignez pur seer sur le choses souzescriptz, c'estassavoir: |
[Appointment of tribunals.] 12. And then certain people were assigned to sit in judgment upon the things written below, that is to say: |
| 13. Pur les notes de Flaundres, mes seignurs l'evesqes de Nicole, de Cicestr', le counte de Norht', Monsir Henry de Ferrers, Monsir Geffrai Lescrop, Sire Johan de Seint Paul, Monsir Johan de Shardelowe, Monsir Johan de Sordiche, Maistre Johan de Thoresby. |
[Appointment of tribunals.] 13. For the notes from Flanders, my lords the bishops of Lincoln and Chichester, the earl of Northampton, Sir Henry Ferrers, Sir Geoffrey Scrope, Sir John Saint Pol, Sir John Shardlow, Sir John Shorditch and Master John Thoresby. |
| 14. Item, de parler od les marchandz sur la chevance de Brussell, mes seignurs, l'ercevesqe de Cantirburs, l'evesqe de Nicole, le tresorer, Monsir Geffrai Lescrop, Monsir William de la Pole, Monsir Johan de Pulteneye. | 14. Also, to speak to the merchants about the loan for Brussels, my lords the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Lincoln, the treasurer, Sir Geoffrey Scrope, Sir William de la Pole and Sir John Pulteney. |
| 15. Item, de parler od les marchaundz d'Engleterre, mes seignurs l'ercevesqe de Cantirburs, le tresorer, Monsir Geffrai Lescrop. | 15. Also, to speak to the merchants of England, my lords the archbishop of Canterbury, the treasurer and Sir Geoffrey Scrope. |
| 16. Item, de parler as priours aliens, mes seignurs l'evesqe de Cicestr', le seignur de Wake, le tresorer, Monsir Johan de Stonore, Monsir Robert de Sadyngton'. | 16. Also, to speak to the alien priors, my lords the bishop of Chichester, Lord Wake, the treasurer, Sir John Stonor and Sir Robert Sadington. |
| 17. Item, de parler de la garde de les marches d'Escoce, mes seignurs les evesqes de Duresme et de Kardoill, le counte de Anegos, le sire de Percy, Monsir Rauf de Nevill, Monsir Antoigne de Lucy, Monsir Wauter de Creyk, Monsir William de Felton, Monsir Johan Destryvelyn et Monsir Thomas de Rokeby. | 17. Also, to speak about the safekeeping of the Scottish marches, my lords the bishops of Durham and Carlisle, the earl of Angus, Lord Percy, Sir Ralph Nevill, Sir Anthony Lucy, Sir Walter Creyk, Sir William Felton, Sir John Stirling and Sir Thomas Rokeby. |
| 18. Item, de parler des busoignes de Gascoigne, mes sires l'ercevesqe de Cantirburs, l'evesqe de Nicole, le tresorer et Monsir Geffrai Lescrop. | 18. Also, to speak about the business of Gascony, my lords the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Lincoln, the treasurer and Sir Geoffrey Scrope. |
| [memb. 2] | |
| 19. Item, de la garde des Isles, et de cousters de meer, mes sires les evesqes de Londres, de Cicestr' et de Sarum, les countes de Garenne, d'Arundel et de Huntyngdon, Monsir Robert de Bousser et Monsir Constantyn de Mortymer. Et pur les isles de Jereseye et Gereseye, appellez a eux Monsir Thomas de Ferers. | 19. Also, concerning the safekeeping of the Channel Islands and the coasts of the sea, my lords the bishops of London, Chichester and Salisbury, the earls of Warenne, Arundel and Huntingdon, Sir Robert Bousser and Sir Constantine Mortimer, and (for the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey) consulting with Sir Thomas Ferrers. |
| 20. Item, de la garde de la pees de la terre et de l'asseurance de covenantes entre le roi et le duk de Brabant, soit parlez en la presence du roi. | 20. Also, the keeping of the peace of the land and the guarantee of the contracts between the king and the duke of Brabant shall be discussed in the presence of the king. |
| 21. Item, de la monoie soit parlez as communes de la terre. | 21. Also, the currency shall be discussed with the commons of the land. |
| Item, fait aremembrer qe les evesque de Londres, de Cestr', de Cicestr' et de Norwice, les countes d'Arundel et de Huntyngdon, le sire de Wake, le sire de Berkele, Monsir Nicol de Cantelu, Monsir Richard de Wylughby, Monsir Johan de Stonore, Monsir William de Shareshull et Monsir William Scot, appellez a eux autres du conseil qant miester serra, soient assignez de oier et trier les peticions d'Engleterre. |
[Triers of petitions.] Also, let it be remembered that the bishops of London, Chester, Chichester and Norwich, the earls of Arundel and Huntingdon, Lord Wake, Lord Berkeley, Sir Nicholas Cantelupe, Sir Richard Willoughby, Sir John Stonor, Sir William Shareshull and Sir William Scot shall be assigned to hear and try the petitions of England, consulting with others of the council when necessary. |
| Item, qe les evesqes de Duresme, Ely et de Sarum, le counte de Norht', Monsir Rauf Basset de Drayton', [p. ii-114][col. a] Monsir Roger de Grey, le sire de Wylughby, Monsir Antoigne de Lucy, Monsir Robert de Sadyngton, Monsir Johan Inge, Monsir Johan de Shardelow, Meistre Johan de Hildesley, Monsir Johan de Sordiche et Monsir Robert de Scardeburgh, appellez a eux autres du conseil quant mester serra, pur oier et trier les peticions de Gascoigne, Gales, Irland et Escoce. | Also, that the bishops of Durham, Ely and Salisbury, the earl of Northampton, Sir Ralph Basset of Drayton, [p. ii-114][col. a] Sir Roger Grey, Lord Willoughby, Sir Anthony Lucy, Sir Robert Sadington, Sir John Inge, Sir John Shardlow, Master John Hildesley, Sir John Shorditch and Sir Robert Scarborough shall be assigned to hear and try the petitions from Gascony, Wales, Ireland and Scotland, consulting with others of the council when necessary. |
| 22. Item, pur oier les acountes de Sire William de la Pole, Johan Charnels, Maistre Paul de Monte Flore et de touz autres qe ont resceu les deniers le roi, leyns et autres biens, et de faire ent finale issue selonc ley et reson, selonc ce qe nature d'acounte demande, sont assignez les souzescriptz; c'estassavoir, l'ercevesqe de Canterburs, les evesqes de Duresme et de Cestr', les countes de Derby, de Arundel et de Huntyndon', le seignur de Wake, Monsir Rauf Basset de Drayton', le tresorer et Monsir Robert de Sadyngton, neof, < oyt, > sept, sys, cynk ou quatre de eux. |
[The king's financiers.] 22. Also, those named below shall be assigned to hear the accounts of Sir William de la Pole, John Charnels, Master Paul Monteflour and of all others who have received the king's money, wool and other goods, and to make final issue according to law and reason, as nature demands of account; that is to say, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Durham and Chester, the earls of Derby, Arundel and Huntingdon, Lord Wake, Sir Ralph Basset of Drayton, the treasurer and Sir Robert Sadington, nine, eight, seven, six, five or four of them. |
| 23. Et fait a remembrer qe Monsir William de la Pole fu fait venir devant le graunt counseil, le meskerdy proschein apres la feste de Seint Ambros, et fu dit a lui qe le roi et les grauntz piers de la terre, et autres pur le communes, volent estre apris coment les biens queux le dit William ad receu al oeps nostre sire le roi, auxibien pardecea la meer come pardela, sont devenuz. Et le dit William respondi q'il serroit prest de respoundre quant et ou il deveroit. Par quoi jour lui est donez a la quinzeine de Pask proschein avenir, et sur ce trova il meinprise par mes seignurs le counte de Derby et le seignur de Wake d'atendre l'acounte. | 23. And let it be remembered that Sir William de la Pole was made to appear before the great council on the Wednesday immediately following the feast of Saint Ambrose, and he was told that the king and the great peers of the land, and others for the commonalty, wished to know what had become of the goods which the said William received to the use of our lord the king, over here as well as overseas. And the said William responded that he was not prepared to answer until he had to. Wherefore he was appointed a day on the quinzaine of Easter next coming, and thereon he found mainprise by my lords the earl of Derby and Lord Wake, to await the account. |
| 24. Item, Sire Johan Charnels ad mesme le jour et lieu, par la meynprise du dit counte et de Monsir Johan de Montgomery, a respoundre en mesme la manere des biens par lui resceux. | 24. Also, Sir John Charnels has to answer on the same day and place in the same manner, by the mainprise of the said earl and of Sir John Montgomery, concerning the goods received by him. |
| 25. Item, Piers Byne, pur lui et les autres marchandz de Bard' ad mesme le jour et lieu, par la meynprise del counte de Huntyngdon'. | 25. Also, Peter Bini, for himself and the other merchants of Bardi, has to answer on the same day and place, by the mainprise of the earl of Huntingdon. |
| Item, Monsir Johan Darcy ad empris, corps pur corps, d'avoir Maistre Paul de Monte Flore devant le counseil, le samady la veille des Palmes, pur trover seurte d'attendre l'acounte as ditz jour et lieu des biens par cestui Paul resceux. | Also, Sir John Darcy has undertaken, body for body, to bring Master Paul Monteflour before the council on the Saturday of the vigil of Palm Sunday to find security to await the account on the said day and place concerning goods received by the same Paul. |
| 26. Item, William de Melcheburn' ad jour d'acounter a la dit quinzeine, al dit lieu, par meynprise de Monsir Johan Sturmy et de Sire Johan Charnels, en la manere susdit. | 26. Also, William Melchbourn has a day to render account on the said quinzaine, at the said place, by mainprise of Sir John Sturmy and Sir John Charnels, in the aforesaid manner. |
| 27. Item, fait aremember qe Maistre Paul de Mounte Flore revynt le dit samady par la meynpris susdit, et trova Monsir Johan de Hardeshull, Monsir Johan Darcy, Monsir Reinald de Cobham et Monsir Johan de Stryvelyn, qe ont empris pur le dit Maistre Paul d'aver lui a l'eschekier a la dite quinzeine de la Pask proschein avenir, d'acounter come desus est dit, c'estassavoir chescun de eux corps pur corps. | 27. Also, let it be remembered that Master Paul Monteflour returned on the said Saturday by the aforesaid mainprise and found Sir John Hardreshull, Sir John Darcy, Sir Reginald Cobham and Sir John Stirling, who have undertaken on behalf of the said Master Paul to bring him to the exchequer at the said quinzaine of Easter next coming, to render account as is aforesaid, that is to say, each of them body for body. |
| 28. Item, pur ce qe le grosses busoignes tretees en ceo parlement ne purront estre parfaites avant la feste de Paske qe aproche si pres, si est assentuz par nostre seignur le roi, et par les grauntz, de continuer ceo parlement tanqe al merkerdy en la symaigne de Pask; par qoi le roi comand qe nule prelat, counte, baroun n'autre graunt du counseil ne chivalers de countiez, citeyns ne burgeys qe sont venuz a ce parlement ne se esloignent avant le dit jour, si q'il n'en purra estre a [col. b] mesme le jour a deliverer les busoignes le roi et des communes, qe demorent unqore a exploiter. Et qe ceux qe voudrent suyre lour peticions, qe ne sont pas unqore responduz en certeyn, y soient au dit jour, et ils y serront oietz et duement responduz. |
[Prorogation of parliament.] 28. Also, because the important business dealt with in this parliament could not be completed before the impending feast of Easter, it was agreed by our lord the king and the great men to continue this parliament until the Wednesday in Easter week; wherefore the king commands that no prelate, earl, baron or other great man of the council, or the knights of the shires, citizens or burgesses who have come to this parliament shall leave before the said day, lest he not be there on [col. b] the same day to expedite the business of the king and of the commonalty which still remains to be completed. And that those who will pursue their petitions, which have not yet been properly answered, shall be there on the said day, and they will be heard there and duly answered. |
| 29. Et fait a remembrer qe les souzescriptz sont assignez de seer sur les peticions coram rege; c'estassavoir, l'evesqe de Cestr', le counte de Huntyngdon', Monsir Thomas Wake de Lidel, Monsir Johan de Stonore, Monsir William de Shareshull, Monsir Johan de Shardelowe, Monsir Richard de Wylughby, Robert Parvyng et associez a eux les chaunceller et tresorer quant busoigne serra. | 29. And let it be remembered that those named below are assigned to sit in judgment on the petitions 'before the king'; that is to say, the bishop of Chester, the earl of Huntingdon, Sir Thomas Wake of Liddel, Sir John Stonor, Sir William Shareshull, Sir John Shardlow, Sir Richard Willoughby and Robert Parving, consulting with the chancellor and treasurer when necessary. |
| 30. Et fait aremembrer qe ala requeste nostre seignur le roi, les prelatz promettent loialement et en bone foi qe le grant et la promesse qe nostre sire le roi ad faite as grauntz et communes, et autres de son roialme, touchantz la custume des leyns, qe eux le tendront tant come en eux est, et exciteront le roi et le procuront de les tenir. Et poynt ne assenteront a rien qe soit au contrair des ditz grantes et promesses, si ceo ne soit par commune assent des prelatz, countes, barouns et des communes; et ce en pleyn parlement. | 30. And let it be remembered that, at the request of our lord the king, the prelates promise loyally and in good faith that they will uphold the grant and promise which our lord the king has made to the great men and commons, and others of his realm, concerning the wool custom, as well as they can, and will encourage and persuade the king to uphold it. And they will not agree to anything which is contrary to the said grants and promises, except by common assent of the prelates, earls, barons and commons, and this in full parliament. |
| 31. Fait aremembrer de repeller la commission faite a Sire Robert de Wateford del office d'estre opposour de l'eschekier. (fn. ii-112-72-1) | 31. Let it be remembered to repeal the commission made to Sir Robert Watford of the office of apposer of the exchequer. (fn. ii-112-72-1) |
| 32. Item, fait a remembrer de doner respit as priours de Seint Dynis pres de Suthampton et de Suthwyk de lour dismes, tanqe a la quinzeine de Seint Michel proschein avenir. (fn. ii-112-74-1) | 32. Also, let it be remembered to give respite to the priors of Saint Denis of Southampton and Southwick from their tenths, until the quinzaine of Michaelmas next coming. (fn. ii-112-74-1) |
| 33. Item, de fair commission a Monsir Robert de Popham d'estre viscounte de Suthampton a la volente du roi. (fn. ii-112-76-1) | 33. Also, to make a commission to Sir Robert Popham to be the sheriff of Hampshire at the king's pleasure. (fn. ii-112-76-1) |
| 34. Fait aremembrer q'il est assentuz et acordez par prelatz, countes, barouns et autres grauntz qe a quele heure qe nostre sire le roi vendra par dela, et purra prendre et avoir bone pees et covenable par assent de ses alliez, et de son counseil q'il avera illoeqes, pur lui et pur les seons, q'il la preigne selonc l'estat des busoignes qe il trovera illoeqes; eant regard a les poyntz avant acordez, si meutz ne poet estre. | 34. Let it be remembered that it is agreed and accorded by the prelates, earls, barons and other great men that when our lord the king goes overseas, and has the opportunity to obtain a good and suitable peace with the assent of his allies and of the council which he has there, for himself and his people, that he shall take it according to the state of affairs which he finds there, considering the points agreed above, if it cannot be bettered. |
| 35. Item, il est assentuz qe pur le bon service qe le marchis de Julers ad fait a nostre sire le roi einz ces heures, et fait de jour en autre, et pur le bone service q'il lui purra faire desore, le roi lui face counte de Cantebrigge. Et qe les .dc.li. queux il preint sur les custumes le roi a terme de sa vie, du graunt le roi, q'il les eit a lui et a ses heires a touz jours: et qe outre ceux .dc.li. le roi lui doigne et graunte .cccc.li. aprendre sur mesmes les custumes, al dit markys et a ses heires a touz jours; issint q'il eit en tut .m.li. a lui et a ses heires, tanqe le roi lui eit purveu .m. livree de terre. (fn. ii-112-80-1) |
[Earl of Cambridge.] 35. Also, it is agreed that for the good service which the marquis of Juliers has given our lord the king before this time, and gives from day to day, and for the good service which he might give him in the future, the king shall make him earl of Cambridge. And that the £600 which he takes on the king's customs for the term of his life of the king's grant, he shall have for himself and his heirs forever; and in addition to the £600, the king gives and grants him £400 to be taken on the same customs, to the said marquis and his heirs forever, so that he shall have £1,000 in all for himself and his heirs, until the king provides him with land to the value of £1,000. (fn. ii-112-80-1) |
| 36. Item, il est assentuz et acordez qe monsir le duk de Cornewaill soit gardeyn d'Engleterre en absence de nostre sire le roi; et qe l'ercevesqe de Cantirbirs, les contes de Lancastre et de Garenne et de Huntyngdon' soient entendantz a lui, et preignent a eux les justices et autres sages du roialme queux ils verront qe soit affaire. (fn. ii-112-82-1) |
[Keeper of England.] 36. Also, it is agreed and accorded that my lord the duke of Cornwall shall be keeper of England in the absence of our lord the king; and the archbishop of Canterbury, the earls or Lancaster, Warenne and Huntingdon shall attend him, and they shall consult with the justices and other wise men of the realm when they see what is to be done. (fn. ii-112-82-1) |
| [p. ii-115] | |
| [col. a] | |
| 37. Item, de faire briefs as tresorer, barouns et chaumberleyns de faire paiement ou covenable assignement as marchandz de Barton' et de Lenne,des soummes des deniers qe lour sont duz, par reson des acatz et purveances et cariages des vittailes pur les garnistures de Berewyk, Edenburgh' et Stryvelyn; queux ils empristerent de y faire venir a lour coustages, come piert plus pleynement par endenture faite souz le seal monsir le duk tanqe come il estoit gardeyn d'Engleterre. (fn. ii-112-84-1) |
[Merchants.] 37. Also, to make writs to the treasurer, barons and chamberlains for making payment or suitable assignment to the merchants of Barton and Lynn of the sums of money which are due to them because of the purchases, purveyances and carriage of victuals for the provisioning of Berwick, Edinburgh and Stirling, which they have undertaken to do at their own cost, as more fully appears by indenture made under the seal of my lord the duke when he was keeper of England. (fn. ii-112-84-1) |
| 38. Item, il est assentuz qe touz les marchandz denizeyns, qi feurent somons d'estre a Westmonstier le lundy proscheyn apres le dymaigne en my quarresme, soient mandez par brief de y estre lendemeyne de l'ascension proscheyn avenir, pur la cause continue en la primer brief, et par autres. (fn. ii-112-86-1) | 38. Also, it is agreed that all the denizen merchants who were summoned to be at Westminster on the Monday immediately following the Sunday in mid-Lent shall be commanded by writ to be there on the morrow of the Ascension next coming, for the reason contained in the first writ and for other reasons. (fn. ii-112-86-1) |
| 39. Item, de faire lettres de pardoun souz le graunt seal a Monsir Robert Jorce, de totes maneres des dettes, auxibien de ses auncestres, come des seons propres. (fn. ii-112-88-1) | 39. Also, to make letters of pardon under the great seal for Sir Robert Jorce of all manner of debts, his ancestors' as well as his own. (fn. ii-112-88-1) |
| Item, est assentu qe lettres de pardoun soient faites pur les souzescriptz, c'estasavoir: |
[Pardons.] Also, it is agreed that letters of pardon shall be made for those named below, that is to say: |
| Pur William de Orlaston, de quaraunt et cynk livres qe sont demandez de lui pur les arrirages de son acount, du tenps q'il estoit viscount de Kent. (fn. ii-112-90-1) |
[Pardons.] For William Orlaston, of £45 which is demanded from him for the arrears of his account when he was sheriff of Kent. (fn. ii-112-90-1) |
| Item, pur Piers Tylyol, de totes maneres des dettes, auxibien de ses dettes propres come de les dettes de ses auncestres; et auxi acountes et arrirages de acountes par quecunqe cause dues tanqe au comencement del an nostre seignur le roi septisme. (fn. ii-112-91-1) |
[Pardons.] Also, for Peter Tiliol, of all manner of debts, his own debts as well as the debts of his ancestors, and also for accounts and arrears of accounts due for any reason whatsoever up to the beginning of the seventh year of our lord the king. (fn. ii-112-91-1) |
| Item, pur Simon de Ruggeley de totes maneres des dettes, auxibien de ses dettes propres come de les dettes ses auncestres qecunqes, et auxi acountes et arrirages de acountes du tenps q'il estoit viscount de countees de Salop' et Staff'. (fn. ii-112-92-1) |
[Pardons.] Also, for Simon Ruggeley, of all manner of debts, his own debts as well as the debts of any of his ancestors whatsoever, and also for accounts and arrears of accounts when he was sheriff of the counties of Shropshire and Staffordshire. (fn. ii-112-92-1) |
| 40. Item, pur Thomas de Brokhull, pur trent et deux toneux de pomadre, des queux il est charge sur son acounte du tenps qu'il estoit assigne de faire divers purveances al oeps le roi en le countee de Kent. (fn. ii-112-94-1) |
[Pardons.] 40. Also, for Thomas Brokhull, of 32 tuns of cider, of which he is charged on his account when he was assigned to make various purveyances to the use of the king in the county of Kent. (fn. ii-112-94-1) |
| [memb. 1] | |
| 41. Pur l'arrai d'Escoce. | 41. For the array of Scotland. |
| 42. Le seignur de Moubray avera la garde de Berewyk, (fn. ii-112-99-1) et y avera .vi. .xx. hommes d'armes, .c. hobelours, .cc. archiers; dount il trovera meismes .lx. hommes d'armes, .xx. hobelours, .xl. archiers, et le roi le remenaunt; des queux les .xl. hommes d'armes chivaucheront od les seignurs en la marche quant ils vourront. | 42. Lord Mowbray will have the safekeeping of Berwick, (fn. ii-112-99-1) and he will have there 120 men-at-arms, 100 hobelars and 200 archers, of which he will find 60 men-at-arms, 20 hobelars and 40 archers and the king will find the remainder; 40 of which men-at-arms will ride with the lords in the march when they wish. |
| 43. Le seignur de Clyfford .xx. hommes d'armes, .xx. archiers. | 43. Lord Clifford, 20 men-at-arms, 20 archers. |
| 44. Monsir William de Felton se charge de .lx. hommes d'armes, .l. hobelours, .l. archiers, a chivaucher od les seignurs en la marche. Et pur la gard du chastell de Rokesburgh' q'est en sa gard, de .xxxvi. hommes d'armes, .xl. hobelours. | 44. Sir William Felton shall find 60 men-at-arms, 50 hobelars and 50 archers to ride with the lords in the march. And for the safekeeping of the castle of Roxburgh which is in his keeping, 36 men-at-arms and 40 hobelars. |
| 45. Le roi d'Escoce se chargera de vynt hommes d'armes, et pur meuth meyntener son estat, avera la [col. b] garde del manoir de Hextildesham od les appurtenances, q'est de l'ercevesqe d'Everwyk durant la vacacion de mesmes l'ercevesqee. Et soit son gree faite de .ccc.li. dont il ad tailles par voie d'assignement aillours sur la disme biennale en la diocese d'Everwyk. | 45. The king of Scotland shall find 20 men-at-arms, and the better to maintain his estate, he will have the [col. b] keeping of the manor of Hexham with the appurtenances, which belongs to the archbishop of York, during the vacancy of the same archbishopric. And he shall be paid £300 for which he has tallies by way of assignment elsewhere on the biennial tenth in the diocese of York. |
| 46. Soit fait commission a monsir de Moubray de la garde de Berewyk, (fn. ii-112-109-1) et mandementz tielx come a lui busoigneront. | 46. A commission shall be made to Lord Mowbray for the safekeeping of Berwick, (fn. ii-112-109-1) and orders such as he will need. |
| 47. Et fait a remembrer, qe le seignur de Moubray serra servy de .c. livres avant mayn, pur lui apparaler; et enverra tantost de cy Monsir Johan de Leyburne, et Monsir Roger de Weston', [od] ascunes des ses gentz d'armes a Berewyk, pur entrer la ville, pur la salve garde de ycel. Et il mesmes y vendra tost apres. | 47. And let it be remembered that Lord Mowbray will be provided with £100 in advance for arming himself; and he will presently send Sir John Leyburn and Sir Roger Weston from here with some of his men-at-arms to Berwick, to enter the town for the safekeeping of the same. And he himself will arrive there soon afterwards. |
| 48. Item, soit fait une commission au dit seignur le Moubray de la justicierie de Leuthian, et briefs a Monsir Richard Talebot, de liverer a lui roulles remembrances touchantz cel office. (fn. ii-112-113-1) | 48. Also, a commission shall be made to the said Lord Mowbray concerning the justiciarship of Lothian, and writs to Sir Richard Talbot for delivering to him the remembrance rolls touching this office. (fn. ii-112-113-1) |
| 49. Monsir Thomas de Rokeby, qi est ordeigne sur la garde des chastelx de Edenburgh et Stryvelyn, se chargera en tenps de pees de .c. hommes d'armes; des queux cynk serront chivalers, et .vi. .xx. archiers. Et en tenps de guerre, .vij. .xx. hommes d'armes, des queux cynk serront chivalers, et .viij. .xx. archiers as chivaux, a tiel qe les grauntz lui tiegnent covenances du paiement de ses gages. | 49. Sir Thomas Rokeby, who is ordained the safekeeping of the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, in times of peace will find 100 men-at-arms, 5 of whom will be knights, and 120 archers. And in times of war he will find 140 men-at-arms, 5 of whom will be knights, and 160 mounted archers, provided that the great men keep faith with him concerning the payment of his wages. |
| 50. Item, soit commission faite a Sire Johan Burdon', parsone de l'esglise de Roubury, d'estre chaumberleyn de Berewyk, a la volunte du roi, prenaunt pur son fee .c. mars par an. Et est acorde qe Robert de Tughale, qe soleit avoir les deux offices, c'estassavoir d'estre chaumberleyn et vitailler, parnaunt .c.li. par an pur son fee de ambedeux, demoerge vitailler et prenge desore pur son fee .l. mars. (fn. ii-112-117-1) | 50. Also, a commission shall be made to Sir John Burdon, parson of the church of Rothbury, to be the chamberlain of Berwick at the king's pleasure, taking for his fee 100 marks a year. And it is agreed that Robert Tughale, who used to have the two offices, that is to say, chamberlain and victualler, taking £100 yearly for his fee for both, shall remain the victualler and henceforth take 50 marks for his fee. (fn. ii-112-117-1) |
| 51. Soit ordeigne qe tut homme de poer et de devoer soit prest, sur certeyn garnissement, d'aler vers la marche quant miestier serra, pur la defense d'icele, et pur la salvacion de la terre: et qe punissement soit ordeigne sur touz ceux qe < ne > le voudront pas estre. (fn. ii-112-119-1) | 51. It shall be ordained that all men of power and responsibility shall be prepared, upon a certain warning, to go to the march when necessary, for the defence of the same and for the salvation of the land; and that punishment shall be ordained on all those who will not be there. (fn. ii-112-119-1) |
| 52. Item, soit ordine qe nulles vitailles soient cariez par mier hors d'Engleterre a les enemys d'Escoce. (fn. ii-112-121-1) | 52. Also, it shall be ordained that no victuals shall be exported out of England by sea to the Scottish enemies. (fn. ii-112-121-1) |
| 53. Item, acorde est qe commission soit faite au counte d'Anegos, Monsir Henry de Percy et Monsir Rauf de Nevill, ou a deux de eux, de trier, arraier et mener touz les gentz suffisantz des countez d'Everwyk, Notyngh', Derby et Northumbr', par eux ou lour deputez, en eide de la savete de la northmarche et de la guerre d'Escoce, et de punir et chastier touz y ceux queux ils troveront rebeals et desobeisantz, selonc la poair fait devant ces heures. Et auxi, de oier et terminer touz les trespas faites en le dit countee de Northumbr', et deinz les terres nostre sire le roi es parties d'Escoce. Et de receiver a la pees nostre dit sir le roi totes maneres des gentz, et de les pardoner tote manere des trespasses faites par eux devant. Et q'ils eient poiar de tretir et prendre une trewe, et de le affermer. Et [p. ii-116][col. a] soit motez en la commission une punissement des touz ceux qe ne voillent mye venir en salvacion de la dite marche. | 53. Also, it is agreed that a commission shall be made to the earl of Angus, Sir Henry Percy and Sir Ralph Nevill, or to two of them, to select, array and bring all the sufficient men of the counties of Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire and Northumberland, by them or their deputies, in aid of the safety of the north march and of the war of Scotland, and to punish and rebuke all those whom they find to be rebellious and disobedient, according to the power previously granted. And also, to hear and determine all the trespasses committed in the said county of Northumberland, and in the lands of our lord the king in parts of Scotland. And to receive all manner of people at the peace of our said lord the king, and to pardon them all manner of trespasses previously committed by them. And they shall have power to negotiate and accept a truce and to affirm it. And [p. ii-116][col. a] a punishment shall be contained in the said commission for all those who will not come to protect the said march. |
| 54. Item, soit faite au tiel commission au seignur le Wake, Monsir Piers Tyliol, et Monsir Antoigne de Lucy, pur les gentz del westmarche, ou deux de eux, si qe Antoign soit un. (fn. ii-112-125-1) | 54. Also, a similar commission shall be made to Lord Wake, Sir Peter Tiliol and Sir Anthony Lucy, or to two of them provided that Anthony is one, for the people of the west march. (fn. ii-112-125-1) |
| 55. Fait a remembrer q'il est acordez par nostre sire le roi et son counseil qe monsir le duk de Cornewaill' soit gardeyn de la terre d'Engleterre en absence de nostre sire le roi; et qe monsir l'ercevesqe de Cantirbirs et le counte de Huntyngdon' soient deputez [col. b] par especial commission d'estre ses chiefs counseillers, de mener les grosses busoignes du roialme, et autres touchantz le governement du roialme, et l'exploit des busoignes touchantz a nostre sire le roi, auxibien par decea come par aillours. |
[Keeper of England.] 55. Let it be remembered that it was agreed by our lord the king and his council that my lord the duke of Cornwall shall be keeper of the land of England in the absence of our lord the king; and that my lord the archbishop of Canterbury and the earl of Huntingdon shall be appointed [col. b] by special commission to be his chief councillors, to carry out the important affairs of the realm, and other things touching the government of the realm, and the accomplishment of the business touching our lord the king, here as well as elsewhere. (fn. ii-112-127-1) |
| 56. Item, assentuz est sur le passage nostre sire le roi, qe l'evesqe de Nicole aille od nostre sire le roi es parties de dela, par cause de counseiller. | 56. Also, concerning the journey of our lord the king, it was agreed that the bishop of Lincoln shall accompany our lord the king overseas in order to counsel him. |
| 57. Item, est acordez qe home face treter victuales devers Sutht', et Sandwice, pur refrescher la flote. | 57. Also, it is agreed that someone shall cause victuals to be brought to Southampton and Sandwich to sustain the fleet. |
Appendix March-May 1340
1
Transcription of common petitions made in the Lent parliament of 1340, found in the cartulary of Winchester Cathedral. The original has been published several times: the most recent and most definitive version is that of Harriss, whose numbering system for the individual articles is employed below for ease of reference. What follows is a complete translation, representing a collation and adaptation of the existing translations by Wilkinson and Sayles. The preamble, which is in Latin, may in part represent the (presumably French) preamble to the original schedule of petitions (not found on the parliament roll), but is also in part (or in whole) a later explanatory note provided by the clerk responsible for preserving the transcript and/or copying it into the Winchester cartulary. The remainder of the text is in French.
[Preamble] These were the articles and petitions of the commonalty of the kingdom of England to the Lord King Edward III, in the fourteenth year of his reign in the aforesaid kingdom and the first year of his reign in the kingdom of France. They were presented and proposed in full parliament at Westminster on the Wednesday after the first Sunday of Lent [8 March 1340]. From these, the lord Edward expressly conceded and enacted certain articles in the preceding process with the assent of the prelates, earls, barons and commonalty.
[Article 1] First, the said commonalty prays that holy church may keep her franchises in all points. And if any extortion or grievance or any other wrong be done against the franchises of the holy church, that it be redressed bu parliament at the suit of any who wishes to make reasonable complaint. The Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest and all other statutes enacted up to the present shall be upheld in all points that may be amended at this parliament.
[Article 2] Also, divers tallages have been granted to our lord the king in the past, by which the commonalty of his land are so greatly impoverished that they can scarcely live, which goods have largely failed to reach the lord king, to the great impediment of the king and of his business. Therefore the said commonalty begs that it be enquired, by discussion in his good council, where the said goods have gone, and loyal account be rendered for them, so that the king can be served with profit for himself and relief of his people; and such punishment [can] be made wherever the evil shall be found, whether amongst the merchants or collectors, and other ministers great and small, whatever their status, who have had to do with the said goods since the tenth year of the reign; and so that the punishment which shall be made may be an example in the future. No acquittance shall be made to any of them. And if any be made before this time, then the triennial tax and the wool which were granted to our lord the king since his departure overseas shall be repealed and held for nought. And execution of all the above points shall be made and overseen by certain of the magnates chosen and appointed in this parliament by all the magnates of the commonalty. Those who are chargeable with this account shall not hold any office until the account has been rendered.
[Article 3] Also the said commonalty begs that all manner of revenues, including taxes, great customs, marriages, escheats and all other kinds of revenues arising from the kingdom be reserved to the people; no part of it is to be assigned elsewhere during his war, to his great assistance and to the relief of his people; and certain peers of the land shall be ordained in this parliament to watch over these things and to ordain, receive and deliver them for the use of the king and for the defence of his land, and especially concerning what will now be granted by the commonalty in this parliament, for the said commonalty cannot in future support such charges. All the great business of the land shall be ordained, tried, judged and despatched by the said peers, and by no-one else, calling to them judges and others when they please. No part of the aids granted to our lord the king shall be given, assigned or in any way granted save by ordinance of the peers, as they will answer in full parliament.
[Article 4] Also the said commonalty begs that between now and the next parliament, writs should be sent to all the sheriffs of England to enquire by ancient remembrance which lands, which are nether escheats not purchases of the king, have been given, sold or alienated from the crown, within the limits of memory since the day of king Edward the grandfather [of the present king], so that, in the next parliament, the gifts and sales made during this period shall be judged and tried by parliament and the laws which are not reasonable may be repealed forever and the lands reseised into the king's hands, so that the king will be able to live without laying charges on his people.
[Article 5] Also the said commonalty begs that, as our lord the king is and has been ever ready to do everything that his good council will ordain, without regard to the strain upon his health or any other inconvenience, such people shall be appointed to counsel him and to govern his realm as are good and loyal men of the land and no other, to be elected in this present parliament, and from parliament to parliament, and they shall watch over and govern the business of the land as is stated above, in such manner that they will be willing to reply in full parliament thereon. Thus the said peers or some of them, or those who are appointed by their common consent to answer, can continually supervise the business of the king and of the realm in the above manner; so that where judgments which are pending in any of the court by reason of difficulty or error of the justices, the case and the rolls shall be brought, together with the judges of the court, before the said peers and the difficulties resolved. That which is not disposed of before them shall be completed in the next full parliament by the assent of parliament, so that the parties who plead shall not be delayed or indeed disinherited by the plea or by differing opinions of the judges. The said peers shall have full power whenever they are in session in the above manner to call to account all the ministers of the king, justices, barons and clerks of the exchequer and clerks of the chancery and all other ministers, concerning their conduct, both at the suit of the said party and at the suit of the king, by inquisition taken before them, so that any who are attainted of any offence or have taken any illegal payment for discharging their office shall be duly punished by the judgment of the said peers; and the business which is not completed before them shall be completed at the next parliament. And let it be ordained by parliament that such ministers have sufficient fees from the king so that they cannot on this account excuse themselves for taking anything to the hurt of the people. No-one who is chief justice of the king's court shall be assigned as justice to take assizes in the country, nor shall have power by letters patent except in his own chief court; evil would come of this since he would not be willing to reverse his own judgments. All the justices, clerks of the chancery, barons of the exchequer and all other ministers of all courts shall be sworn to do right to all without delay and without taking anything from the parties for discharging their office; and this oath shall be taken before the peers of the land and a pronouncement shall be decreed in parliament against those who shall be found guilty of such offence. No process of pleading shall be discontinued in any court through default of a letter or of a syllable; no petition shall be granted against the ancient law of the land except bu judgment of the said peers; and no grant shall be made in future that is termed 'non obstante'.
Sources : Winchester, Dean and Chapter Muniments, Cartulary; The Chartulary of Winchester Cathedral, ed. A.W. Goodman (Winchester, 1927), 131-3; B. Wilkinson, Constitutional History of Medieval England 1216-1399 , 3 vols. (London, 1952), II.194-7; G.L. Harriss, 'The commons' petitions of 1340', EHR 88 (1963), 625, n. 1; G.L. Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369 (Oxford, 1975), 518-20; G.O. Sayles, The Functions of the Medieval Parliament of England (London, 1988), 432-4.
2
Petition of the prior and canons of St Denis, Southampton, for remission of tenths and of other charges, as a result of the destruction of their property by the king's enemies. Endorsed with a note that the tenths should be remitted; as to the finding of men at arms and archers, this awaits the response to the common petition'. Although the petition might date from the parliament of January-February 1340, where a memorandum was made on the roll to allow such a respite of taxes (parliament of January-February 1340, item 45), the reference to a common petition on the manner of the levy of armed men and archers makes it more likely that this document was brought before the council in the parliament of March-May 1340, on the roll of which there is a similar memorandum for respite of tenths and where the levy of armed men and archers was a major issue of discussion (item 32). The writ granting the respite is dated 28 April 1340 and warranted 'by council in parliament'.
Sources : SC 8/142/7079; CCR 1339-41 , 402. See also CCR 1339-41 , 477-8.
3
Petition of Henry of Lancaster, earl of Derby, resulting in chancery instrument dated 8 April 1340 and warranted 'by petition of council'.
Sources : SC 8/58/2860; CCR 1339-41 , 379.
4
Petition of John Grandisson, bishop of Exeter, appealing against a plea brought by the crown under a writ of quare impedit against the bishop and others concerning the benefice of Menhenist; the statute made in the previous parliament specified that no bishop is bound to answer to a general impediment under quare impedit when he claims nothing in an advowson except as ordinary of the place. Endorsed: 'devaunt le roi et soun grand counseil', with a record of the decision by the great council that a writ be sent under the great seal to the justices to inquire into the matter. The resulting chancery instrument, dated 20 May 1340 and specifying that the petition was made in parliament, is warranted 'by petition of council'.
Sources : SC 8/155/7747; CCR 1339-41 , 401; 14 Edw III st. 4 c. 2 ( SR , I.293).
5
Petition of Geoffrey, son of William de Staunton, whose endorsement, together with the resulting chancery writ of 22 May 1340 to the justices of the court of common pleas (found on the close roll, where warranted 'by petition of parliament') and recited on the parliament roll of July 1340 (item 31).
Sources : SC 8/12/592; SCCKB , VI.3; CCR 1339-41 , 408-9.
6
Petition (not extant) of the commonalty and city of London resulting in a chancery instrument dated 10 April 1340 and warranted 'by petition of council'.
Source : CCR 1339-41 , 381.
7
Petition (not extant) of John de Hughteston resulting in a chancery instrument dated 1 April 1340 and warranted 'by petition of council'.
Source : CCR 1339-41 , 461.
8
Petition (not extant) of the prior of Southwick, near Portsmouth, resulting in a chancery instrument dated 28 April 1340 and warranted 'by council in parliament'.
Source : CCR 1339-41 , 479.
9
Instruments relating to the king's grants to the earl of Northampton dated 18 April 1340 and warranted 'by king and the whole council in parliament'; there is no mention of such discussion and decisions on the parliament roll itself.
Source : CPR 1338-40 , 460.
10
Pardon of debts to Thomas Wake of Liddel dated 28 April 1340 and warranted 'by king and council in parliament'. There is no evidence of this transaction on the parliament roll itself, where Wake's name appears a number of times.
Source : CPR 1338-40 , 471.
11
Grant to Geoffrey Scrope of 200 marks a year, dated 3 May 1340 and warranted 'by king and council in parliament'. There is no mention of the grant on the parliament roll itself, where Scrope appears a number of times.
Source : CPR 1338-40 , 478
12
Petition (not extant) of 'divers men' of Northumberland resulting in a commission of oyer and terminer dated 8 May 1340 and warranted 'by council in parliament'.
Source : CPR 1338-40 , 555.
13
Confirmation of various grants, including the right to the manor of Burstwick, in favour of William de la Pole, made 'with the assent of the prelates, earls, barons and commonalty of the realm of England in the present parliament at Westminster', dated 20 April 1340 and warranted 'by king and council.'
Source : CChR, 1327-41 , 470-1.
14
Creation in parliament of William, marquis of Juliers, as earl of Cambridge, dated 7 May 1340 and warranted 'by king and council'.
Sources : RDP , V.40; CChR, 1327-41 , 471.
15
Large number of chancery instruments dated (in one case) at Ipswich on 10 June 1340 and (in all other cases) at Shotley on 21-22 June 1340 (mostly 21 June), warranted variously 'by king and council in parliament and 'by king and examined by the council in the last parliament'. Most of the instruments relate to Edward III's subjects in Aquitaine, and one (with the warrant 'by king and examined by the council in the last parliament' confirms the rights of the inhabitants of Aquitaine upon the king's assumption of his title to the throne of France.
Sources : CPR 1340-3 , 4; C 61/52, mm. 22-12, passim.