Richard II: November 1381

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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'Richard II: November 1381', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/november-1381 [accessed 19 April 2024]

In this section

1381 November

Introduction November 1381

Westminster

3 November - 13 December 1381 (prorogued)

24 January - 25 February 1382

(C 65/37. RP , III.98-121. SR , II.17-23)

C 65/37 is a roll of thirteen membranes, each approximately 350mm in width, sewn together in chancery style and numbered in a later hand. The text, written in the official chancery scripts of several scribes, occupies the rectos of the membranes only. The dorses are blank apart from a later heading on membrane 1, 'Rotulus parliamenti de anno V ti R. 2 di '. An earlier, outer membrane displays a further later heading which reads 'Rotulus parliamenti de anno regni regis Ricardi secundi quinto. Pars prima'. An accompanying note states that 'This roll is much perished'. The roll is not in good condition, with tears and staining on several of its membranes, especially membranes 3, 2 and 1, parts of which are illegible. The marginal headings are both contemporary and of a later date. The Arabic numerals are of a later date, while the Roman numerals alongside the common petitions are contemporary. The list of those exempted from the king's grace in this parliament spans membranes 6 and 5, which together form a separate piece stitched to the foot of membrane 7, and this overlaps membrane 5 of the main body of the roll. The roll appears to be complete.

The event which should have dominated discussion in the parliament of November 1381 was, of course, the Peasants' Revolt of June-July that year, the aftershocks of which were still reverberating through the realm; and, if we had nothing but the roll to go on, that might indeed seem to have been the case. The chroniclers, however, showed considerably more interest in a different matter, the bitter quarrel which had broken out in the summer between John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, which, according to the Westminster chronicler, threatened to 'destroy the whole of England'. (fn. o1381-intfoot-1) The origin of this dispute lay in Percy's refusal to offer hospitality to Gaunt while the latter was in Northumberland (and in fear of his life from the mob, so he believed) in June 1381 - although it may well be that behind this lay something deeper, namely, Percy's resentment at the increasingly active role that Gaunt was playing in the politics of the Anglo-Scottish border, which Percy regarded as his sphere of influence. Be that as it may, the dispute flared to the point where it began seriously to threaten the stability of the kingdom, and on three occasions (4 August, 15 August and 9 October) meetings of the royal council were held in an attempt to patch it up. Unfortunately they seem only to have exacerbated matters, and by the time parliament was due to meet in early November, both magnates had arrived at Westminster with substantial armed retinues, and a violent confrontation seemed a real possibility. (fn. o1381-intfoot-2)

The clerk who compiled the roll of parliament said as little as he decently could about the quarrel, merely noting that because of the king's desire to settle it, parliament was adjourned until Saturday 9 November (Item 1). The Anonimalle , Westminster and St Albans chroniclers all provided much more detail: on Wednesday 6 November, Gaunt formally set out his grievances against Percy in the presence of the king and lords, while Percy listened in silence; on the following day it was Percy's turn, while Gaunt listened in silence, and on the Friday it was Gaunt's turn once again to reply to Percy's complaints. It was, in the end, Gaunt who prevailed, for on the Saturday Percy was obliged, in order to recover the king's grace, to make a formal and humiliating apology in full parliament to Gaunt, following which the duke agreed to forgive him and the two men publicly kissed. The Londoners, most of whom hated Gaunt and had openly sided with Percy, were similarly reconciled with the duke on the following Monday and, with the dispute settled (ostensibly, at any rate), the real business for which parliament had been summoned could begin.

Writs summoning the lords and commons had originally been issued on 16 July (at the height of the suppression of the revolt) for a parliament to meet on 16 September, but on 22 August the assembly was prorogued to 3 November. (fn. o1381-intfoot-3) The significant change among the list of lords spiritual summoned arose from the fact that Simon Sudbury, the former archbishop of Canterbury and chancellor, had been beheaded by the mob on Tower Hill on 14 June, so that his archiepiscopal see was vacant (in fact, William Courtenay was the new archbishop-elect, and had also replaced Sudbury as chancellor, but he was still summoned as bishop of London). Also missing from the lords spiritual was the prior of St John of Jerusalem - the former prior, the treasurer Robert Hales, having shared Sudbury's fate. Among the lords temporal, there were several newcomers, including Thomas Holand, the king's half-brother and the new earl of Kent; William de Windsor, husband of Edward III's former mistress Alice Perrers; William Thorp; John Bourchier; John Lovell of Tichmarsh; and John de Montacute. Among those missing since the previous parliament was Edmund, earl of Cambridge, the king's uncle, who was leading an ill-fated expedition to Portugal - a point which would give rise to some controversy during the second session of this parliament.

On Saturday 9 November, the day on which Gaunt and Percy were reconciled, chancellor William Courtenay had made a brief address to the lords and commons, and triers and receivers of petitions were appointed, but the substantive opening speech was delivered by the treasurer, Sir Hugh Segrave, in the white chamber of Westminster palace on Wednesday 13 November. (fn. o1381-intfoot-4) The government, he explained, wished to hear the views of the assembly as to why the revolt had taken place. The king also wished to know whether the lords and commons agreed that he had done the right thing in unilaterally repealing the charters of manumission which he had been forced, under duress, to concede to the rebels at the time of the rising - for, Segrave declared, he had heard it said that some of the members did not agree with what the king had done (Item 8). How widespread such feelings were is difficult to know, but it is rather interesting that at least some of the lords and/or commons believed that the promises of freedom made by the king to the villeins ought to be upheld, even if (as seems likely) their main reason for thinking so was fear that repeal of the charters might provoke a fresh revolt. The eventual - and probably predictable - decision of the commons, delivered through the mouth of their speaker Sir Richard Waldegrave, was that the king had done well, and that the repeal of the charters ought to be confirmed; nevertheless, it is clear that the issue had generated a genuine debate among the members (Items 9-12).

With this point settled, Waldegrave now turned to the first of Segrave's questions, and once again his reply was largely predictable. In effect, the commons used the opportunity to comment on the reasons for the revolt as an excuse to launch a wide-ranging attack on the government incorporating most of their traditional causes for complaint: the king's household was over-staffed and extravagant, the royal purveyors were abusing their office, and the officers of the chancery, exchequer and law courts were either corrupt or incompetent; if suitable remedies were not soon put into place, it was difficult to see how further disasters could not be averted. The government, on the defensive, not only agreed to the appointment of a commission of reform (as it had before, to no effect), but actually allowed it to start sitting almost immediately, while the parliament was still in session: the king's confessor, the unpopular Dominican Thomas Rushook, was expelled from the household (although he was allowed to attend on the four principal feasts of the year), and a series of petitions for reform was drawn up. In early December, Richard le Scrope was appointed chancellor in place of Courtenay. Most telling perhaps, was the commons' plea for the king to bring to an end the numerous wars in which England was embroiled, which were bleeding the country dry and imperilling its citizens with no apparent benefit (Items 17-27).

There was also, inevitably, the question of money. Whether the government asked the commons for a tenth and fifteenth is not clear, but it certainly made some sort of request for financial aid, which the commons did their best to evade, replying that they dared not grant a 'tallage' because of the 'ill will' of the people (Item 36). There were, however, things which the commons wanted which the king might be obliged to withhold in the absence of a grant of taxation, such as a general amnesty to cover crimes committed during the revolt (including its suppression). Eventually the commons agreed to renew the wool subsidy, although only until 2 February 1382 (which by now was less than two months away). What is more, they insisted that no subsidy should be paid for the week between Christmas and 1 January, a symbolic gesture to demonstrate that the government should not come to think of it as a permanent tax (Item 40). In return for the wool subsidy, the king granted the pardons and general amnesty requested by the commons, although many scores of named 'malefactors' were excluded from it, as was the town of Bury St Edmunds, where the rising had been especially violent (Items, 41, 63, 95). The last few days of the first session also witnessed prolonged investigation in parliament concerning the culpability or otherwise of certain civic officials and others accused of having taken part in the revolts at Bridgwater (Somerset) and Cambridge. On 13 December, however, since Christmas was approaching and Richard II's bride-to-be, the daughter of the former Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV, had arrived in England to be crowned and married, it was decided that the parliament should be adjourned until 24 January 1382 (Item 64).

Richard married Anne of Bohemia on 20 January 1382, and two days later she was crowned at Westminster. Not until 27 January, therefore, was parliament reconvened for a second session which lasted for a little less than a month. As far as the wool subsidy was concerned, the commons now proved much more accommodating, agreeing to renew it for no less than four and a half years, until 24 June 1386. This was the longest extension to the wool subsidy granted by parliament since 1356, and may have gone some way - in the commons' eyes, at any rate - towards compensating for the lack of a direct subsidy. Moreover, they left it up to the king and the lords to determine how it might best be spent, provided that it was spent on the defence of the realm (Item 67). One way in which it might be used, as they explicitly recognised, was to finance a campaign to Iberia led by John of Gaunt, although they were careful not to be seen to be advocating this, since it was, as they knew only too well, a controversial topic. Gaunt had proposed such an expedition right at the beginning of the second session: his 'offer' was to lead an army of 2000 men-at-arms and 2000 archers to Portugal and Spain, in return for which he asked for a 'loan' of sixty thousand pounds from 'the realm'. Not only would this army go to the aid of his brother Edmund of Langley, whose expedition to Portugal had run into trouble, and vindicate Gaunt's own claim to the throne of Castile; it would also - as he was careful to point out - contribute to making the seas safer for English shipping and to the security of the English realm (Item 66). Not surprisingly, there was considerable scepticism on this latter point, and there followed 'great disputation and altercation in parliament' on Gaunt's proposal. For the moment, nothing was decided. John of Gaunt was a determined character, however, and 'the way of Spain' was an issue which would continue to dominate the parliamentary agenda over the next few years.

Many of the commons' petitions were concerned with questions arising from the revolt, while others recommended new procedures in the exchequer in order to improve efficiency (Items 97-105; these may have been drawn up by the commission of reform set up during the first session). There was also much discussion of the dire financial situation in which the government found itself, coupled with suggestions as to appropriate remedies: a shortage of bullion and restrictive mercantile practices were both identified as matters that needed to be dealt with, but the root of the problem was that England was engaged in hostilities on too many fronts, and once again the commons took the opportunity to pray the king to bring the wars to an end, 'so that the poor commons can live in peace and quiet' (Item 70). This was, however, inevitably easier said than done. Shackled with commitments they could not meet and embroiled in wars from which they could not just slip free, it must have been with something approaching despair that the king and his ministers dissolved the parliament on 25 February. Precisely four weeks later, they issued writs for another one to meet.

Text and translation

[p. iii-98]
[col. a]
[memb. 13]
ROTULUS PARLIAMENTI TENTI APUD WESTM', IN CRASTINO ANIMARUM, ANNO REGNI REGIS RICARDI, SECUNDI POST CONQUESTUM ANGLIE QUINTO [3 November 1381]. THE ROLL OF THE PARLIAMENT HELD AT WESTMINSTER ON THE MORROW OF ALL SOULS, IN THE FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING RICHARD, THE SECOND SINCE THE CONQUEST [3 November 1381].
Adjournement de parlement. The adjournment of parliament.
1. Fait a remembrer qe la comemoracion des almes escheust l'an present en le jour de samady [2 November], et pur le dymenge proschein venant si ne fuist mye cest parlement comencez tanqe le lundy proschein venant, qe fuist le quart jour de Novembre [1381]. A quel lundy si vindrent sibien nostre seignour le roi come grant partie des prelatz et seignours del roialme: mais pur tant qe aucuns des viscountz n'avoient mye fait retourner lours briefs de parlement, et auxint, purce qe grant parte des prelatz et seignours del roailme q'avoient la somonce de parlement si ne furent encores venuz, si fist nostre seignour le roi adjorner cest parlement tanqe al lendemain proschein venant. A quiel lendemain, c'estassavoir le mardy [5 November 1381], si vindrent nostre seignour le roi et les seignours et prelats qi furent venuz a Westm' deinz la chambre depeintee, et illoeqes al dit mardy les chivalers, citezeins, et burgeys appellez, furent par lours nouns appellez la einz, dont plusours y firent defaute, et pur tant si fuist autrefoitz mesme le parlement adjournez depar le roi et de son comandement tanqe al mesqardy lors proschein venant. A quiel mesqardy [6 November 1381], pur tant qe un grant debat q'estoit sourde parentre messeignours le duc de Lancastre et le cont de Northumbr', dont pleint estoit fait au roi, et grant rumour sourdez en le poeple, parmy le grant force des gentz d'armes et d'archers arraiez au fier de guerre venuz a parlement de l'une et de l'autre partie, et dont nostre seignour le roi avec son conseil, et les seignours du roialme furent moelt grantement occupiez de lour appeiser en bone et aisee manere, si fist nostre dit seignour le roi autre foiz adjourner mesme le parlement tanqe al samedy lors proschein venant, et einsi feust fait. Et outre y estoit commandez a touz q'avoient la somonce de ce parlement depar le roi q'ils retournassent en dit lieu par temps le dit samedy, pur y [oier les causes] pur queles nostre seignour le roi avoit fait somondre cest parlement, au fin qe en le moien temps l'en purroit oier les ditz duc et cont, et mettre fin, al aide nostre Seignour, sur le debat avauntdit. 1. Be it remembered that as All Souls [2 November] this year fell on a Saturday, and as the next day was a Sunday, this parliament did not begin until the Monday next following, which was 4 November [1381]. On which Monday our lord the king arrived as well as a large number of the prelates and lords of the realm: but because some of the sheriffs had not yet returned their writs of parliament, and also because a great number of the prelates and lords of the realm who had received summons to parliament had not yet arrived, our said lord the king had this parliament adjourned until the following day. On which day, namely Tuesday [5 November 1381], our lord the king and those lords and prelates who had come to Westminster entered the Painted Chamber, and there on the said Tuesday, the knights, citizens and burgesses who had been summoned were called in by their names, and as many of them were absent, the same parliament was again adjourned on the king's orders until the following Wednesday [6 November 1381]. On which Wednesday, because a great dispute had broken out between my lords the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Northumberland, which had caused complaint to be made to the king and alarming rumours to circulate amongst the people, because of the great force of men-at-arms and archers, arrayed in warlike manner, who had come to parliament for one or other of the parties. And as our lord the king, his council, and the lords of the realm had been fully occupied in arranging a peaceable and effective settlement, our said lord the king caused the same parliament to be adjourned once more until the following Saturday [9 November 1381], which was done. Furthermore, orders were given to all those who had been summoned to this parliament by the king that they should return to the said place early on the said Saturday, to hear the reasons why our lord the king had caused the parliament to be summoned, so that in the meantime he could hear the said duke and earl and, with the help of our Lord, put an end to their dispute.
Exposicion de la cause de la somonce de parlement. An account of the reasons for summoning parliament.
2. Item, le samedy proschein [9 November 1381] nostre seignour le roi esteant en parlement, et les communes laeinz trestouz appellez par lours nouns, lui reverent pier en Dieu William de Courteney, nadgaires evesqe de Londres, elyt de Canterbirs [confermez chanceller d'Engleterre,] del comandement nostre seignour le roi dist, 'Seignours et sires, nostre seignour le roi cy present, qi Dieux salve, m'ad commandez de vous exposer en partie les causes de la somonce [de ce parlement: et dist pur son theme 'Rex] convenire fecit consilium, Actuum .xv. o '. Des queux paroles prises pur theme il fist une bone collacioun en Engleys, dont il appliast toute sa matire [al bone et vertuouse governement] de roi et del regne, affermant par ycelle collacioun, [col. b] qe regne ne poet longement esteer, n'endurer par aucune voie, si les enhabitantz soient viciouses. Et quant il avoit fait fin de sa dite collacion, il dit, 'Et, seignours, nostre seignour le roi desirant toutdys le bone governement de son roailme, par especial qe amendement soit fait toutes partz ou defautes notables sont trovez en dit governement: dont, si nully se sente ore grevez qe rienz lui soit fait qe ne purra estre remediez a la commune loy, mette avaunt sa bille en parlement, et certeins clercs de la chancellerie sont assignez de les resceivre, et certains prelatz, seignours et justices de les veer, oier, trier et terminer, des queux les nouns vous serront luez par le clerc du parlement en manere acustumee.' Et einsi fuist apres fait, et les ditz nouns lues en parlement par manere qe s'ensuit: 2. Also, on the following Saturday [9 November 1381], when our lord the king was in parliament and the commons had been called by name, the reverend father in God, William Courtenay, lately bishop of London, archbishop-elect of Canterbury and the confirmed chancellor of England, at the command of our said lord the king, said, 'Lords and sirs, our lord the king here present, whom God protect, has ordered me to expound before you some of the reasons for summoning this parliament, and he took as his theme, 'The king caused his council to be convened' [John 11:47]. And having taken these words as his theme he delivered a sound sermon in English, in which he devoted his whole matter to the good and virtuous government of the king and kingdom, affirming in that address [col. b] that a kingdom could not long endure or survive at all if its inhabitants were wicked. And when he had ended his said address he said, 'And, lords, our lord the king desiring altogether the good government of his kingdom, and especially that there should be correction wheresoever faults are found in the said government: wherefore, if there be any one who now feels injured by something which cannot be remedied by the common law, let him submit his bill to parliament, where certain clerks of the chancery have been appointed to receive them, and certain prelates, lords, and justices to inspect, hear, try, and determine them, whose names shall be read to you by the clerk of parliament in the accustomed manner.' And thereupon that was done, and the said names were read in parliament in the following manner:
3. Resceivours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irlande, Gales, et Escoce:

  • Sire Johan de Waltham,
  • Sire Richard Ravenser,
  • Sire Thomas de Newenham,
  • Sire Johan de Freton.
3. Receivers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland:

  • Sir John Waltham,
  • Sir Richard Ravenser,
  • Sir Thomas Newenham,
  • Sir John Freton.
4. Resceivours des peticions de Gascoigne, et d'autres terres et paiis depar dela, et des Isles:

  • Sire Michel de Ravendale,
  • Sire Piers de Barton',
  • Sire Johan Bouland,
  • Sire Thomas Thelwall'.
4. Receivers of petitions from Gascony, and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands:

  • Sir Michael Ravendale,
  • Sir Piers Barton,
  • Sir John Bowland,
  • Sir Thomas Thelwall.
Et ceux qi veullent bailler lours billes les baillent avant parentre cy et mesqardy proschein venant [13 November 1381]; et apres le dit meskardy ne soit nulle bille parcial [resceuz.] And those who wish to submit bills should hand them in between now and next Wednesday [13 November 1381]; and after the said Wednesday no individual bill will be received.
[p. iii-99]
[col. a]
5. Et sont assignez triours de peticions d'Engleterre, Irlande, Gales, et Escoce:

  • Le roi de Castelle et de Leon, duc de Lancastre,
  • L'evesqe de Wyncestre,
  • L'evesqe de Ely,
  • L'evesqe de Nichol,
  • L'evesqe de Salesbirs,
  • L'abbe de Glastyngbirs,
  • L'abbe de Westm',
  • L'abbe de Waltham,
  • Le cont de Kent, mareschal d'Engleterre,
  • Le cont d'Arondell',
  • Le cont de Warr',
  • Le cont de Salesbirs,
  • Monsire Johan Cobham,
  • Monsire Richard le Scrope,
  • Monsire Guy de Bryen,
  • Monsire Robert Tresilian,
  • Monsire Robert Bealknapp',
  • Monsire William Skipwith',
5. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland:

  • The king of Castile and Leon, duke of Lancaster,
  • The bishop of Winchester,
  • The bishop of Ely,
  • The bishop of Lincoln,
  • The bishop of Salisbury,
  • The abbot of Glastonbury,
  • The abbot of Westminster,
  • The abbot of Waltham,
  • The earl of Kent, marshal of England,
  • The earl of Arundel,
  • The earl of Warwick,
  • The earl of Salisbury,
  • Sir John Cobham,
  • Sir Richard le Scrope,
  • Sir Guy Bryan,
  • Sir Robert Tresilian,
  • Sir Robert Bealknap,
  • Sir William Skipwith,
--touz ensemble, ou .vi. des prelats et seignours avauntditz au meins; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschal et chamberlein; et auxint les sergeantz nostre seignour le roi quant il busoignera. Et tendront leur place en la chambre de chamberlein, pres de la chambre depeinte. - to act all together, or at least six of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward, and chamberlain, and also the serjeants of our lord the king when necessary. And they shall hold their sessions in the chamberlain's room, near the Painted Chamber.
6. Et sont assignez triours des peticions de Gascoigne, et d'autres terres et paiis dela la meer, et des Isles:

  • L'ercevesqe d'Everwyk,
  • L'evesqe de Norwiz,
  • L'evesqe de Salesbirs,
  • L'evesqe de Hereford,
  • L'evesqe d'Excestre,
  • L'abbe de Seynt Austyn de Canterbirs,
  • L'abbe de Rameseye,
  • L'abbe de Evesham,
  • Le cont de Bukyngham, conestable d'Engleterre,
  • Le cont de Staff',
  • Le cont de Suff',
  • Le seignour la Souch,
  • Le seignour Fitz-Wautier,
  • Monsire Henry le Scrope,
  • Le seignour de Wilughby,
  • Monsire Roger de Fulthorp,
  • Monsire Henry de Asty,
6. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from Gascony, and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands:

  • The archbishop of York,
  • The bishop of Norwich,
  • The bishop of Salisbury,
  • The bishop of Hereford,
  • The bishop of Exeter,
  • The abbot of St Augustine's, Canterbury,
  • The abbot of Ramsey,
  • The abbot of Evesham,
  • The earl of Buckingham, constable of England,
  • The earl of Stafford,
  • The earl of Suffolk,
  • Lord de la Zouche,
  • Lord FitzWalter,
  • Sir Henry le Scrope,
  • Lord Willoughby,
  • Sir Roger Fulthorp,
  • Sir Henry Asty,
--touz ensemble, ou quatre des prelats et seignours avauntditz; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschal, chamberlein et les sergeantz le roi quant il busoignera. Et tendront lour place en la chambre marcolf. - to act all together, or four of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward, chamberlain, and the king's serjeants when necessary. And they shall hold their sessions in the Marcolf Chamber.
7. Et quant les nouns des resceivours et triours des peticions estoient lues en parlement, le dit chanceller leur dit depar le roi qe lundy proschein venant [11 November 1381] lour serroient les causes de la somonce de ce parlement exposez depar le roy en pluis especiale manere. Comandant a touz illoeqes esteantz q'ils y fuissent par temps le dit lundy, et einsi de jour en autre tanqe ils eussent licence del roi en especial a departir. 7. And when the names of the receivers and triers of petitions had been read in parliament, the said chancellor informed them on behalf of the king that on the following Monday [11 November 1381] the reasons for summoning this parliament would be explained to them in detail on the king's behalf. And orders were given to all present to appear there early on the said Monday, and to continue from one day to the next until they were given explicit permission by the king to depart.
Declaration des causes de la somonce de ce parlement. The declaration of the reasons for summoning this parliament.
8. Item, le mesqardy lors proschein ensuant [13 November 1381], les communes furent autrefoiz appellez par leurs nouns deinz la chambre blanc, et illoeqes, en presence nostre seignour le roi, monsire Hugh' Segrave, tresorer d'Engleterre, q'avoit les paroles depar le roy, leur dist, 'Seignours et sires, vous savez coment ore tarde luy honurable pere en Dieux, seignour William, elit de Canterbirs confermez [col. b] chanceller d'Engleterre, depar le roi nostre seignour vous fist exposer en partie les causes de la somonce de ce parlement en general, vous disant a celle foitz entre autres choses qe mesmes les causes vous serroient en apres declarez plus overtement en especial. Et pur ce nostre seignour le roy cy present, qi Dieux salve, m'ad comandez de vous dire la dite declaration q'est tielle; primerement, nostre seignour le roi dessuisdit desirant soverainement la libertee de seinte esglise estre entierement salvez sanz emblemissement; et l'estat, paix, et bone gouvernement de son dit roialme estre maintenuz et salvez come mieultz en temps de nul de ses nobles progenitours jadys rois d'Engleterre, voillant qi si defaute y soit trovez en aucune partie qe ce puisse ore estre amendez par l'advis des prelats et seignours en ce parlement; et meement de faire et purvoier ore de bone ordinance; pur mettre le roi et son roialme en paix et quiete sur le grant truboille et rumour q'estoient nadgaires moevez en certeins parties del dit roialme, parmy la levee et insurreccioun de certeins menues communes et autres, et sur lour horrible et dispitouse maufait encontre Dieux, la paix de la terre, le regalie, l'estat, dignitee, et la coroune nostre seignour le roi; combien qe mesme les communes colurerent lours ditz malfaitz en autre manere, en disantz q'ils veulloient avoir nul roi sinoun nostre seignour le roi Richard, si par cas, qe Dieux defende, autrefoiz vorroient faire en semblable manere; et de sercher et toucher les voies par quelles les dites malfaisours purroient estre chastisez, et le dit rumour de tut oustez et cessez, et d'enquere et sercher les causes, mocions, et principalx enchesons de les rumour et insurreccions avauntditz, afin qe celles enchesons trovez et scieues, et puis de tout oustez, homme purra le plus surement s'affier en le remede sur ce a ordener, si les communes autrefoitz vorroient ou se tailleroient par malice de malfaire par semblable manere. Item, n'est mye chose a vous disconue, coment nostre seignour le roi, durant le dit rumour, fuist constreint de faire et granter ses lettres desouz son grant seal a les neifs de son roialme et autres, de libertee, franchise, et manumissions, sachant < bien > adonqes qe ce ne poait il faire de bone foy et la loy de sa terre, mais ce fist il pur le mieultz, pur estopper et cesser lour clamour et malice, come celluy qe n'estoit alors en son droit poair < de > roi. Mais tantost come Dieux de sa grace lui avoit restitut a son poair et primer estat de roi, paront la dite meschief estoit en partie cessez, mesme nostre seignour le roi, par l'advis de son conseil lors esteant pres de lui, fist revoquer et repeller les ditz grantz, come celles qe par compulsion, encontre resoun, loy et bone foy, furent faitz et grantez, en desheritance des prelatz et seignours de son roialme avauntdit. Et partant le roi vorroit ore savoir les volentes de vous messeignours, prelats, seignours, et communes cy presentz, si vous semble qe par celle repelle ad il bien fait et a vostre plesir, ou noun. Qar il dit, si vous desirez d'enfranchiser et manumettre les ditz neifs de vostre commune assent, come ce luy ad este reportez qe aucuns de vous le desiront, le roi assentera ovesqe vous a vostre priere.' Et sur ce le dit tresorer dit a mesme les communes en lour priant depar le roi q'ils se retraierent vers lour place deinz l'abbe de Westm', et q'ils se advisassent bien et diligeaument de cestes matires, et des remedes qe lour sembloit sur celles a ordener. Et si tost come ils furent assentuz d'aucun certein purpos en < celle > partie q'ils le fussent assavoir a nostre seignour le roi et as seignours de parlement. Lour faisant oultre assavoir qe le roi si fust grantement endettez, sibien pur le maintenance de son estat et de son hostiel, come par les guerres et en autre diverse manere: paront il lour dist qe les officers del roi lour serroient envoiez pur lour enfourmer, et monstrer outre la grant necessitee < du roi, > a quele heure q'ils furent requiz, et tielle ent fuist la voluntee du roi. 8. Also, on the following Wednesday [13 November 1381], the commons were once again called by their names into the White Chamber, and there in the presence of our lord the king, Sir Hugh Segrave, treasurer of England, speaking on the king's behalf, said to them, 'Lords and sirs, you know that the honourable father in God, the lord William, archbishop-elect of Canterbury, and [col. b] chancellor of England, on behalf of the king our lord, lately explained to you in general the reasons for the summoning of this parliament, telling you on that occasion amongst other things, that those causes would later be revealed to you more explicitly and in greater detail. Accordingly, our lord the king here present, whom God preserve, has ordered me to make the following announcement to you which is this; first, our aforesaid lord the king, desiring above all that the liberty of holy church be preserved entirely without blemish; and the stability, peace, and good government of his said realm be maintained and preserved as well as ever in the time of any of his noble progenitors, once kings of England, willing that if fault can be found anywhere, it be rectified by the advice of the prelates and lords in this parliament; and likewise he wishes to make a good ordinance at this time, to bestow peace and tranquillity upon the king and his kingdom in the wake of the great turmoil and tumult which occurred recently in various parts of the said kingdom by the uprising and insurrection of certain of the merest commons and others, and their terrible and dispiteous offences against God, the peace of the land, and the regality, estate, dignity, and the crown of our lord the king; even though the said commons portrayed their said misdeeds in another light by saying that they wished to have no king except King Richard. The king wishing to prevent another such uprising happening, which God forbid, and to seek and discover the means by which the said malefactors might be punished, and the said uprising thoroughly quashed and ended, and to investigate and search for the causes, motives, and principal reasons for the aforesaid uprising and insurrections, so that having discovered and learnt them, and having entirely rooted them out, people will place the greater trust in the remedy to be ordained, should the commons ever again wish or wickedly propose to perpetrate evil in such a manner. Also, it is not unknown to you indeed that our lord the king, during the said troubles, was constrained to make and grant letters of franchise and manumission under his great seal to the villeins of his kingdom and others, knowing full well that he should not do so in good faith and according to the law of the land, but that he did for the best, to stop and put an end to their clamour and malice, for he did not then enjoy his rightful power as king. But as soon as God, by his grace, had restored him to his authority and former state as king, and when the trouble had partly ceased, our same lord the king, by the advice of his council then about him, had the said grants revoked and repealed, for they had been made and granted under compulsion, contrary to reason, law, and good faith, to the disinheritance of the prelates and lords of his aforesaid realm. And now the king wishes to know the will of you, my lords, prelates, lords and commons here present, and whether it seems to you that he acted well in that repeal and pleased you, or not. For he says that if you wish to enfranchise and make free the said villeins by your common agreement, as he has been informed some of you wish to do, he will assent to your request.' And thereupon the said treasurer spoke to the same commons, praying them upon the king's behalf to withdraw to their place in the abbey of Westminster, and to discuss those matters fully and diligently amongst themselves, and the remedies which they thought should be ordained. And as soon as they were agreed on a certain purpose in the matter, they were to notify our lord the king, and the lords of parliament. He also informed them that the king was in considerable debt through the upkeep of his estate and household and maintenance of the wars, and in various other ways: wherefore he told them that the king's officers would be sent to inform them thereof and explain the king's great need, whensoever they were required to do so, and that such was the king's will.
[p. iii-100]
[col. a]
[memb. 12]
The first half of this membrane has been left blank.
Responce de la commune. The reply of the commons.
9. Item, le lundy proschein ensuant la tierce semaigne de parlement, qe fu le .xviij. jour de Novembre, les communes revindrent en parlement, et illoeqes monsire Richard de Waldegrave, chivaler, q'avoit les paroles depar la commune, s'afforceast de lui avoir excusez de cel office de vantparlour, mais le roi lui chargeast del faire par sa ligeance, depuis q'il estoit a ce esluz par ses compaignons. 9. Also, on the following Monday in the third week of parliament, which was 18 November, the commons returned to parliament, and there Sir Richard Waldegrave, knight, who was to speak on behalf of the commons, sought to excuse himself the office of speaker, but the king charged him to perform it on the strength of his allegiance, because he had been elected to that office by his companions.
10. Et adonqes le dit monsire Richard faisant sa protestacion qe s'il y dist rienz autrement, ou plus ou meins qe ne fuist devant assentuz et acordez par ses compaignons qe il le poaist amender par l'advis de mesmes ses compaignons, dist: 10. Then, the said Sir Richard making his protestation that if he should say anything other or more or less than had been previously assented and agreed to by his colleagues, he might amend it by the advice of his colleagues, said:
11. 'Monseignour lige, mes compaignons cy presentz et moy aions entreparlez de noz charges ore tard a nous donez depar vostre roiale magestee, mais nous sumes en partie de variance entre nous touchant mesme la charge. Et par tant s'il vous pleust vorroions rehercer ycy devaunt vous mesme la charge, ou qe pleust a vostre roiale magestee del faire rehercer autrefoitz devant nous qe nous le purrons clerement entendre, et depuis par tant estre entre nous quant a ce d'un acord.' 11. 'My liege lord, my companions here present and I have discussed the charge recently laid upon us by your royal majesty, but we differ amongst ourselves over the same. Wherefore, if it please you, we wish to have the same charge rehearsed before you here, or, if it please your royal majesty, may you have it rehearsed another time before us, so that we may well understand it, and later come to some agreement about it.'
12. Et le roi comandast a monsire Richard le Scrope, chivaler, lors novellement crees en chanceller d'Engleterre, de rehercer illoeqes mesme lour charge touchant les pointz suisditz. Et einsi fist il clerement, et en especial quant al repelle issint fait del grant de la franchise et manumissioun des neifs et villeins de la terre. Estoit autrefoitz effectuelment demandez de toutz esteantz illoeqes en plein parlement depar le roi, si celle repelle lour pleust, ou nemye. 12. And the king ordered Sir Richard le Scrope, knight, recently created chancellor of England, to rehearse the same charge, touching on the points mentioned. And he did so clearly, with reference to the recent repeal made of the grant of the franchise and manumission of the bondsmen and villeins of the land in particular. Those present in full parliament were then directly asked once again, on the king's behalf, whether that repeal would please them or not.
Reppel des manumissions et franchise grantiz el rumour. The repeal of the manumissions and franchise granted during the uprising.
13. A quoy, sibien prelatz et seignours temporels come les chivalers, citeins et burgeys, respondirent a une voice qe celle repelle fuist bien faite, adjoustant qe tiele manumission ou franchise des neifs ne ne poast estre fait sanz lour assent q'ont le greindre interesse: a quoy ils n'assenterent unqes de lour bone gree, n'autrement, ne jamais ne ferroient pur vivre < et > murrir touz en un jour. Enpriantz humblement a nostre seignour le roi, sibien c'estassavoir les prelatz et seignours come les dites communes, qe celles manumissions et franchises issint faitz et grantez par cohercioun, en desheritance de eux et destruccion del roailme, feussent annientiz et adnullez par auctoritee de ce parlement, et le dit repelle affermez, come celle qe bien et joustement estoit fait. Et ce estoit grantez et assentuz illoeqes de touz a une voice. Et puis les communes prierent au roi nostre seignour d'avoir certains prelatz et seignours pur communer avec eux de leurs ditz charges, a cause qe les matires touchent moelt hautement l'estat du roialme, et par tant busoignent grantement de ent lour advis. A quoi lour feust dit q'ils meissent en escrit les nouns de ceulx queux ils vorront avoir, et les bailleroient au roi, et le roi s'adviseroit. 13. To which, both the prelates and lords temporal as well as the knights, citizens, and burgesses answered with one voice, that the repeal was well made, adding that such a manumission or enfranchisement of the villeins could not be made without the assent of those who had the chief interest in the matter: and they had never agreed to it, either voluntarily or otherwise, nor would they ever do so, even if it were their dying day. And the prelates and lords and the said commons humbly prayed our lord the king that as those letters of manumission and enfranchisement had been made and granted by coercion, to the disinheritance of themselves and the ruin of the kingdom, they might be quashed and annulled by authority of this parliament, and the said repeal confirmed, because it had been well and justly done. And everyone there agreed and assented thereto with one voice. And then the commons prayed of the king our lord that certain prelates and lords might discuss their said charges with them, because those matters bore weightily upon the estate of the realm, and therefore they were in great need of their advice. To which it was said that they should write down the names of those they wished to have, and submit them to the king who would consider it further.
Seignours assignez pur entrecommuner.

  • L'evesqe de Wyncestre,
  • L'evesque du Norwiz,
  • L'evesqe d'Excestre,
  • Johan roi de Castille et de Leon, duc de Lancastr',
  • Le cont de Buk',
  • Le cont de Warr',
  • Le cont d'Arondell',
  • Le cont de Suff',
  • Le cont de Northumbr',
  • Le seignour de Nevill',
  • Le seignour de Clifford,
  • Le seignour Fitz-Wauter,
  • Le seignour la Zouche de Haryngworth',
  • Le seignour de Wilughby,
  • Johan de Cobham,
  • Richard le Scrop',
  • Guy de Bryan, banerettz.
The lords appointed to intercommune.

  • The bishop of Winchester,
  • The bishop of Norwich,
  • The bishop of Exeter,
  • John king of Castile and of Leon, duke of Lancaster,
  • The earl of Buckingham,
  • The earl of Warwick,
  • The earl of Arundel,
  • The earl of Suffolk,
  • The earl of Northumberland,
  • Lord Neville,
  • Lord Clifford,
  • Lord FitzWalter,
  • Lord de la Zouche of Haringworth,
  • Lord Willoughby,
  • John Cobham,
  • Richard le Scrope,
  • Guy Bryan, bannerets.
14. < Et sur ce bailleront en escrit les nouns de prelatz et seignours dessouz escritz > en une cedule, c'estassavoir:

  • L'evesqe de Wyncestre,
  • L'evesque du Norwiz,
  • L'evesqe d'Excestre,
  • Johan roi de Castille et de Leon, duc de Lancastr',
  • Le cont de Buk',
  • Le cont de Warr',
  • Le cont d'Arondell',
  • Le cont de Suff',
  • Le cont de Northumbr',
  • Le seignour de Nevill',
  • Le seignour de Clifford,
  • Le seignour Fitz-Wauter,
  • Le seignour la Zouche de Haryngworth',
  • Le seignour de Wilughby,
  • Johan de Cobham,
  • Richard le Scrop',
  • Guy de Bryan, banerettz.
14. Whereupon, they submitted in a written schedule the names of the prelates and lords listed below, namely:

  • The bishop of Winchester,
  • The bishop of Norwich,
  • The bishop of Exeter,
  • John king of Castile and of Leon, duke of Lancaster,
  • The earl of Buckingham,
  • The earl of Warwick,
  • The earl of Arundel,
  • The earl of Suffolk,
  • The earl of Northumberland,
  • Lord Neville,
  • Lord Clifford,
  • Lord FitzWalter,
  • Lord de la Zouche of Haringworth,
  • Lord Willoughby,
  • John Cobham,
  • Richard le Scrope,
  • Guy Bryan, bannerets.
Et celles mesmes seignours le roi lour grantast al effect q'ils furent demandez. And the king granted them those lords to the end for which they had been requested.
15. Item, puis apres quant la commune soi avoit communez avec les ditz seignours, ils retournerent autrefoitz en [col. b] parlement, en disant qe bon fust qe nostre seignour le roi fist sa grace a ceulx q'ont trespassez en cest rumour, aufin de mettre par tant le meillour repos et quiete en < le > roialme. 15. Also, when the commons had consulted with the said lords, they again returned to [col. b] parliament, saying that it was good that our lord the king had granted his grace to those who had participated in this uprising, for the greater repose and tranquillity of the kingdom.
Requeste de la commune. The request of the commons.
16. Et priast outre la dite commune qe les prelatz par eux mesmes, les grantz seignours temporelx par eux mesmes, les chivalers par eux, les justices par eux, et touz autres estatz singulerement fussent chargez de treter et communer sur ceste lour charge, et qe lour advis fust reportez a la commune, afyn qe bon remede fust ordenez. A quoy fust dit et responduz qe le roi ad fait charger les seignours et autres sages de communer et treter diligeaument sur les dites matires, mais l'anciene custume et forme de parlement a este toutdys, qe la commune reporteroit leur advis sur < les > matires a eux donez au roi nostre seignour, et as seignours du parlement primerement, et noun pas econtra. Et ce fait, adonqes l'advis de seignours sur ce lour serroit monstrez, et purce le roi voet qe les ancienes et bones custumes et forme de parlement soient tenuz et bien gardez. 16. The said commons further prayed that the prelates themselves, the great lords temporal themselves, the knights themselves, the justices themselves, and all other estates be severally charged to discuss and consider their charge, and that their advice might be reported to the commons, so that an effective remedy could be ordained. To which it was said and replied that the king had instructed his lords and other wise men to discuss thoroughly and consider the said matters, but the ancient custom and form of parliament had always been that the commons reported their conclusions on the matters assigned them to the king our lord, and to the lords of parliament in the first instance, and not the other way round. And that said, the advice of the lords thereon would be revealed to them, for the king willed that the good and ancient customs and form of parliament be observed and fully protected.
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[memb. 11]
Requestes faites par la commune. The requests made by the commons.
17. Item, les communes avauntdites retournerent autrefoitz en parlement, faisantz lour protestacioun come devant, en disantz qe sur les charges a eux donez ils avoient diligeaument communez avec les prelats et seignours a eux sur ce donez, et lour sembloit purvoir qe si la governance du roailme ne soit en brief temps amendez, mesme le roialme serra oultrement perduz et destruit pur toutz jours, et par consequens nostre seignour le roi, et touz les seignours et communes, qe Dieux ne voille pur sa mercy. Qar voirs est qe y a tielles defautes en dit governaille, quoi entour la persone le roi, et en son hostelle, et pur outrageouses nombre des familiers esteantz en dit hostiel; et quoy en ses courtes, sibien c'estassavoir en la chancellerie, bank le roi, commune bank, et l'escheqier; et par grevouses oppressions en paiis par la outrageouse multitude braceours des quereles, et maintenours, qi sont come rois en paiis, qe droit ne loye est a poy fait a nully, et la povre commune est de temps en temps a tiel guyse pilez et destruitz, quoy par les purveiours del dit hostiel le roi, et d'autres qi rienz ne paient a mesme la commune pur lour vitailles et cariage de eux pris, quoy par les subsides et taillages qui souent de eux levez a grantz destresses, et autrement par grevouses et outrageous oppressions a eux faitz par diverses ministres du roi et des autres seignours del roialme, et especialment par les ditz maintenours, qe mesme le commune est mys a grant cheitivetee et mesaise, et plus qe unqes ne fuist devant. Et sanz cella encores, combien qe grant tresor en continuelment grantez et levez de eux pur le defens du roialme, nientmeins ils n'ent sont le plus defenduz ne socourez encontre les enemys du roialme a leur escient, einz de an en an sont ars, robbez, et pilez, par terre et par meer par les ditz enemys, et par lours barges et galeys et autres vesseulx, de quoy nulle remede lour ad este, ne encores est, purveuz. Quelles meschiefs la dite povre commune, qe soleit ore tard vivre en toute honure et prosperitee, ne poet plus outre endurer par aucune voie. Et pur dire droit veritee, les dites outrages et autres q'aient este ore tard fait a la povre commune pluis communement qe unqes devant, dont ils soi sentirent si grantement grevtz qe celles < firent > les dites menues communes lour moever, et faire le meschief q'ils firent en dit riot; et encores est a douter de greindre meschiefs, si de bone et due remedie ne soit par temps purveuz sur les outrageouses oppressions et meschiefs de dessusditz. 17. Also, the aforesaid commons returned once more to parliament, making their protestation as before, and saying that they had diligently consulted on the matter with the prelates and lords assigned to them for the purpose, and it seemed to them that if the governance of the kingdom were not improved within a short space of time, the very kingdom itself would be utterly ruined and lost forever, as would our lord the king and all the lords and commons as a consequence, which God in his mercy forbid. For it is true that there are many faults in the said governance about the king's person, and in his household, and because of the outrageous number of servants in the said household; as well as in the king's courts, namely in the chancery, king's bench, common bench, and the exchequer; and there are grievous oppressions throughout the country from the excessive number of embracers of quarrels and maintainers, who act so much like kings in their shires that right and justice are scarcely administered to anyone, and the poor commons are periodically robbed and destroyed in such ways by the purveyors of the said king's household, and by others who pay them nothing for the victuals and carriage taken from them, and by the subsidies and tallages which are often forcibly levied from them, and by other grievous and outrageous oppressions inflicted on them by the ministers of the king and of the other lords of the realm, and especially by the said maintainers. Wherefore the said commons have lapsed into greater poverty and hardship than ever before. Moreover, although great sums are continually granted and levied from the commons for the defence of the realm, they are still no better defended or secured against the enemies of the kingdom, as far as they know, but are burned, robbed, and pillaged every year by the said enemies, by land and by sea, with their barges, galleys, and other vessels, against which no defence has ever been, nor is yet, provided. Which troubles the said poor commons, who were once accustomed to live in great honour and prosperity, can by no means endure any longer. And to tell the whole truth, the said outrages and others, recently committed against the poor commons more generally than ever before, made them feel so greatly oppressed that the lesser commons rose up and wrought havoc in the said tumult; and greater turmoil is still to be feared, unless good and due remedy is soon provided for the abovesaid outrageous oppressions and mischiefs.
Qe plese a nostre seignour le roy, et as nobles seignours du roialme ore assemblez en ce parlement, pur la mercy Jhesu Crist, y mettre tiel remede et amendement sur le dit governaille toutz partes, qe l'estat et dignitee nostre dit seignour le roi principalement, et les nobles estatz des seignours du roialme soient entierment salvez, come l'entente de la commune est, et toutdys l'ont desirez; et mesme la commune puisse estre [p. iii-101][col. a] mys en quiete et paix, oustantz de tout si avaunt come homme les purra conustre, les malx officers et conseillers, et y mettantz en lour lieux des meillours, pluis vertuouses, et plus suffisantz, et oustantz touz les malx enchesons q'ont issint este motion del derrain rumour, et des autres meschiefs eschuz deinz le roialme, come dessus est dit, ou autrement ne pense mye homme qe ceste roialme puisse longement esser sanz greinour meschief qe unqes devaunt n'avenist a ycelle, qe Dieux defende. Et pur Dieux ne soit mis en ublie qe en toutes maneres soient mys entour la persone du roi pur et de son conseil, des plus suffisantz et discretz seignours et bachilers qe homme purra avoir ou trover deinz le roailme. May it please our lord the king and the noble lords of the realm now assembled in this parliament, for the mercy of Jesus Christ, to apply such remedy and amendment to every part of the said governance, that the estate and dignity of our said lord the king in particular, and the noble estates of the lords of the realm be entirely preserved, as the commons intend, and have always desired; and that the commons themselves may [p. iii-101][col. a] live in peace and tranquillity, ousting evil officers and counsellors as soon as they can be identified, and placing others worthier and more virtuous in their stead, as well as uprooting the evils which led to the last uprising, and the other troubles which befell the said kingdom, as is said above, or else it cannot be believed that the kingdom will not, before long, experience greater trouble than has ever come upon it before, which God forbid. And for love of God, it should not be forgotten that the person of the king and his council should be surrounded with the most worthy and discreet lords and bachelors to be found and had within the kingdom.
Grant fait par nostre seignour le roi. The grant made by our lord the king.
18. Et est assavoir qe puis apres quant le roi nostre seignour avec les seignours du roialme et son conseil s'avoit fait adviser sur cestes requestes a lui faites pur le mieulx de lui et de son dit roialme, a ce qe veritablement lui appareust, il voloit et grantast qe certains prelats, seignours, et autres, furent assignez pur survere et examiner en prive conseil sibien l'estat et governaille de la persone nostre dit seignour, come de son dit hostiel, et de lour adviser des remedes suffisantz s'il embusoigneroit, < et ent faire lour report a roi dessusdit. > Et y fust dit par les seignours en parlement qe lour sembloit qe si amendement de governement serroit fait parmy le roialme l'en coviendroit commencer au principal membre q'est le roi mesmes, et puis de persone a persone, sibien de seinte esglise come autres, et de place en place, de pluis haut degree a pluis baas; nule persone, degree, ne place esparniant. 18. Be it known that later, when the king our lord together with the lords of the realm and his council had considered those requests made of him, and what could best be done for himself and his said kingdom, as it truly seemed to him, he willed and granted that certain prelates, lords, and others might be appointed to investigate and examine the estate and governance of the person of our said lord, as well as his said counsel, in privy counsel, and to advise them of such suitable remedies as may be needed, and to report thereon to the aforesaid king. And the lords in parliament said that it seemed to them that if improvements in government were to be made throughout the realm it would be desirable to begin with its principal member, the king himself, progressing from person to person, both of holy church and others, and from place to place, from the highest degree to the lowest; no person, degree, or place being spared.
Les seignours esluz et assignez de entrecommuner avec la commune.

  • Le duc de Lancastre,
  • Le eslit de Canterbirs,
  • L'ercevesqe d'Everwyk,
  • Les evesqes de Wyncestr', Ely, Excestre et Roucestre,
  • Le conts d'Arondell, Warr', Staff', Suff' et Salesbirs,
  • Le seignour de la Zouch',
  • Le seignour de Nevill'
  • Le seignour de Grey de Ruthin,
  • Le seignour Fitz Wauter,
  • < Monsire Richard le Scrop, >
  • Monsire Guy de Brian, et autres.
The lords elected and appointed to consult with the commons.

  • The duke of Lancaster,
  • The elect of Canterbury,
  • The archbishop of York,
  • The bishops of Winchester, Ely, Exeter and Rochester,
  • The earls of Arundel, Warwick, Stafford, Suffolk and Salisbury,
  • Lord de la Zouche,
  • Lord Neville,
  • Lord Grey of Ruthin,
  • Lord FitzWalter,
  • Sir Richard le Scrope,
  • Sir Guy Bryan, and others.
Et furent esluz a ce faire en dit hostiel, les seignours dessouz escritz, c'estassavoir:

  • Le duc de Lancastre,
  • Le eslit de Canterbirs,
  • L'ercevesqe d'Everwyk,
  • Les evesqes de Wyncestr', Ely, Excestre et Roucestre,
  • Le conts d'Arondell, Warr', Staff', Suff' et Salesbirs,
  • Le seignour de la Zouch',
  • Le seignour de Nevill'
  • Le seignour de Grey de Ruthin,
  • Le seignour Fitz Wauter,
  • < Monsire Richard le Scrop, >
  • Monsire Guy de Brian, et autres.
And the following lords were chosen to examine the said household:

  • The duke of Lancaster,
  • The elect of Canterbury,
  • The archbishop of York,
  • The bishops of Winchester, Ely, Exeter and Rochester,
  • The earls of Arundel, Warwick, Stafford, Suffolk and Salisbury,
  • Lord de la Zouche,
  • Lord Neville,
  • Lord Grey of Ruthin,
  • Lord FitzWalter,
  • Sir Richard le Scrope,
  • Sir Guy Bryan, and others.
Et sur celle charge seierent en prive conseil plusours jours, sanz rienz faire de autre chose en parlement. And they were to deliberate on the charge in private for several days, without dealing with any other matter in parliament.
[editorial note: Confessour du roi.] Et fait a remembrer qe le confessour nostre dit seignour le roi fust chargez en presence du roi et des seignours q'il soi abstiegnast de venir ou demurer en l'ostiel du roi, sinoun tantseulement a les quatre principalx festes del an; et ce estoit fait par l'assent des seignours, a la requeste de la commune, q'avoit priez au roi d'avoir le dit confessour oultreement remuez del roi et de son office. [editorial note: The king's confessor.] And be it remembered that the confessor of our said lord the king was charged in the presence of the king and the lords, to abstain from visiting or staying in the king's household, except on the four principal feasts of the year; which was done with the assent of the lords, at the request of the commons, who had prayed of the king that the said confessor be altogether removed from the king's company and his office.
[editorial note: A change of hand occurs here.] Et puis autrefoitz, quant la dite commune estoit acertes qe les ditz seignours estoient issint assignez de faire le dit charge, mesme la commune revient en parlement, et y firent certeins lours requestes mises en escrit, et liverez avant en parlement, en certeins articles en la fourme qe s'ensuit: Subsequently, when the said commons learnt that the said lords had been thus appointed to carry out the said charge, the same commons returned to parliament, and there they put certain of their requests in writing, and submitted them to parliament in the form of certain articles, as follows:
PETICIONS DES COMMUNES. THE PETITIONS OF THE COMMONS.
19. [Reform of the king's household] Prient les communes a mon treshone [sic: read 'treshonure'] seignour de Lancastre, et a touz noz autres seignours ov lui esluz par nostre tresredoute seignour le roi, pur ordener l'estat nostre dit seignour honurablement et honestement, sibien des bones gentz et dignes entour sa persone come bones et vaillantz officers pur son hostiel, sibien de ceux qe ore sont ove nostre dit seignour, come des autres la ou les pluis suffisantz y soient, pensantz tendrement, s'il vous plest, sur les principales persones qe serront entour sa persone, et les principals officers qe serront de son hostiel, q'ils soient de les pluis discretz et pluis vaillantz de roialme et de nulle autres, oustant les mals, si aucuns soient, sibien pur conseiller les grandes officers par dehors l'ostelle quant busoigne serra, come pur governaille du persone nostre dit seignour et de son hostelle, en honour et profit de lui et de son roialme: [col. b] pensant auxi, s'il vous plest, de la grande repaire des gentz sibien a chival come a pee qi sont repairantz au dit hostelle, faisant tiel nombre et tiel gent en le dit hostielle qe nostre dit seignour puisse vivre honestement de son propre desore enavant, sanz charger son poeple come ad este fait pardevant. Considerantz, pur Dieux, les greves et pleintes qe le povre poeple ont fait sovent pur mal governaille et outrageouses despenses, et ne scievent ne ne poent qe pleindre et clamer pur remedie. 19.[Reform of the king's household]. The commons pray of my most honoured lord of Lancaster, and of all our other lords elected with him by our most redoubtable lord the king, to order the estate of our said lord honourably and honestly, as well to have good and worthy people about his person as good and worthy officers for his household, as well those who are now with our said lord, as others who be the most worthy, carefully considering, if it please you, the chief persons who shall be about his person, and the principal officers who shall be in his household, that they may be the most discreet and worthy of the kingdom and no others, ousting the evil ones if there are any, and both to advise the great officers outside the household whenever necessary, and to govern the person of our said lord and his household, for the honour and profit of himself and his kingdom: [col. b] considering also, if it please you, that the great company of people on horse and foot who come to the said household, be reduced to such a number and comprise such persons that our said lord may live honestly within his own means from now on, without charging his people as has been done before. Considering also, for the love of God, the grievances and complaints that the poor people have often made about bad governance and outrageous expense, and that they do not know how, and are unable, to secure a remedy.
Chancellerie. Chancery.
20. [The chancellor and chancery] Item, ils prient qe l'ordenance faite pur le corps nostre dit seignour et pur son hostelle, vous plese, par avis de nostre tresredoute seignour suisdit ordeiner un sage, un discret, et le plus suffisant qe l'en poet trover de la roialme, soit il espirituel ou temporel, pur chanceller d'Engleterre: considerantz la necessitee qe le roi nostre dit seignour et sa roialme ont au present du dit office avoir le plus sage et le plus vaillant, sibien pur busoignes par dehors la roialme, come dedeins. Et quant il eslu, adonqes par vous noz seignours, et par luy, en plesance de Dieux, et honour et profit al roialme, qe l'estat du chancellerie soit bien examinez, et triez hors les bons a demurrer, et les malveises a remoever si pres come homme lour poet conustre, sanz hayne ou affection. Entenduz, s'il vous plest qe grant rumour en la roialme par tout ad estee, et est q'ils sont pur le plus graunde partie trope graas sibien en corps come en burse, et trop bien furrez, et lours benefices mal giez, par grevouses oppressions faitz et par eux usez vers le poeple, par colour de lour office: et nientmeins a grantz coustages nostre dit seignour sanz busoigne, et grande desplesance et offense a Dieux, et a deshoneur de seinte esglise, come l'en poet bien le declarrer, si mistier soit. 20.[The chancellor and chancery]. Also, they pray that the ordinance made for the person of our said lord and for his household, if it please you, with the advice of our aforesaid most redoubtable lord shall ordain a wise and discreet man, the best qualified to be found in the kingdom, be he spiritual or temporal, to be chancellor of England: considering the present need of the king our said lord and his kingdom that the said office be occupied by the most wise and the most enterprising, both for business outside the kingdom and within it. And when he has been appointed, then let the estate of the chancery be thoroughly investigated and examined by you our lords, and by him, for the sake of God, and the honour and profit of the realm, so that the good are retained and the bad replaced as soon as they are known, without hatred or favour. Understanding, if you please, that there was and is a great murmuring thoughout the realm that they are for the most part too fat in body and in purse, and too well provided, and their benefices ill managed, through the grievous oppressions done and practised by them against the people, by colour of their office: and yet they are a great and unnecessary expense to our said lord, a cause of great displeasure and offence to God, and dishonour to holy church, as can be fully explained if need be.
Escheqier. The exchequer.
21.[The treasurer and the exchequer] Item, ils prient a nostre dit seignour et a noz autres seignours qe en mesme le manere puisse estre ordene du tresorer d'Engleterre, et des barons et toutz autres officers en l'escheqier, et l'estat d'icelle bien taster et roigner en plesance de Dieux, et profit a tout le roialme; considerantz, s'il vous plest qe certes par le place suisdit bien et loialment governez, et en due manere, aviendra grant profit a nostre dit seignour, et tranquilitee a tout le poeple, qe sovent paravant ses heures ont este en la dite place malement amesnez, sanz nul profit vers le roi, mes soul pur lour mesmes de la dite place. Dont remedie pur Dieux. 21.[The treasurer and the exchequer]. Also, they pray of our said lord and our other lords that the treasurer of England, and the barons and all other officers in the exchequer be governed in the same manner, and the state thereof thoroughly examined and investigated, for the sake of God, and the profit of all the kingdom; considering if it please you, that if the aforesaid place were to be well, loyally and appropriately governed, great profit would ensue for our said lord, and tranquillity for all the people, profit which has too often been abused in the said place, without any profit to the king, but only to those of the said place. For which remedy is sought, for the love of God.
Justices. La loy de la terre. Justices. The law of the land.
22. [Judges and the law] Item, ils prient qe en mesme le manere puisse estre ordene de les justices de l'un bank et del autre, et de lour deux places. Et pur Dieux, seignours, et pur paix seurement sustiner dedeinz le roialme, qe les loies soient desore enapres duement et egalment amesnez et executez, sibien entre povres et riches come entre touz autres. Et qe les delaies et destourbes encountre droit usez pardevaunt ces heures puissent par bone ordenance ore apres estre redressez par les justices, et autres vaillantz et loialx apris en la loye, pur appeiser et nurrir le poeple en quiete, sibien en les deux places susdites come dehors en assises, et en toutz autres lieux ou les loies serront usez. Et qe au present, par serement des deux justices, deux serjantz, et quatre loialx apprentices vous plese estre enfourmez de les meschiefs qe le poeple ont soeffert par termes < en > la loie, et par delaies et destourbes, et par queux ils ont amenuz qi ont grevez le poeple: et par lour dit serement a vous declarrer le mal et le bien q'ils scievent, et en quelle manere desore enapres les loies et gentz du loie en chescun paiis puissent mieultz et plus peisiblement en droiture estre governez. Et par celle manere, treshonurez seignours, avendretz en ceste matire a grant esploit et bon effect; par quiel article bien ordenez et bien [p. iii-102][col. a] purveue pur les loies droitement governer, et par brief cours, aviendra grant establissement pur paix et quiete du poeple, sanz nul doute. 22.[Justices and the law]. Also, they pray that justices of the one bench or the other, and of both places, be ordained in the same manner. And for love of God, lords, and for the sure maintenance of the peace within the kingdom, that the laws henceforth be duly and impartially enforced and executed, between the rich and the poor, and between all others. And that the delays and obstruction of right practised in the past may be avoided from now on by the judges under good ordinance, and by other worthy and loyal men learned in the law, to pacify the people and nurture tranquillity, as well in the two aforementioned places as beyond them in the assizes, and in all other places where the law is practised. And that now, on the oath of the two judges, two serjeants, and four faithful apprentices it may please you to be informed of the troubles which the people have suffered under the law, and through delays and obstructions by which those who have grieved others prosper: and on their said oath to inform you of the good and bad of which they know, and advise you as to how in the future the laws and men of the law in every part may be better and more peacably governed in accordance with right. And in the same way, most honoured lords, that this matter may be duly concluded and put to good effect; by which article it is well ordained and [p. iii-102][col. a] provided that the laws be honestly administered, and the peace and tranquillity of the people no doubt will shortly follow.
23. [Notification to the commons of appointments proposed] Item, treshonurez seignours, prient les communes qe quant vous avez appointez par avis nostre tresredoute seignour le roi les officers et l'estat des toutes les dites places, en manere come vous veez pur l'onour et bien de < nostre > dit seignour, et profit du roialme, q'il plese a nostre dit seignour, et a vous, qe vostre dite commune ent puissent savoir les persones et manere del dite ordenance, devant q'ils soient engrossez et affermez, pur le plus seurement estre enformez de ce qe bosoigne requert, s'il vous plest. 23.[Notification to the commons of appointments proposed]. Also, most honoured lords, the commons pray that when, by the advice of our most redoubtable lord the king, you have appointed the officers and estate of all the said places, as you see fit for the honour and good of our said lord, and the profit of the kingdom, that it may please our said lord, and you, that your said commons hence be informed of the persons appointed and the nature of the said ordinance, before they are entered and sworn, so that they be better informed of what their business requires, if it please you.
24. [Preservation of the peace] Item, ils prient qe quant les dites articles et remedies soient appointez qe vous veulliez penser outre et ordeiner pur establissement de la roialme a pees, < et > a seurete du roi nostre seignour et son loial poeple, considerant les larons et robbours sibien a chival come au pee en diverses paiis, a grant destruccion de les bones gentz de la terre; et par tiel manere ordener qe le poeple et gentz busoignouses del roialme laborent de lour mayn, sanz paresce et sanz robber et peril de poeple. Et auxi ordener qe si ascun poeple vorroit assembler pur rumour faire en manere come tard avenist qe Dieux ne veulle, en tiel cas quoy fuisse a faire sibien pur le roi come pur la paiis, et pur lour appeiser et destourber de lour malice, qe tiel damage et peril n'aviegne apres come ad este pardevant. 24.[Preservation of the peace]. Also, they pray that when the said articles and remedies have been agreed upon, you will further consider and provide for the establishment of peace within the realm and the security of the king our lord and his loyal people, considering the thieves and robbers on horse as well as on foot in various parts, destroying the good people of the land; and to ordain in such a way that the needy people and folk of the kingdom labour for themselves without idleness, and without robbing and endangering the people. And also to ordain that if any seek to gather forces to stage such an uprising as happened of late, which God forbid, then action may be taken for the king as well as for the country, to pacify them and obstruct their malice, so that the injury and peril which arose in the past shall not arise again.
25. [Defence of the realm] Item, ils prient q'ore entre vous noz seignours qe soiez ordenez pur les dites matiers remedier, veulliez auxi penser de les guerres, sagement et distinctement les amenuser, si ce poet estre, en descharge du roi et du roialme, lours perdez des biens par meer et par terre perduz considerer, et ent purvoier amendement, sibien en encrees de nostre poeple come pur eschuer l'encrees et richesse de noz enemys, qi susteignent leur guerre en grant partie par noz biens robbez et raunsonez, a grande esclaundre de la governaille de nous et de la roialme, et tout oultrement en destruccioun de tut le roialme par povert sensible, si avaunt qe sanz doute il est importable au roi et a roialme pur susteiner plus avant les coustages et biens degastez sur les dites guerres, et auxi de susteiner autres perdes et damages portez par le roialme, si remedie ne soit purveu au present, de quele matire la busoigne est si grant par toute la terre, qe lour covient de force ent compleindre, et avoir et savoir le remedie devant lour departir. 25.[Defence of the realm]. Also, they pray that now amongst yourselves, our lords, you make ordinance to remedy the said matters, and that you consider the wars, wisely and considerably to reduce them if it can be done, for the relief of the king and the kingdom, and that you consider the goods that have been lost by land and sea, and provide some remedy, both for the benefit of our people and to annul the gains and enrichment of our enemies, who sustain their war largely by stealing and ransoming our goods, to the great slander of our governance and of the kingdom, and to the entire destruction of the kingdom by poverty, so that without doubt the king and kingdom can no longer support the charges and the goods wasted by the said wars, and the other losses and injuries which the kingdom bears, if remedy be not now provided, the need of which is so great throughout the land that the commons must complain of sheer necessity, and wish to receive and learn of the remedy before their departure.
26. [The realm impoverished] Item, supplient les ditz communes a nostre tresredoute seignour le roi, et a noz autres seignours esluz qe lour plese devant lour departir avoir bone consideracioun al grant povertee dedeins le roialme au present, q'est tout voide de tresor et de tout autre bien a regarde de ce q'ad este en la dite roialme pardevant, et q'est avenuz par moultz enchesons; c'estassavoir, par la monoie d'or et d'argent apportez et trehez hors le roialme; et ce q'est demurrez est roignez pur la plus grant parte, a perde deinz une libre de pois d'or .xiij. s., .iiij. d. et pluis; auxi par les outrageouses guerres sustenuz par le roialme a nul esploit, et par les perdes du meer et terre pur les dites guerres perduz, et les costes du meer nient gardez ne defenduz. Et nientmeins voz commoditees du roialme, come leines, estein, et plum, nient a value come out este devaunt ces heures, a grant empoverissement de tout le roialme. Et jademeyns les coustages de chescun estat plus outrageouses par tout le roialme qe unqes ne ount este pardevaunt, toutdis enclynant a povertee sanz encrees, et si ad le roialme este en declyn a poverte cestes .xvi. ans et pluis sanz remedie purveuz. 26.[The realm impoverished]. Also, the said commons request of our most redoubtable lord the king, and our other lords chosen that it may please them, before their departure, fully to consider the great poverty in the kingdom at present, which is empty of riches and of all other wealth because of what has already occurred and arisen in the said kingdom for many reasons; namely, the removal and withdrawal of gold and silver money from the kingdom; and that what remains has been clipped for the most part, to the loss in a pound's weight of gold, of 13s., 4d. or more; also, as a result of the outrageous number of wars sustained by the kingdom to no effect, and the losses by land and sea sustained as a result of the said wars, and the coasts of the sea not being guarded or defended. And yet your commodities of the kingdom, like wool, tin, and lead, are not worth what they were in the past, to the great impoverishment of the whole realm. And yet, the expenses of each estate are more exorbitant throughout the realm than they have ever been before, leading always to poverty without gain, so that this kingdom has declined into misery these past fifteen years or more without a remedy being supplied.
Sur queux matiers, treshonurez seignours, pur Dieux, pur honour et profit de vous, et [col. b] pur relevere les povres du roialme, veulliez tendrement penser par vous et par autres sages par queux vous veez qe soient pur appeller a vous, remedie ent puisse duement au present estre ordenez, et seurement les remedies pur les ditz perils tenuz, ou autrement, treshonurez seignours, il n'est pas a crere bien ne prosperitee endurer parentre les gentz de la terre, pur la povertee q'est semblable avenir. Most honoured lords, for love of God, for your honour and benefit, and [col. b] to relieve the poor of the kingdom, may you carefully consider these matters, consulting with such other wise men as you see fit to call upon, so that remedy for this may be duly and now ordained, and the remedies for the said perils securely established, for otherwise, most honoured lords, it is inconceivable that good or prosperity will abound amongst the people of the land, because of the poverty which is bound to arise.
27. Et quant Dieux ad pleu ottroier par vous, nostre seignour lige, et par noz autres seignours par vous esluz, bones ordenances et remedies pur les greves et perils avauntditz, plese a vostre nobleye, en plesance de Dieux, et en perfaite esploit de bone governaille, overtement devant tut vostre present parlement priere a voz peres, et as touz autres seignours de vostre terre ycy assemblez q'ils veullient, et chescun soy veulle promettre, en lui, et pur lui, a tenir fermement ce q'orest purveu pur remedie de tout le poeple, nient contrevenaunt pur nule puissance q'ils ont en lours grantz estatz, et sur les officers ore esleuz, et sur les justices, et sur touz autres commissioners qi averont affaire entre le poeple, tiele peine ordeiner, et lour peyne en pleyn parlement faire declarrer qe due execucioun se purra estre fait de toutes les remedies ore appointez entre < toutes > persones, et en toutes temps; et en acomplissement de bon et gracious conseille en ceste parlement tiele grace et pardoun ottroier as touz les liges ore esteantz en awere de lours vies, come par une peticioun ent faite et declarrez est compris. Et si en avera nostre dit seignour, et toutes noz autres seignours et communes, grande gree de Dieux et de gentz. Dieux le veulle, amen. 27. And when it has pleased God to grant through you, our liege lord, and through our other lords chosen by you, good ordinances and remedies for the aforesaid perils and grievances, may it please your nobility, to the pleasure of God, and for the perfect execution of good governance, before all your present parliament to pray openly of your peers, and all the other lords of your land here assembled, that each and every one of them will promise firmly to uphold that which is now provided by way of remedy for all the people, and not undo it by any power which they have in their great estates, and upon the officers now elected, and upon the justices, and all other commissioners, who have to act amongst the people, to ordain such penalties, and to cause them to be declared in full parliament on certain pain, that all the remedies which have now been decided shall be duly performed amongst everyone and for all time; and by good and gracious counsel in this parliament, to grant grace and pardon to all the lieges who now fear for their lives, as is set out in a petition made and announced thereon. And for this, our said lord, and all our other lords and commons shall have great thanks of God and of men, God willing, Amen.
Ottroi fait par le roi as ditz articles. Agreement given by the king to the said articles.
28. Et fait a remembrer quant mesmes les articles estoient lues en dit parlement si fuist assentuz qe sibien les clercs de la chancellerie de les deux principalx degrees, et les justices, et sergeantz, barons et grantz officers de l'escheqier trestouz, et auxint certaines persones des melliours apprentices de la loi, serront chargez par lour ligeances et serementz, chescune degree par soy, de lour adviser diligealment de les abusions, tortz et defautes qe furent faites et usez en lours places, et en les courtes du roi, et auxint en les courtes d'autres seignours parmy le roialme; et par especial des ditz maintenours et extorcioners en paiis, et de lours malfaitz, d'amender le dit governaille, come devant ad este requis. Et auxint estoit advis qe les marchantz serroient de lour part semblablement chargez de lour adviser sur les meschiefs qe sont deinz le roialme, de ce qe les commoditees cresceantz deinz le roialme sont ore de pluis petit pris qe unqes devant ne soleient; et les marchandises qe viegnent depar dela si sont de plus grant pris qe ne soloient; et la navie du roialme a poy destruit; et la monoie tundue, et autrement appeirez, et emportez hors du roialme, en tiele manere qe riens n'est a poy remys < ne > de bien ne de bountee quant as dites choses deinz le roialme avauntdit. Et qe sur lour advis ent pris chescun des dites degrees et places par soi mettroit en escrit les meschiefs usez en le governaille q'a luy appartient, et avec ce leur avis des remedies a purvoier pur amendement, au fin qe les seignours et communes apris del purpos de ceulx qi mieulz ent sont conissantz, par reson purront le plus [memb. 10] discretement aler avant a bone conclusion d'amender ce q'est a amender en dit governaill, come devant est demandez. Et einsi furent chargez de faire singulerement. 28. And be it remembered that when the same articles had been read in the said parliament it was agreed that the clerks of the chancery of the two first degrees, and all the justices, serjeants, barons, and great officers of the exchequer, as well as certain of the greater apprentices of the law, should be charged on oath and on the strength of their allegiance, in their several degrees, diligently to inform themselves of abuses, wrongs, and faults committed and practised in their offices, and in the king's courts, and also in the courts of other lords throughout the kingdom; and especially of the said maintainers and extortioners in the county, and of their misdeeds, to improve the said governance, as had been requested in the past. And it was also recommended that the merchants should for their part similarly be charged to advise themselves of the troubles occurring within the kingdom, in so far as commodities produced in the kingdom are now worth less than ever before; and the merchandise which comes from overseas is of a higher price than it was; and the kingdom's fleet almost destroyed; and the coinage clipped and otherwise defaced, and carried out of the kingdom, to such an extent that scarcely anything of worth or quality is left of the said resources within the aforesaid kingdom. And that on their advice, the said degrees and estates should take it upon themselves severally to write down the faults found in governance, together with advice on the corrective remedies to be applied, so that the lords and commons, having learnt the opinions of those who are most knowledgeable therein, may with reason [memb. 10] the better proceed to an effective decision to amend that which is to be amended in the said governance, as has previously been requested. And that they were severally charged to do so.
Chancellerie et l'escheqier. The chancery and the exchequer.
29. Et puis apres quant ils s'avoient advis de lours charges et appointes, les meschiefs et remedies, les ditz degres singulerement firent report devant les seignours et communes a diverses journees, aucuns en escrit, et aucuns par bouche, de ce qe lour ent sembloit par leur charge a remedier, dont en partie remede est purveuz en [p. iii-103][col. a] cest parlement, sibien c'estassavoir de ceulx de l'escheqier, come de les marchandies. Et de la chancellerie, si defaute y serra trovez en lour governaille, le chanceller ad dit q'il le fra amender a tout son poair, et sanz delay. 29. Later, when they had discussed their charges and decisions, and the troubles and remedies, the said degrees individually and on various days, some in writing and some by word of mouth, reported on that which seemed to them in need of remedy, which remedy was provided in part in [p. iii-103][col. a] this parliament, namely for those in the exchequer, as in matters of commerce. As for the chancery, if fault be found in its governance, the chancellor has said that he will rectify it to the best of his power, and without delay.
Requeste de la commune pur grace et pardoun avoir, etc. The request of the commons to have graces and pardons, etc..
30. Item, autrefoitz reviendrent les communes en parlement, monstrantz une cedule contenant en trois articles le manere de trois maneres de graces et pardoun affaire, si plest a nostre seignour le roi, < ore a sa commune > de son dit roialme. La primere grace, pur les seignours, gentils, et autres qe en resistence des ryotours et treitours firent occire certains persones sanz due proces de < loy. > La secounde, pur appaiser les malx gentz qe ensi leverent en dit rumour, pur treson et felonie fait en dit rumour; et la tierce, d'autre grace affaire as bones gentz qi se tindrent en paix, et ne leverent mye, empriantz qe < sur > celles graces vousissent aviser de faire graciouse responce, pur la quiete et commune profit de roialme, purveuz toutes voies qe certeins persones qe furent principalx excitours et comenceours del dit rumour, dont les nouns ore sont et en apres serront liverez en parlement, n'aient aucune part de la dite grace par quelconqe voie. Et sur ce le roi nostre seignour, par l'advis des seignours, justices, et autres de son conseil, si < fist > appointer le manere et fourme des dites pardouns, en la forme qe s'ensuit: 30. Also, the commons returned again to parliament, displaying a schedule containing in three articles the three kinds of grace and pardon now to be made, if it pleased our lord the king, to the commons of his said realm. The first grace was for the lords, gentles, and others who in resisting the rioters and traitors, had killed certain persons without due process of law. The second was to pardon the evil doers who had taken part in the said rebellion, of the treason and felony they had committed in the said uprising; and the third was the grace to be awarded to good men who remained in peace and did not rebel, requesting that they might wait for the king's gracious reply concerning these graces, for the tranquillity and common profit of the kingdom, provided in all cases that certain persons who were the principal instigators and initiators of the said uprising, whose names are known and shall later be delivered in parliament, should have not the least part in the said graces. And thereupon, the king our lord, by the advice of the lords, justices, and others of his council, had the manner and form of the said pardons set out in the following way:
La forme grantez des chartres de pardoun de la grace le roi. The form given to the charters of pardon of the king's grace.
31. Ce est la fourme accordez en parlement sur la grace et pardoun qe le roi ferroit ore a sa commune par les causes suisdites: primerement, touchant les seignours, gentils, et autres, queux en les rumour et insurreccioun de villeins et d'autres malfaisours, q'ore tard se leverent < traiterousement > par assemblees en outrageouse multitude en diverses parties du roialme, contre Dieux, bone foi et resoun, et contre la dignitee nostre seignour le roi et sa corone, et les loies de sa terre, firent diverses punissementz sur les ditz villeyns et autres issint levantz, sanz due proces de loy, et en autre manere qe la loy et usage de la terre demandent, combien qe ce firent ils noun pas de malice purpensez, einz soulement pur contresteer la malice comencez, et pur cesser et appeiser le dit meschief; nostre seignour le roi considerant les grantz diligences et loialtee des seignours et gentilx en celle partie, et qe a celle foitz pur la meschief apparant homme ne poast sur les ditz punissementz avoir attendu de faire proces de loy; et aiant regarde a ce qe les ditz seignours et gentilx faisantz les ditz punissementz selonc lours propres avis et discretions, et a bone entente, ne furent touz apris de loy; et voillant par tant a eux faire grace sicome moelt bien [l'ont deserviz,] lour ad pardone et relessez, de l'assent des seignours et communes en ce parlement, quanqe a lui ent appartient, ou a lui et ses heirs purra appartenir; issint qe en temps avenir pur chose issint faite par eux ou nul de eux sur les ditz punissementz et resistence quelconqe ce soit, ils ne soient jammais empeschez ne grevez en quelconqe manere, en corps, n'en biens, ne en lours heritages et possessions quelconqes, par nostre seignour le roi, ses heirs, et ministres, n'autres quelconqes, en aucun temps avenir: mais tout oultrement ent soient quitz a touz jours par cest estatut, sanz autre chartre en avoir en especial, ou pursuir. Grace pur les seignours et gentils, etc. 31. This is the form agreed in parliament for the grace and pardon which the king will now grant to his commons for the aforesaid reasons: firstly, touching the lords, gentles, and others who during the uprising and insurrection of the villeins and other malefactors, who lately rebelled treacherously by assembling in great multitudes in various parts of the kingdom, and against God, good faith, and reason, and against the dignity of our lord the king and his crown, and the laws of his land, inflicted various punishments on the said villeins and others so rebelling, without due process of the law, and contrary to the requirements of the law and usages of the land, although they did this so not with malice aforethought, but solely to resist the evil begun, and to quell and end the said mischief; our lord the king, considering the great diligence and loyalty of the lords and noblemen in that regard, and that at that time, there was no time for legal procedure to be followed in the said punishments; and bearing in mind that the said lords and noblemen inflicting the said punishments at their own judgment and discretion, and with good intent, were not all learned in law; and wishing for that reason to grant them the grace which they have fully deserved, has pardoned and released them, with the assent of the lords and commons in this parliament, as far as it pertains to him to do so, or may pertain to him and his heirs; so that in time to come, for anything done by them or one of them in respect of the said punishments and resistance, whatsoever it may be, they shall never be prosecuted or punished in any way, in body, nor in goods, nor in their inheritances or possessions whatsoever, by our lord the king, his heirs, and ministers, nor any others, at any time in the future: but that they shall be quit entirely and forever by this statute, without receiving any other special charter, or bringing suit. Grace for the lords and gentry, et cetera.
Grace pur les rebelx. Grace for the rebels.
32. Item, nostre seignour le roi, considerant coment ses liges et subgitz de son dit roialme tutdys depuis sa coronement tanqe as dites insurreccions et levees faitz se sont bien portez et peisiblement lour governez, et lour ad trovez propices et bone voluntee devers lui en toutz ses affaires et necessitees; et par tant combien qe plusours de eux en dites insurreccions aient commys tiel traisoun et felonie envers lui et sa coroune et les loyes de sa terre q'ils ont forfait envers lui lours corps, terres, et biens; nientmeins, al reverence de Dieux, et de sa doulce mere Seinte Marie, et al especiale requeste de noblee dame, dame Anne, file a noble Prince Charles nadgaires emperour [col. b] de Rome, roigne d'Engleterre, si Dieux plest, proscheinement avenir; et auxint au fin qe mesme les subgitz eient la greindre corage a demurrer en lour foialtee et ligeance pur temps avenir, sicome ils firent devant la < dite > levee; de < sa > grace especiale ad pardonez a sa dite commune, et a chescune singulere persone d'ycelle qe ne soit ou sont mye des villes de Canterbirs, Bury Seint Esmon, Beverleye, Scardeburgh', Bruggewater, et Cantebrugg', horspris par especial < les > persones des queux les nouns en apres sont escritz, queux nouns sont mis avant en parlement, come ceux qi sont arettez et < accusez > pur chiefteins, dustres, excitours, et principalx des dites insurreccions et malfaitz, par la commune de lour paiis en ce parlement; et horspris touz provours et appellez des dites traisons et felonies, et horspris ceux qi tuerent Symon l'ercevesqe de Canterbirs nadgairs chanceller, le priour de Seint Johan adonqes tresorer, et Johan de Cavendissh' chief justice nostre dit seignour, et horspris ceux qi se sont eschapez ou departiz de prisone, et ne se sont encores renduz ne retournez a ycelle. Les queux persones le roi ne voet mie, quant au present, q'ils aient part de sa dite grace toutes maneres des tresons et felonies par eux es dites insurreccions parentre le primer jour de Maii derrain passez [1381] et la feste de Tousseintz lors proschein ensuant [1 November 1381] faitz ou perpetrez, dont ils sont enditez, rettes, ou enchesonez, et auxint les utlagaries, etc. Et n'est mye l'entencioun le roi qe les parties endamagez es dites insurreccions soient forclos parmye ceste grace, q'ils ne purront pur le recoverir de lours damages et perdes euz et soeffertz es dites insurrections pursuir par quelconqes accions, par quelles homme ne purra [proceder a] juggement de vie. Et est assentuz qe cellui qi vorra enjoier ceste grace, ent pursue d'avoir sa chartre en especial parentre cy et la fest de Pentecost proschein avenir [25 May 1382]. 32. Also, our lord the king considering that the lieges and subjects of his said realm, from the time of his coronation until the said insurrections and uprisings, had conducted themselves well, governed themselves peacably, and shown him favour and good will in all his needs and affairs; and although some of them during the said insurrections had committed such treason and felony towards him, his crown, and the laws of the land that they had forfeited their bodies, lands, and goods to him; nevertheless, out of reverence for God and His sweet mother St Mary, and at the special request of the noble lady, the Lady Anne, daughter of the noble prince Charles, late emperor [col. b] of Rome, soon, if it please God, to be queen of England; and also to the end that the same subjects should be the more strongly inclined to remain faithful and loyal in future, as they were before the said uprising; of his special grace he has pardoned the said commons, and each and every member of them not of the towns of Canterbury, Bury St Edmunds, Beverley, Scarborough, Bridgwater, and Cambridge, excepting in particular the persons whose names are listed below, their names being put forward in parliament as those who are the arrested and accused by the commons of their country in this parliament, as the heads, leaders, instigators, and principals of the said insurrections and misdeeds committed; also excluding all approvers and those appealed of the said treasons and felonies, as well as those who killed Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, lately chancellor, the prior of St John, then treasurer, and John Cavendish, chief justice of our said lord; and excluding those who have escaped or fled from prison, and have not yet returned or been returned there. For the king assuredly does not wish that those people shall, for the present, have any part in the said grace in respect of all manner of treasons and felonies committed and perpetrated by them in the said insurrections between 1 May last and the following feast of All Saints [1 November 1381], for which they have been indicted, charged, or accused, and also outlawries, etc.. And it is indeed not the intention of the king that parties injured in the said insurrections shall be prevented by this grace from recovering, by various legal actions which stop short of a judgment of death, their damages and losses suffered in the said insurrections. And it is agreed that he who wishes to enjoy this grace shall seek his individual charter between now and the feast of Whitsun next. [25 May 1382]
[Grace pur la bone et loiale commune, etc.] Grace for the good and loyal commons, etc..
33. Item, nostre seignour le roi, considerant [coment plusours] gentilx, et autres bones [communes, sibien es countees et paiis ou le dit rumour et] insurrection se firent, [come] en autres [paiis et countees ou les dites insurrections ore se] firent mye, al temps du dit rumour, se avoient et governoient en bone paiis et quiete, sanz faire ou consentir au chose aucune qe purroit soner en perturbacion de la paix, combien qe grant excitacion avoient a contraire, aucuns par manaces de malfaisours survenantz, et aucuns en diverse autre manere - dont ils [ont] deserviz grant reward et [guerdon -] et par tant pur [eschancier] la corage de touz [ceux qi] ont bien fait en celle partie de lour continuer bien pur temps avenir, et pur ensample doner as autres de bien faire, al reverence de Dieux, et al instance et especiale requeste del dite dame, nostre dit seignour le roy de sa grace especiale ad pardonez a sa commune, et a chescune persone de mesme le roialme qi ne se leverent mye, etc., en dite insurrection [...] toutes maneres de felonies faitez ou perpetrez devant le .xiiij. me jour de Decembre, l'an present, dont ils sont enditez, etc., ou enchesonez; exceptz traisones, murdres, et ravissementz des femmes, et auxint les utlagaries, si nules, etc. Horspris ceux qi sont enditez pur communes larons, ou communes homicides, et ceux qi sont communes larons, et communes homicides: et exceptz toutes provours et appellez; et ceux qi sont eschapez ou issiz hors de prisone et ne se sont depuis renduz a ycelle; et ceux auxint horspris qe furent detenuz en prisone pur felonie le dit .xiiij. me jour de Decembre [1381]. Et auxint, pur greindre reward faire as dites bones communes, le roi lour ad pardonez et relessez quanqe a lui appartient, pur toutes maneres de trespas et mesprisions par eux faitz, ou nul de eux, devant mesme le xiiij jour de Decembre, qe cherroient en fin ou raunceon devers le roi ou ses heirs; horspris les dettes le roy, et horspris reconisances et obligacions faites au roi ou a ses progenitours pur toutes maneres de seuretees de paix, et en autre manere. Et ordenez est qe ceux qi vorront enjoier ceste pardon, ent pursuent lours chartres en especial entre cy et la feste de Pentecost suisdite [25 May 1382]. 33. Also, our lord the king, considering that many gentlemen and other good commons, as well in the counties and parts where the said uprising and insurrection took place, as in other parts and counties where the said insurrections have since occurred, conducted and governed themselves in peace and tranquillity, without doing or agreeing to anything which might result in a disturbance of the peace, even though they were greatly urged to do so, some by the threats of malefactors coming upon them, and some in various other ways - for which they deserve considerable reward and recompense - and also to encourage thereby those who acted well in that matter to continue to do so in future, and as an inspiration to others, out of reverence for God, and at the instance and special request of the said lady, our said lord the king, by his special grace, has pardoned his commons, and any of the same kingdom who did not rebel, et cetera, in the said insurrections, of all manner of felonies committed and perpetrated before 14 December in the present year, of which they have been indicted, etc., or accused; except treasons, murders, and ravishment of women, and also outlawries, if any, et cetera.. And except those who are indicted of common theft, or common homicide, and those who were common thieves or common murderers: and except all those approvers and appealers; and those who have escaped or fled prison and have not since returned to the same; and those also who were imprisoned for felony on 14 December aforesaid. And further to reward the said good commons, the king has pardoned and released them, as far at pertains to him to do, from all kinds of trespasses and misprisions committed by them, or any one of them, before the same 14 December, for which a fine or ransom was owed to the king or his heirs; except the king's debts, and except recognizances and bonds made to the king or his progenitors for all manner of guarantees of peace, or in other ways. And it is ordained that those who wish to enjoy this pardon, shall sue for individual charters between now and the aforesaid feast of Whitsun [25 May 1382].
[p. iii-104]
[col. a]
34. Item, le venderdy qe fuist le .xiij. jour de Decembre, revindrent en presence les dites communes, et illoeqes nostre seignour le roi lors present, firent reherceal et recapitulacioun de leurs requestes devaunt faitz, et prierent a nostre seignour le roi, et as seignours du parlement, d'avoir veue de l'appointement de les graces ore affaires en aide et comfort de sa commune, et de les autres choses par eux devant requises touchant le governement de la persone le roi nostre seignour, et de son hostiel, et del ordenance affaire et purvoier encontre les malurez communes, s'ils, qe defende, [s'afforceassent autrefoitz de lever] ou malx congregations faire. 34. Also, on Friday 13 December, the said commons returned, and in the presence of our lord the king rehearsed and reiterated the requests they had previously made, and prayed of our lord the king and the lords of parliament that they might hear the decisions reached on the grace to be granted to the aid and comfort of his commons, and the other matters previously raised by them, touching the government of our lord the king's person, and his household, and the ordinance to be devised and provided against the unhappy commons, should they ever try again to rise or organize evil assemblies, which God forbid.
De la monoie. Concerning money.
Et auxint sur l'amendement des meschiefs de la monoie, qi est si oultrageousement [appeirez et] [emportez hors] du roialme, et auxint de l'ordenance affaire countre la malice des jurrours, embraceours des quereles, et maintenours en paiis, vers queux par enquestes ou enquerrees par un duszein, solonc ce q'ad este usez devant, sanz autre remede purvoier, homme n'avera jammais recoverir, ne leur purra de riens atteindre, a cause q'ils sont confederez et entreliez trestouz ensemble, qe chescun de eux meintendra autre, soit en tort ou en droit. Et par especial prient la commune qe l'estatut des purveiours soit ore afermez qe mys en due execucion, sanz pardon faire a les trespassours a l'encontre par aucune voie: qar la commune dit qe les purveiours rienz ne paient pur vitailles ne cariages par eux purveuz ou prises, einz sont en paiis pluis des tortz, d'oppressions, et d'outrages a la povre commune, qe unqes ne firent devaunt en nul temps. And also, respecting some solution for the problems with money, which is excessively clipped and withdrawn from the kingdom, and also the ordinance to be made against the malice of jurors, embracers of suits, and maintainers in the shires, from whom by inquests and inquiries by the dozen, in accordance with past practice, without other remedy being provided, one cannot ever recover or obtain anything, because they are all in league and bound to one another, each supporting the other, be it for wrong or for right. And the commons pray in particular that the statute of purveyors should now be confirmed and duly executed, without pardon being given to contravenors in any way: for the commons say that the purveyors pay nothing for victuals nor carriage purveyed or taken from themselves, and that many wrongs, oppressions, and outrages are happening in the country at the expense of the poor commons, as have never happened before.
35. A quoi fust reppliez pur le roi qe voirs est qe le roi ad grantement despenduz sur le paisement de cest derrain rumour, et en autre diverse manere, paront il est moelt grandement endettez, sicome ad este reportez et declarez a vous sa dite commune par les officers le roi devant ceste heure. Et grantement lui convient a despendre, < sibien > sur la venue de madame la roigne, et < sur > les mariage et coronement d'ele, qe proscheinement serront faitz, si Dieux plest, come sur la salve garde de paiis et forteresces le roi depar dela, et sur le defens du roialme: pur queux dettes ne despenses rienz est ordenez de paier, ne rienz est demurrez devers le roi en tresor, terres, ne possessions, en effect dont sustenir la disme partie de la charge qe lui faudroit a fine force supporter; ne les subsides des leynes, n'autre rienz. Et par tant lour convient ordener auxi [avant] pur salvation del estat le roi, come pur la commune avauntdite, et d'ordener dont paier tielx charges, qar avec la commune ne poet mye bien estre, sinoun qe bien ne soit avec lour roi et seignour. 35. To which it was replied on the king's behalf that it was true that the king had spent large amounts on the pacification of that late uprising, and in various other ways, wherefore he was greatly in debt, as was reported and announced to the said commons by the king's officers heretofore. Moreover it would be most necessary for him to spend upon the coming of our lady the queen, and her marriage and coronation which would happen soon, if it please God, as well as on the safeguarding of the king's lands and fortresses overseas, and on the defence of the realm: for which debts or expenses nothing had been set aside, and there remained to the king wealth, lands, and possessions which would provide no more than a tenth of the amount he would have to find out of sheer necessity; nor yet the subsidies on wool, nor anything else. And for this reason it would fall to them to ordain for the security of the estate of the king as well as for the aforesaid commons, and to order that such expenses might be met, for prosperity will never befall the commons if it be not enjoyed by their king the lord.
36. A quoy la commune respondi, [qe aiant] consideracioun al mal coer qe la commune porte encores en rancour par tout le roialme, ils n'osent ne ne veullent en aucune manere granter taillage, n'autre chose quele curroit entre la dite commune, et en lour < charge. > Et adonqes fuist demandez de la commune, de granter prorogacion del subside des leynes, quirs, peulx lanutz, pur un temps, au fin qe le roi ent purroit paier les gaiges de Caleys; quiel subside deust ore [cesser] a Nowelle proschein venant [25 December 1381]. 36. To which the commons replied that bearing in mind the ill will which the common people still express in rancour throughout the kingdom, they did not dare nor wish to grant tallage in any way, or anything else for which the said commons would be liable or responsible. Then the commons were asked whether they would grant a prorogation of the subsidy on wool, hides, and woolfells, for a time, so that the king might pay the wages of Calais; which subsidy ought to end at Christmas next coming [25 December 1381].
37. Et la commune respondi qe de ce ne furent encores advisez. Et oultre ils disoient a nostre seignour le roi qe depuis q'ils avoient longement [demurrez, et] la feste de Nowelle si fust bien pres, et les plus chargeantz et necessaires matires touchez en cest parlement si ne furent mye encores terminez, ne remediez les meschiefs [apparantz pur l'arduite d'icelles,] lour sembloit ore pur le mieultz qe cest parlement fuist adjourne tanqe apres Nowelle, issint qe en le moien temps chescun de eux purroit soi adviser [col. b] de sa part de bone remede. Et [pensoient qe devant lour] retourn ils einsi ferront devers lour communes, et [les indueront] tiellement chescun en son paiis qe mesme la commune serra de milliour volentee d'aider et doner a lour roi, qe [ores ne] sont. Et fuist responduz depar le roi qe bien pleust au roi del adjourner mesme le parlement par la dite cause; et auxint ce covient estre fait, pur tant qe ma dit dame la roigne si est ores venuz deinz le roialme, paront convient qe les ditz seignours y voisent a l'encontre pur la faire reverence, come reson demande. 37. And the commons replied that they could not even agree to that. Moreover, they told our lord the king that since they had remained in parliament a long while, and the feast of Christmas was fast approaching, and the most weighty and urgent matters touched on in this parliament had not yet been settled, nor the problems resulting from the difficulties of the same resolved, it now seemed to them for the best that this parliament should be adjourned until after Christmas, so that in the meantime they might each consider [col. b] for his part some good remedy. And they thought that before their return they should go back to their own communities, and that each in his own country should make such explanation that the same commons would be more willing to aid and grant money to our lord the king than they were at present. And it was answered on the king's behalf that it was wholly pleasing to the king to adjourn the same parliament for the said reason; and also it needed to be done, because our said lady the queen had now arrived in the kingdom, and the said lords were to meet her and pay their respects, as reason demanded.
38. Et y fust reportez a la commune depar le roi qe le cont d'Arondell' et monsire Michel de la Pole, [furent] esluz, [ordenez, et] jurrez d'estre de lees la [persone] le roi et en son hostiel, < pur > conseiller et governer sa persone, etc. Et adonqes la commune priast d'avoir la veue de l'apointement de les dites graces affaires, au fin qe celles reportez en lour paiis la commune puisse le mieultz estre comfortez. 38. And it was reported to the commons on the king's behalf that the earl of Arundel and Sir Michael de la Pole had been elected, ordained, and sworn to accompany the person of the king, and belong to his household, to advise and govern his person, et cetera. Then the commons prayed that they might see the decision reached over the said graces to be granted, so that having reported them in their counties, the commons might be the more reassured.
39. A quoy fuist autrefoitz repliez depar le roi qe ce n'ad mye este custume de parlement devaunt ceste heure, d'avoir general pardoun, et tielle grace [de roi,] quant la commune riens ne voet au roi granter; ne auxint [mesqe] il granteroit ore a la commune ce q'ils demandent, ce n'ad mye este [veuz] devaunt, c'estassavoir, qe le roi granteroit a la commune sinoun qe mesme la commune [...] eut avant primerement lour supplicacioun en escrit, a quele supplicacioun ad este use devaunt ceste heure qe le roi ferroit sa responce le darrein jour de parlement en escrit, et nemye par bouche. A quoi la commune respondi autre foitz q'ils se vorront adviser < et communer derechief > de lour grant affaire del subside des leynes, et adonqes fuist dit depar le roi qe le roi s'adviseroit de sa dite grace tanqe la commune avoit fait de leur < part > ce qe a eux appartient. 39. To which it was replied on the king's behalf that it had not been customary in parliaments in the past for a general pardon and such grace to be had from the king, when the commons wished to grant the king nothing; moreover, even if he should now grant to the commons what they demanded, that had never been known before, namely that the king should make a grant to the commons unless the same commons had first submitted their request in writing, to which request it was usual for the king to make his response in writing on the last day of parliament, and not by word of mouth. To which the commons again replied that they would further discuss and consult on their grant to be made of the subsidy on wool, and it was then said on the king's behalf that the king would consider his said grace until the commons had done for their part that which pertained to them.
[Grant del subside des leines.] Grant of the subsidy on wool.
40. [Item, quant mesme la commune s'avoit son poy advisez] ils retournerent devaunt les seignours, endisantz q'ils avoient entenduz les outrageouses charges qe nostre seignour le roi [sustient et] porte en diverses maneres, sibien decea come dela la meer: et coment les subsides des leynes, peaulx lanutz, [et quirs, de quoi le greindre profit qe le roi prent en] son roialme sourde, [pur paiementz] faire sur les [ditz charges, devra ore a cest fest] de Nowelle proscheinement [avenir [25 December 1381] failler et cesser parmy le derrain grant ent fait a parlement] tenuz a Northampton'; et volenters [si vorroient ils aider a nostre seignour le roi a la] supportacion de la dite charge [selonc lours petitz poairs. Et pensent] d'autre part qe par continuel occupation del dit subside es mains de nostre dit seignour le roi [sanz interruption de temps, l'en purroit] legerement cleymer pur et en noun de roi d'avoir les dites subsides come de droit et de custume, combien qe riens n'y ad le roi es dites subsides sinoun par lour grant. Quele chose par proces de temps purroit issint cheoir en desheritison et continuel charge de toute la commune d'Engleterre pur touz jours, qe Dieux ne veulle; et par tant, et pur eschuer celle meschief, < les > prelats, seignours, et communes avauntdites grantent < a nostre seignour le roi, > pur eux et pur toute la commune d'Engleterre, autielles subsides des leynes, peaulx lanutz, et quirs, en touz pointz come il ent avoit, ou resceut, parmy le derrain grant avauntdit; a avoir et resceiver del feste de la Circumcision Nostre Seignour < proschein venant [1 January 1382], > tanqe al feste de la Chandeleure deslors proschein ensuant [2 February 1382] tantsoulement: issint qe l'espace parentre Nowelle [25 December] et la dite Circumcisioun [1 January] ent soit de tout voide, a cause de faire avoir ore la dite interrupcioun. Et sur < ce en cest > parlement furent < lues > [...] en audience de la commune la forme et manere de les graces et pardon qe le roi avoit fait a la commune, come [p. iii-105][col. a] dessuis est escrit. Dont la commune fist grande joie, et ent mercierent par tant moelt humblement et entierement nostre seignour le roi dessusdit. 40. Also, when the same commons had briefly discussed the matter, they returned before the aforesaid lords, saying that they heard of the excessive burdens which our said lord the king bore and sustained in various ways, both on this side of the sea and beyond: and that the subsidies on wool, woolfells and hides, from which the king derived the most profit, enabling him to pay for the said burdens, were due to cease and come to an end this Christmas next [1381] under the terms of the grant last made thereon at the parliament held at Northampton; and so they earnestly wished to aid our lord the king in supporting the said charge to the best of their feeble means. Yet, on the other hand, they thought that if the said subsidy were to remain in the hands of our said lord the king without interruption for a while, the receipt of the said subsidies might easily be claimed as a right and custom for and in the name of the king, even though the king got nothing from the said subsidies except by their grant. Which, in the process of time, would disinherit and continually burden all the commons of England forever, which God forbid; and for that reason, and to avoid that problem, the prelates, lords, and aforesaid commons grant to our lord the king, on behalf of themselves and all the commons of England, such subsidies on wool, woolfells, and hides, in all detail as he had or received before, by the aforesaid last grant; to have and receive from the feast of the Circumcision of Our Lord next [1 January 1382], until the following feast of Candlemas only [2 February 1382]: so that the period between Christmas [25 December 1381] and the said Circumcision [1 January 1382] shall be completely free thereof, to ensure such interruption. Whereupon, in this parliament, in the hearing of the commons were read aloud the form and nature of the graces and pardon mentioned above, which the king had made to the commons. [p. iii-105][col. a] Whereupon the commons expressed great joy, and most humbly and earnestly thanked our aforesaid lord the king therefor.
Declaration de la grace le roi fait a la commune. The declaration of the king's grace made to the commons.
41. Item, les seignours et autres de conseil le roi firent faire et ordener une note de les commissions qe serroient faitz en chescun countee et paiis d'Engleterre as seignours et autres des plus < vanez > gentz < del > lieu, pur contresteer et punir les rebeulx si nul par cas, qe Dieux ne voille, s'afforceast ou vousist autrefoitz rumour comencer ou ryot deinz le roialme, en la forme qe s'ensuit: 41. Also, the lords and others of the king's council caused there to be made and ordained in the following form, a note of the commissions which would be granted in each county and region of England to the lords and others from amongst the most respected people of the place, to oppose and punish rebels if any by chance strove or sought to promote another rising or riot within the kingdom, which God forbid.
La fourme des commissions affaire parmy le roialme pur riotours et rebelx. The form of the commissions to be established throughout the kingdom against rioters and rebels.
Ricardus, etc., dilectis et fidelibus suis A. B. C., salutem. Sciatis quod cum plures malefactores in diversis congregacionibus et conventiculis in diversis partibus regni nostri Anglie, contra fidem et ligeanciam suam nobis debitas, proditorie et quasi hostiliter nuper insurgentes, diversa prodiciones, homicida, incendia, et alia mala intollerabilia et inaudita, tam nobis quam fidelibus subditis nostris horribiliter fecerint et perpetraverint, nos, de avisamento et consensu procerum et magnatum in ultimo parliamento nobis assistencium, volentes pro quiete populi nostri stabiliendo et firmando, ac pro consimilibus insurreccionibus, dampnis, et prejudiciis evitando, ut tenemur, salubriter providere; et de fidelitate, industria, et circumspeccione vestris plenius confidentes, [memb. 9] assignaverimus vos conjunctim et divisim ad pacem nostram in comitatu B. et singulis partibus ejusdem, tam infra libertates quam extra, integram et illesam viis et modis quibus convenit custodiendam et custodiri faciendam, et ad omnes et singulos si quos in hujusmodi conventiculis seu congregacionibus contra dictam pacem nostram in futuro levare seu se congregare contigerit, ac omnes alios quos vobis vel alicui vestrum legitime constare poterit populum nostrum exnunc verbo, facto, arte, vel ingenio aut colore quocumque, ad levandum et insurgendum in hujusmodi conventiculis et congregacionibus movere, excitare, vel procurare, arestandos, et arestari, ac in prisonis nostris sub arta custodia quousque pro eorum punicione duxerimus ordinando detineri faciendos, et si vobis rebelles vel resistentes fuerint, juxta discreciones vestras puniendos seu destruendos, et ad hujusmodi conventicula et congregaciones illicita quibuscumque viis et modis quibus poteritis, eciam per vim et potenciam armatam si necesse fuerit, deprimenda, repellenda, et resistenda. Et ad omnia et singula que pro evitatione hujusmodi rebellionis, ac stabilitate et firmacione pacis nostre, ac resistencia, castigacione, et punicione omnium illorum qui exnunc contra pacem nostram et eorum ligeanciam taliter insurgere, vel in aliquo numero illicito convenire, seu alios ad hoc excitare, movere, vel procurare, aut verbo, actu, vel gestu, erga quemcumque ligeum nostrum, per quod occasio sive suspitio hujusmodi insurreccionis sive levacionis oriri poterit, indebite se habere presumpserint, necessaria fuerint vel oportuna, tam per incarceracionem corporum et arestacionem bonorum et catallorum suorum, quam alio modo quocumque, ordinanda et disponenda, et ad hujusmodi ordinaciones et disposiciones a quibuscumque personis tam per sacramenta et alias securitates, quam aliis quibuscumque viis rigidis sive modestis quibus in hoc casu magis expedire videritis, observari faciendis. Et cum citius informari poteritis hujusmodi conventicula et congregaciones suspecta fieri in excessivo numero, se tenere ad posse comitatus predicti tam militum et armigerorum quam aliorum quotiens, ubi, et prout, expediens fuerit, cum omni festinacione congregandum, et contra hujusmodi rebelles pro eorum resistencia, castigacione, et destruccione ducendum, et duci [sic: read 'ducere'] faciendum, et ad omnes hujusmodi proditores et malefactores quos vos vel aliquem vestrum consimilia prodiciones, homicidia, felonias, vel incendia de facto perpetrare, aut roberias vel latrocinia actualiter facere cum manuopere contigerit invenire, capiendos et execucionem justicie de eis absque dilacione faciendam, et fieri [col. b] demandandam, etc. Et ad premissa ac alia omnia et singula que in premissis fore videritis necessaria, prout casus exigit et requirit, juxta maturas discreciones vestras facienda, ordinanda, excercenda, et exequenda. Dantes vobis et cuilibet vestrum tenore presencium potestatem et mandatum speciale, ad premissa omnia et singula et dependencia ab eisdem que conservacionem pacis nostre concernere poterunt, quociens et prout vobis et cuilibet vestrum melius pro pace nostra conservanda in hac parte expedire videbitur, ut predictum est, facienda, exequenda, et excercenda. Et ideo vobis et cuilibet vestrum mandamus districtius pro possimus, et eciam sub forisfactura omnium que nobis forisfacere poteritis injungentes quod circa premissa diligenter intendatis, et ea faciatis et exequamini in forma predicta. Damus autem universis et singulis militibus, armigeris, vicecomitibus, majoribus, ballivis, ministris, ac aliis ligeis, subditis, et fidelibus nostris quibuscumque, in fide et ligeantia quibus nobis tenentur, tenore presencium in mandatis quod vobis et cuilibet vestrum nomine nostro in premissis faciendis et exequendis, sicut predictum est, intendentes sint, consulentes, et auxiliantes, prout decet. Volentes quod si qui fuerint qui ad premissa per vos vel aliquem vestrum in forma predicta facienda et exequenda nomine nostro requisiti fuerint, et vobis in premissis parere, consulere, et auxiliare noluerint, vel recusaverint quod idem sic recusantes per vos vel aliquem vestrum arestentur, < imprisonentur, et > quibuscumque viis et modis ad arbitrium vestrum castigentur et puniantur. Mandavimus enim, etc. In cujus, etc. Teste rege apud Westm' .viij. die Martii. Richard, etc., to his beloved and faithful A. B. C., greeting. Know that since malefactors in divers assemblies and conventicles in divers parts of our kingdom of England, contrary to the loyalty and allegiance they owed us, lately rebelling in a treacherous and hostile manner, horribly committed and perpetrated various treasons, murders, arsons, and other intolerable and unheard of evils against us and our faithful subjects, we, with the advice and assent of the nobles and magnates attending our last parliament, wishing to establish and ensure the peace of our people, and securely to provide for the future avoidance of such insurrections, injuries, and harm, as we are bound to do; and trusting fully in your loyalty, industry, and circumspection [memb. 9] have appointed you jointly and severally to keep the peace intact and unimpaired and cause it to be kept so in the county of B. and every part of it, both within liberties and without, by any appropriate methods and means, and to arrest and caused to be arrested each and every person who may in future arrange or participate in such conventicles or gatherings contrary to our said peace, and all others whom you or any one of you know for certain to be persuading, encouraging, and inciting our people, whether by word, deed, act, cunning, or any other art, to rise up and rebel in such conventicles and gatherings, and cause them to be detained in our prisons in strict custody until we have determined and ordained their punishment, and punish and destroy them at your discretion if they rebel against you or resist you, and to crush, extinguish, and oppose all such illicit conventicles and gatherings by any methods or means within your power, even by force and armed might if necessary. And to do each and every one of such things, for the avoidance of such rebellion, and the stability and affirmation of our peace, and for the repression, castigation, and punishment of all those who shall henceforth unnaturally presume to rebel in such fashion against our peace and contrary to their allegiance, or gather together in any illicit number, or incite, persuade, or encourage others to do so, whether by word, act, or deed against any of our lieges, from which small beginnings or origins such insurrection or uprising might spring, as shall be necessary or appropriate, as well by imprisonment of their bodies and seizure of their goods and chattels, as in other ways, to ordain and make regulations, and cause such ordinations and regulations to be observed by all persons both upon oath and with other guarantees, as well as by other means whether strict or moderate and as shall seem most suitable to you. And as soon as you shall be informed that such conventicles and congregations are multiplying, you shall gather with all haste, and in accordance with the means of the aforesaid county, so many knights and men-at-arms, wheresoever and howsoever it shall seem expedient to do, and lead and cause them to be led against those rebels to oppose, punish, and destroy them, and to seize and take and execute justice on all such traitors and malefactors as shall truly perpetrate against you or any one of you similar treasons, murders, felonies, or arsons, or who be found in the act of committing thefts and robbery, [col. b] etc.. And to do, ordain, exercise, and execute each and every one of the premises as shall seem necessary to you, and as the situation demands and requires, at your mature discretion, giving to you and each and every one of you by the tenor of these presents a special power and mandate to do, exercise, and execute each and every one of the aforesaid and other things relevant to them which concern the preservation of our peace, as often and in whatsoever way shall seem best to you or any one of you for the preservation of our peace, as said above. And so we order you and every one of you as strictly as we are able that, on pain of forfeiting everything you can to us, you diligently attend to all the aforesaid matters, and perform and execute them in the aforesaid manner. We also give, by the tenor of these presents, orders that all knights, men-at-arms, sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, ministers, and other lieges, subjects, and faithful men, on the faith and allegiance by which they are bound to us, should attend, advise, and assist you and every one of you on our behalf as they ought, in doing and executing the aforesaid things, as mentioned above. Willing that if any persons be requested, in our name, by you or any one of you to do and carry out the aforesaid in the aforesaid manner, and they refuse or will not obey you in the aforesaid, that such recusants shall be arrested by you or any one of you, imprisoned, castigated, and punished by whatsoever means and methods you may decide. For we have ordered, etc.. In witness whereof, etc.. Witnessed by the king at Westminster 8 March [1382].
Pur les meinpernours monsire Rauf de Ferriers. For the mainpernors of Sir Ralph Ferrers.
42. Item, les contes de Warr', Staff', Salesbirs et Northumbr', et le seignour de Grey de Ruthin, prierent a nostre seignour le roi qe desicome ils, avec le priour de Seint Johan Jerusalem en Engleterre, qi Dieux assoille, s'estoient nadgaires en parlement tenuz a Norhampton', obligez a nostre seignour le roi, sur grief peine, et par especial corps pur corps, d'avoir monsire Rauf de Ferriers, chivaler, devant le roi et son conseil, a quele heure q'ils ent furent resonablement garniz, devant le proschein parlement deslors a tenir deinz le roialme d'Engleterre, pur respondre a nostre dit seignour le roy sur certaines chargeantes matires comprises en certeines lettres quelles furent devant trovez pres de Londres, et depuis baillez a nostre seignour le roi; par quelles matires, si celles lettres eussent este les propres lettres du dit monsire Rauf, et faites de son science, come celles ne furent, einz furent fauxement contrefaites pur destruire le dit monsire Rauf, come plus pleinement < apparust > en dit parlement de Norhampton', quant le dit monsire Rauf y ent fust < a > resonez, et mys a sa responce; < mais par ycelles lettres > sembloit qe le dit monsire Rauf deust avoir este adherdant as enemys nostre seignour le roi, qe Dieux defende, et depuis qe le dit monsire Rauf ad este toutdys encea, et encores est ycy present en parlement, a respondre a quelconqe qe lui vorra rienz susmettre en celle partie autre qe bien, qe yceux mainpernours y soient deschargez de leur dite mainprise, come resoun vorra; a cause qe tanqe al dit proschein parlement qe ce est ils devindrent tantsoulement ses mainpernours, et nemye plus oultre. A quoy fust responduz depar le roi, et nostre seignour le roi lour avoit et tenoit deschargez de leur mainprise avantdite. Et auxint le dit monsire Rauf alors en dit parlement esteant, nostre seignour le roi avoit et tenoit son foial lige, et pur excusez de les dites lettres, et les matires comprises en ycelles. 42. Also, the earls of Warwick, Stafford, Salisbury, and Northumberland, and Lord Grey of Ruthin, pray of our lord the king that whereas they, with the prior of Saint John of Jerusalem in England, whom God absolve, in the parliament recently held at Northampton, were bound by our lord the king, on pain of a grievous penalty, and in particular body for body, to bring Sir Ralph Ferrers, knight, before the king and his council, whensoever they were given adequate warning, before the next parliament to be held in the realm of England, to answer to our said lord the king on certain serious matters contained in letters which had been found near London, and later delivered to our lord the king; whether those letters were the genuine letters of the said Sir Ralph, and written with his knowledge, which they were not, but instead fraudulent counterfeits to destroy the said Sir Ralph, as more fully appeared in the said parliament of Northampton, when the said Sir Ralph was arrested and brought to answer; but from the same letters it seemed that the said Ralph must have been adherent to the enemies of our lord the king, which God forbid, and since the said Sir Ralph has until now been and is still present here in this parliament, to answer anyone who wishes to allege anything other than good against him in the matter, that these mainpernors shall be there discharged from their said mainprise, as reason demands; because they were only to be his mainpernors until the said next parliament which was this one, and for no longer. To which it was answered, on behalf of the king, that our lord the king held and considered them discharged from their aforesaid mainprise. Furthemore, our lord the king held and considered the said Sir Ralph, being then present in the said parliament, to be his faithful liege, and exonerated of the business of the said letters and the matters contained therein.
Clyvedon', Cogan'. Clyvedon, Cogan.
43. Item, Richard de Clyvedon', esquier, mist avaunt en parlement une bille en la fourme qe s'ensuit: 'A tressovereyn et tresgracious seignour nostre seignour le roi monstre Richard Clyvedon' qe come une debate estoit entre les communes de la ville de Bruggewater et le meistre del hospital de Seint Johan de mesme la ville, par cause de une vicarie en mesme la ville; de quele debate, qe par [p. iii-106][col. a] ley, qe par autre manere, furent accordez. Et avoient [sic: read 'auroient'] depuis qe grant rumour estoit en Londres, a grant damage a roi et al roialme; et la foitz fuist un Nicholas Frompton', chapellein et provisour du dite vicarie, et autres de la dite ville, queux departiront tost de Londres apres le rumour fait. Et a lour venu a Bruggewater pristeront lour conseille, et firont mander William Cogan, chivaler, et il venoit, et ove lour conseilloit. Et apres, le dit William ove autres gentz de mesme la ville aloit al avauntdit hospital, demandant en noun del dite commune qe le meistre et ses freres les engreent et amendent choses devaunt faites, sur paine qe purroit avenir. En qe dona jour au dit meistre lendemayn a dyys en le clokke a respondre, et departist. Apres aloyt a l'ostel a Honespull', et lendemayn tournea arere as ditz communes, a acomplere le jour q'il avoit pris ove le meistre. Et quant ils avoient eu parler il aloit al dit hospital, et la commune lui sueront ove le baner levee, et einsi treta ove le dit meistre q'il finast .cc.li. d'esterlings, et delivera une obligacioun de .c.li. de dit meistre, et autres munimentz, a saver lour vie, et lours biens. Et si le dit William contredit ceste bille, le dit Richard provera ove son corps devaunt nostre tresredoute seignour le roi, et son tressage conseille, en la manere come la loy d'armes demande, faisant protestatioun ceste bille de encrecer come jeo trove matire et conseile. Le quelle bille lue en parlement, le dit Richard de sa bouche illoeqes se profri de prover par son corps par la loy d'armes, et autre manere come la courte lui vorroit comander; sinoun par verdit des jurrours. Qar il dit, le dit monsire William estoit riche homme, et il povre; paront enqueste ne ferroit il ent passer encontre le dit monsire Wiliam, coment qe la cause feust auxi verroi come ce est qe Dieu est en ciel. 43. Also, Richard Clyvedon, esquire, laid before parliament a bill in the following form: 'To the most sovereign and most gracious lord our lord the king, Richard Clyvedon shows that whereas there was a dispute between the commons of the town of Bridgwater and the master of the hospital of St John in the same town on account of a vicarage in the same place; which dispute was composed either by [p. iii-106][col. a] legal process or by other means. Afterwards they heard that there was a great disturbance in London, to the great harm of the king and the kingdom; and there were then one Nicholas Frompton, chaplain and provisor of the said vicarage, and others of the said town, who immediately left London after the uprising was over. And on their arrival in Bridgwater, they took counsel, and caused one William Cogan, knight, to be sent for, and he came and discussed matters with them. Then, the said William, in the company of others from the same town went to the aforesaid hospital, demanding in the name of the said commons that the master and the brothers submit to them and alter things previously done, under threat of a future penalty if they did not. He gave the master until ten o'clock on the next day to reply, and then left. He then went to his lodgings at Huntspill, and on the next day he returned to the said commons to complete the business he had undertaken with the master. And when they had spoken he went to the said hospital, followed by the commons with banner raised, and it was decided that the said master should pay a fine of £200 sterling, and deliver a bond of £100 and other muniments to save the brethren's lives and goods. And if the said William denies this bill, the said Richard will prove it with his body before our redoubtable lord the king, and his most wise council, in accordance with the law of arms, making protestation to improve this bill as I find material and counsel. The which bill having been read in parliament, the said Richard by word of mouth offered to prove it by his body according to the law of arms, or in any other way that the court might order of him; but not by the verdict of jurors. For he said that the said Sir William was a rich man, and he poor; and therefore he would not be able to prevail by inquest against the said Sir William, even though his cause was as true as there is God in heaven above.
44. A quoy le dit monsire William illoeqes present, affermant q'il estoit lays homme, ne ne fuist apris de loy, n'autrement, de respondre en si haute place; et pur tant priast d'avoir conseille, au fyn qe par son conseille il ent poaist respondre selonc la loy. A quoy luy feust dit par les sergeantz le roy qe le matire de la dite bille touchast traison, en quel cas il deust par la loy de la terre faire sa responce en sa persone, et nemye par son conseil. Et adonqes le dit monsire William soy conseillast un poy avec ses amys et allies; et puis en sa persone faisant [...] protestacioun d'amender et corriger en temps avenir si, etc. Et dist qe de quanqe est surmys envers lui par le dit Richard, et par la dite bille, il n'est de rienz coupable, et de ce il soi mette a bien et a mal sur le verdit du paiis. Et sur ce, al fin de ce parlement furent les dites parties adjournez devant les justices a la commune loy, de quanqe < y > appartient a la loy. 44. To this the said Sir William, there present, affirmed that he was a layman, and not sufficiently learned in the law or other matters to reply in so high a place; and for this reason he asked to have counsel, that by his counsel he might reply in accordance with the law. Whereupon he was told by the king's serjeants that the contents of the said bill raised the question of treason, in which case, by the law of the land, he had to make his reply in person, and not by counsel. And then the said Sir William deliberated a little with his friends and allies; and later in person he made protestation that in time to come he would amend and correct, et cetera. And he said that he was not guilty of anything alleged against him by the said Richard in the said bill, and he was willing to put himself for good or ill upon the verdict of the country. Whereupon, at the end of this parliament the case between the said parties was adjourned before the justices of the common law, so far as it pertained to the law.
Cantebrugge. Cambridge.
A small, contemporary note in the margin reads 'nondum examinatur'.
45. Fait a remembrer qe grantz pleintes et clamour estoient faitz en ceste parlement des mair, baillifs, et la comminaltee de la ville de Canterbrugge, de ce qe en temps del rumour et levee de malurez gentz, ils, avec plusours autres malfaisours de lours assent et covine, en oultrageouses multitudes qi estoient venuz a lour envoie a la dite ville de Cantebrugge; les queux entre autres leurs malfaites debriserent le tresorie de l'universitee illoeqes, et les privileges et chartres des rois, bulles del pape, et autres munimentz del dite universite arderent. Et qe plus est, compellerent les chanceller et escolers del dite universitee de relesser par lettres sealees de lours sealx as ditz mair et burgeys toutes maneres d'actions realx et personeles quelles ils avoient envers eux, ou avoir purroient par quelconque cause. Et encores sanz ce leur compellerent de leur faire une autre lettre desouz lours sealx, par quelle ils se obligerent en certaines grandes sommes de deniers a paiers as ditz burgeis deinz un certein brief [col. b] terme, et celles deux lettres detiegnent devers eux encores, issint qe pur brief n'autre mandement ou requeste qe lour ent ad este fait par nostre seignour le roi ou les ditz escolers ne les ont voluz encores deliverer, einz par dilacions et fryvoles excusacions s'afforcent de retenir les dites lettres, en destruccioun de la dite universitee pur touz jours, si remede suffisant n'y soit mys. Paront estoit agardez en parlement qe deux mandementz serroient faitz, l'un as mair, baillifs, et comminaltee qe ore sont en la dite ville, et l'autre as mair et baillifs qi furent en temps del dit rumour, en la forme qe s'ensuit: 45. Be it remembered that great complaints and appeals were made in this parliament of the mayor, bailiffs, and community of the town of Cambridge, because during the time of the rebellion and uprising of the unhappy people, they, together with many other malefactors of their cause and conspiracy, who had come in great multitudes at their behest to the said town of Cambridge, amongst other misdeeds, broke into the treasury of the university there, and burned the privileges and charters of the king, papal bulls, and other muniments of the said university. And what is more, they forced the chancellor and scholars of the said university to release by letters sealed with their seals to the said mayor and burgesses all manner of real and personal actions which they had against them, or could have for any reason. And further, they compelled them to issue another letter under their seals, by which they bound themselves in certain large sums of money to pay the said burgesses within a short [col. b] time, and they still keep those two letters with them, so that neither by writ or any other mandate or request which has been made of them by our lord the king or the said scholars, will they deliver them up, but by delays and frivolous excuses they strive to retain the said letters, to the eternal ruin of the university, unless an adequate remedy be provided. Wherefore it was decided in parliament that two orders would be made, one to the mayor, bailiffs, and community who were now in the said town, and the other to the mayor and bailiffs who were there at the said uprising, in the following form:
46. 'Ricardus, etc., dilectis sibi Ricardo Maisterman, majori; ac Simoni Glovere, Johanni Upwere, Johanni Calne, et Willelmo Listere, ballivis; ac communitati ville Cantebr', salutem. Quia ex populari conquestione nobis in presenti parliamento nostro est intimatum quod Edmundus Lystere, nuper major, ac Johannes Herries, Hugo Candesby, Willelmus Cote, et Robertus Bloutesham, nuper ballivi ville Cantebr', aggregata sibi magna potestate de communitate ejusdem ville ad loca et mansiones cancellarii, magistrorum, et scolarium universitatis Cantebr' vi et armis accesserunt, et clause et domos sua ibidem et alibi in villa predicta fregerunt, et cartas per quas progenitores nostri quondam reges Anglie diversa libertates, quietantias, et privilegia cancellario, magistris, et scolaribus universitatis predicte et successoribus suis concesserunt imperpetuum optinendas, combusserunt; et ipsos cancellarium, magistros, et scolares, diversa scripta obligatoria, non modicas summas continentia, quod ipsi libertates, quietantias, et privilegia hujusmodi in villa predicta extunc non excercerent, nec clamarent, seu ipsos nuper majorem et ballivos vel communitatem ex hac causa non impetirent, molestarent, seu gravarent, facere compulerunt, et eadem scripta penes se habent, ut dicitur: et nos unicuique ligeorum nostrorum in hac parte fieri volentes quod est justum, vobis precipimus quod vos prefati major et ballivi in propriis personis vestris, et prefata communitas per tres vel quatuor vestrum, sufficientem potestatem sub communi sigillo vestro habentes, sitis coram nobis et dicto consilio nostro, hac instanti die mercurii proximo futuro, ad informandum nos et ipsum consilium nostrum de veritate premissorum; et insuper prefatos nuper majorem et ballivos, ac tres vel quatuor de communitate predicta, hujusmodi potestatem a dicta communitate in hac parte habentes, et de premissis plenarie informatos, coram nobis in dicto parliamento tunc ex causa predicta venire, et ipsos eadem scripta obligatoria ibidem tunc habere faceatis, ut nos, hiis visis, et super premissis plenius informati, ulterius inde fieri jubere valeamus quod justum fuerit et racionis. Et habeatis ibi hoc breve. Et hoc sub pena mille librarum nullatenus omittatis. Teste rege apud Westm' .vi. die Decembris.' 46. 'Richard, etc., to his beloved Richard Masterman, mayor; and Simon Glover, John Upwere, John Calne and William Lister, bailiffs, and the community of the town of Cambridge, greeting. Whereas by popular compaint in our present parliament it has been intimated to us that Edmund Lister, late mayor, and John Herries, Hugo Candesby, William Cote, and Robert Bloutesham, late bailiffs of the town of Cambridge, having gathered a great force from the community of the same town, went with force and arms to the places and dwellings of the chancellor, masters and scholars of the university of Cambridge, and broke into their closes and houses there and elsewhere in the aforesaid town, and having obtained the charters by which our progenitors, formerly kings of England, granted divers liberties, acquittances, and privileges to the chancellor, masters, and scholars of the aforesaid university and their successors in perpetuity, they burned them; and forced the chancellor, masters, and scholars to make various written bonds, for immoderate sums, and promising that they would not henceforth exercise or claim such liberties, acquittances, and privileges in the aforesaid town, nor attack, harass, nor grieve the former mayor, bailiffs, and community for that reason, and they have these writings still, as it is said: and we, wishing to do what is just in this matter for every one of our lieges, order that you the aforementioned mayor and bailiffs and three or four of the aforesaid community, having sufficient authority under your common seal, do appear in person before us and our said council on Wednesday next [11 December 1381], to inform us and this our council of the truth of the aforesaid matters; and in the meantime the aforesaid former mayor and bailifffs and three or four of the aforesaid community, having such authority from the said community, and being fully informed of the aforesaid matter, shall appear before us in the said parliament for the aforesaid reason, and shall bring with them the same written bonds, so that we, having seen them, and having been fully informed of the aforesaid matters, may further order to be done whatsoever is just and proper. And have this writ there with you. And upon pain of £1000 do not omit to do so. Witnessed by the king at Westminster 6 December [editorial note: Cf. PRO C49/9/no.15]
Per ipsum regem et consilium in parliamento. By the king himself and counsel in parliament.
47. 'Ricardus, etc., dilectis sibi Edmundo Lystere, nuper majori, ac Johanni Herries, Hugoni Candesby, Willelmo Cote, Roberto Bloutesham, nuper ballivis ville Cantebr', et eorum cuilibet, salutem. Quia ex populari conquestione nobis in presenti parliamento nostro est intimatum quod vos cum magna potestate de communitate ejusdem ville ad loca et mansiones cancellarii, magistrorum, et scolarium universitatis Cantebr', apud Cantebr', vi et armis accessistis, et clausa et domos sua ibidem et alibi in villa predicta fregistis, et cartas per quas progenitores nostri quondam reges Anglie diversa libertates, quietancias, et privilegia cancellario, magistris, et scolaribus universitatis predicte et successoribus suis concesserunt imperpetuum optinendas, [cremari] fecistis, et ipsos cancellarium, magistros, et scolares, diversa scripta obligatoria, non modicas summas continencia, quod ipsi libertates, quietancias, et privilegia hujusmodi in villa predicta extunc excercerent nec clamarent, < seu > vos vel communitatem ejusdem ville ex hac causa [p. iii-107][col. a] non impetirent, molestarent, seu gravarent, facere compulistis, et eadem scripta penes vos habetis, ut dicitur: et nos unicuique ligeorum nostrorum in hac parte fieri volentes quod est justum, vobis et cuilibet vestrum districte precipimus quod sitis in propris personis vestris coram nobis et consilio nostro in dicto parliamento nostro hac instanti die mercurii proximo futuro [11 December 1381], ad informandum nos et ipsum consilium nostrum super plena veritate premissorum. Et habeatis ibi hoc breve. Et hoc sub pena mille librarum nullatenus omittatis. Teste < rege > apud Westm' .vi. die Decembris [1381]. 47. 'Richard, etc., to his beloved Edmund Lister, late mayor, and John Herries, Hugh Candesby, William Cote, Robert Bloutesham, late bailiffs of the town of Cambridge, and each one of them, greeting. Whereas by popular complaint it has been intimated to us in our present parliament that you, with a great force of the community of the same town, went to the places and houses of the chancellor, masters, and scholars of the university of Cambridge, in Cambridge, by force and arms, and broke into their closes and houses there and elsewhere in the aforesaid town, and having taken charters by which our progenitors, once kings of England granted in perpetuity various liberties, acquittances, and privileges to the chancellor, masters, and scholars of the aforesaid university and their successors, caused them to be burned, and you compelled the chancellor, masters, and scholars to make various written bonds for sums of no small value, promising that they would not henceforth exercise or claim those liberties, acquittances, and privileges in the aforesaid town, nor for that reason [p. iii-107][col. a] sue, harass, nor aggrieve you nor the community of the same town, and you have this writing in your possession, as it is said: and we, wishing to act in the matter in a way which is just to every one of our lieges, order you and each one of you strictly, that you appear in person before us and our council in our said parliament upon the matter on Wednesday next [11 December 1381], to inform us and this our council of the full truth of the matter. And have this writ there with you. And on pain of £1000 do not omit to do so. Witnessed by the king at Westminster, 6 December.
Per ipsum regem et consilium in parliamento. By the king himself and counsel in parliament.
48. A quel mesqardy [11 December 1381], sibien les ditz ore mair et baillifs en lour persones, et la dite communaltee par William Berdefeld, Robert Coxford, et Robert Martyn lours comburgeys, esluz pur la dite commune de Cantebrugge, come les ditz Esmon Lystere, nadgairs mair, et les ditz Johan Herries, Hugh Candesby, William Cote, et Robert Bloutesham, adonqes baillifs, par vertu des ditz mandementz vindrent en parlement, et les ditz William Berdefeld, Robert Coxford, et Robert Martyn, examinez s'ils avoient auctoritee souz le commune seal de lour ville, ou autre mandement depar le commune en ce cas, ou nemye. Les queux respondirent qe la dite ville n'avoit commune seal, mais confesserent illoeqes qe par vertu del dit mandement direct a leur ville, ils furent esluz en l'assemble de lour commune < fait par ceste cause, > de venir a ce parlement depar la commune, et pur y respondre pur mesme la commune, et resceivre ce qe la loy voet, selonc ce qe le mandement a eux direct volloit et demandoit. [memb. 8] Et adonqes, sibien les mair et baillifs, et les autres trois esluz pur la commune, come les autres mair et baillifs qi furent le derrain an, examinez sur les ditz deux faitz issint faitz, c'estassaver, s'ils les eussent illoeqes avec eux en parlement selonc ce q'ils avoient en mandement, ou nemye. A quoy le dit mair q'ore est respondist pur sa persone soulement, et dist q'il n'estoit unqes assentant ne parcener en prive ne appart a la matire dont les ditz mandementz a eux faitz font mencion; einz quanqe ent fuist fait si estoit fait encontre sa volentee et bone gree. Et pluis il dist qe le dit Esmon, nadgaires mair, son proschein predecessour illoeqes, avoit profriz a lui les ditz deux faitz plusours foitz al temps q'il estoit a Cantebrugg, et par especial al temps quant le dit ore mair estoit en alant sur son chemyn a cest parlement, come un burgeys sommonez a parlement pur leur ville; et encores depuis sa venue a Londres furent portez a lui a Londres par un Henry Brasyer burgeys de Cantebrugge depar mesme son predecessour, pur les avoir fait liverer as parties, ou autre part ou celles devroient estre deliverez: mais il dist q'il les refusast toutdys de resceivre, ne autrement ne les vist, ne se entremist unqes d'ycelles. 48. On the which Wednesday [11 December 1381], as well the present mayor and bailiffs in person, and the said community represented by William Birdfield, Robert Coxford, and Robert Martin, their fellow burgesses elected by the said commons of Cambridge, as the said Edmund Lister, late mayor, and the said Johan Herries, Hugh Candesby, William Cote, and Robert Bloutesham, then bailiffs, by virtue of the said mandates came into parliament, and the said William Berdefeld, Robert Coxford, and Robert Martyn were asked whether they had authority under the common seal of their town, or otherwise on behalf of the commons in this case, or not. They answered that the said town had no common seal, but they intimated there that by virtue of the said mandate addressed to their town, they had been chosen in the assembly of their commons held for the purpose, to come to parliament on behalf of the community, and answer there on behalf of the same community, and accept whatever the law wills, as the mandate addressed to them willed and demanded. [memb. 8] And then, as well the mayor and bailiffs and the other three elected to represent the commons, as the mayor and bailiffs of the previous year, were questioned upon the said two deeds thus made, namely, whether they had them with them in parliament as ordered, or not. To which the present mayor replied on his own behalf only, that he had never been assentient nor accomplice in private nor in public in the matters contained in the said mandates sent to them; but that whatsoever had been done therein, had been done against his will and good grace. He also said that the said Edmund, late mayor, his immediate predecessor there, had offered him the said two deeds on many occasions when he had been in Cambridge, and in particular at the time when the said present mayor was on his way to this parliament, as a burgess summoned to parliament for their town; and yet again, after his arrival they were brought to him in London by one Henry Brasyer, burgess of Cambridge, on behalf of his same predecessor, to cause them to be delivered to the parties, or anywhere else they ought to be delivered: but he said that he always refused to accept them, or even see them, or ever to meddle with them.
49. Et adonqes le dit Esmon, nadgairs mair illoeqes present respondist, et dist q'il ne fust unqes assentant, aidant, ne conseillant, au dit malfait ne rumour, ne rienz unqes y fist ne deist qe y purroit eschere en damage ou deshoneur de la dite universitee, sinoun soulement par cohercion et oultrageous compulsioun d'autres, si rienz y fist. Et oultre il dit pur sa responce qe voirs est qe celles deux faitz furent portez en sa chambre a Cantebrugge, et illoeqes privement lessez, mais par qi, ou par queux, il ne savoit, ne unqes puis le poait savoir. Mais tantost come il les avoit apparceuz en dite chambre, il les prist et prostra a son dit successour ore mair de Cantebrugge, et al drain les envoiast a lui a Londres, come le dit mair ad conuz: et par tant mesme le mair ne les voloit resceivre a nul temps, si furent lessez a Londres par le portour d'icelles, pur y estre prestz quant celles furent demandez. A quoi fust repliez par les sergeantz le roi qe ce ne poait mye estre: qar ils disoient qe voirs est qe plusours requestes ont este faitz depar les ditz escolers as burgeis de Cantebrugge devaunt [col. b] ceste heure pur la restitucioun faire d'iceulx faitz, et aucuns d'iceulx burgeys par tant ont este en la chancellerie le roi mesnez en responce, et unqes ne voloient faire la dite deliverance ne restitucion, ne encores les detiegnent devers eux, come par lour propre confessioun appiert pleinement. A quoy ils respondirent qe les ditz faitz sont ore prestz a restituer et a rebailler la ou ceste noble courte vorroit agarder. Affermantz avec ce qe unqes ne furent ils, ne nule autre persone de value de leur ville, assentantz a celle ryot: einz ce qe fust fait estoit fait par force des gentz d'estranges paiis survenantz avec aucuns riotours de lour dite ville, dont ils avoient depuis fait justice et punissement tiel qe touz ceulx queux ils ent purroient prendre sont mortz. Paront de reson l'en ne doit vers eux susmettre blame ou defaute aucune en ce cas. A quoy feust autrefoitz repliez depar le roi qe longe detenue d'icelles faitz en les mains des ditz burgeys, encontre la volentee des ditz escolers, et encontre les requestes avauntdites, provent clerement les ditz burgeys estre en defaute. Et coment q'ils soi excusent, voirs est qe le mair qe fuist le derrain an, estoit toutdys present sur la fesance et ensealement des ditz deux faitz. 49. Then the said Edmund, the former mayor, there present, answered and said that he had never been an assentient, aider, nor adviser in the said offence nor uprising, nor had he nor would he ever do anything which might result in harm and dishonour to the said university, unless it was by the coercion and outrageous force of others, if any there were. Furthermore, he said that it was true that the two deeds had been brought to his chamber in Cambridge, and secretly left there, but by whom he did not know, nor was he ever likely to know. But as soon as he had realised that they were in the said chamber, he had taken them and offered them to his said successor now mayor of Cambridge, and at last had sent them to him in London, as the said mayor had admitted: and because the same mayor would not receive them on any occasion, they had been left in London by their bearer, so that they would be close at hand when they were asked for. It was answered by the king's serjeants that that could not be: since they said that it was certain that many requests had been made on behalf of the said scholars to the burgesses of Cambridge heretofore [col. b] for the deeds to be returned to them, and some of those burgesses for that reason had been brought to answer in the king's chancery, and would never make the said deliverance or restitution, nor yet keep them themselves, as plainly appears from their own confession. To which they replied that the said deeds were now ready to be restored and returned to whersoever this noble court would decide. Asserting also that neither they nor any other person of worth in their town had ever been assentient to the riot: but that what had been done had been done by the violence of men of other parts gathering in their region with certain rioters from their said town, upon whom they had subsequently inflicted such justice and punishment, that all those whom they had been able to capture were dead. And so no blame or fault ought to be attributed to them in the matter. To which reply was again made on the king's behalf that the long time during which the deeds had remained in the hands of the said burgesses, contrary to the wish of the said scholars, and contrary to the aforesaid requests, clearly proved that the said burgesses were at fault. And even though they had made their excuses, it was clear that the mayor of the previous year had been present all through the making and sealing of the said two deeds.
50. < Et sur ce les ditz burgeys > de Cantebrigge delivrerent les deux faitz ensealez souz les sealx avauntditz en cest parlement, des queux deux faitz les tenures s'ensuent de mot a mot: 50. Whereupon, the said burgesses of Cambridge delivered the two deeds sealed under the aforesaid seals in this parliament, the texts of which two deeds follow verbatim:
Relees et obligacion. Release and obligation.
51. 'Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presentes litere pervenerint, cancellarius universitatis Cantebrigg singulique magistri et custodes collegiorum, ac scolares dicte universitatis, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noveritis, nos unanimi consensu et assensu tocius universitatis Cantebr', renunciasse, pro nobis et successoribus nostris imperpetuum, quibuscumque privilegiis nobis qualitercumque concessis a quibuscumque regibus Anglie a principio mundi usque in diem confeccionis presencium; submittentes nos ac singulos nostrum pro perpetuo regulis ac consuetudinibus hactenus usitatis, secundum legem Anglie et antiquam consuetudinem burgi Cantebr'. Volentes eciam et promittentes sub pena trium millium librarum per dictam universitatem dictis burgensibus in festo Natali domini proximo futuro post datum presentium [25 December 1381] solvendarum, exonerare sumptibus nostris propriis et expensis burgenses quoscumque et alios de communitate dicte ville, tam versus dominum regem quam quoscumque alios, de quibuscumque recognicionibus et obligacionibus factis pretextu quarumcumque contensionum et litium dudum ortarum inter universitatem nostram predictam et collegium quodlibet ac communitatem dicte ville; de quibus recognitionibus in rotulis cancellarie domini regis plenius continetur. Promittentes eciam sub eadem pena quod procurabimus et faciemus, sumptibus nostris, istam composicionem sigillari sigillo patenti cancellarii excellentissimi principis domini nostri Ricardi secundi regis Anglie. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum commune dicte universitatis nostre, una cum sigillo cujuslibet collegii ejusdem universitatis, presentibus est appensum. Data Cantebrigg' in festo apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, anno regni regis Ricardi secundi post conquestum quarto [1 May 1381]. 51. 'To all the faithful of Christ whom these present letters shall come, the chancellor of the university of Cambridge and all the masters and wardens of the colleges, and the scholars of the said university, greeting in the Lord eternal. Know that we, by the unanimous assent and consent of the whole university of Cambridge, have renounced, for us and our successors in perpetuity, any privileges whatsoever granted to us by any kings of England from the beginning of the world until the making of these presents; submitting ourselves and each one of us forever to the rules and customs used until now, in accordance with the law of England and the ancient custom of the borough of Cambridge. Willing moreover and promising, on pain of £3,000 to be paid by the said university to the said burgesses on the feast of Christmas following the date of the present document [25 December 1381], to exonerate from our charges and expenses any burgesses and others whomsoever of the community of the said town, both toward the lord king as well as toward any others, from any recognizances and bonds made on the pretext of any recent contention or dispute between our aforesaid university and any college and the community of the said town; of which recognizances more is contained in the rolls of the chancery of the lord king. Promising moreover, on pain of the same penalty that at our own expense, we shall procure and cause this composition to be sealed with the seal patent of the chancery of the most excellent prince our lord Richard II king of England. In testimony whereof the common seal of our said university, together with the seal of every college of the same, is affixed to these presents. Given at Cambridge on the feast of the apostles Philip and James, in the fourth year of the reign of Richard, the second since the conquest [1 May 1381].
52. 'Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presentes pervenerint, cancellarius et universitas Cantebr', singulique magistris et custodes ac scolares cujuslibet collegii dicte universitatis, salutem in Domino. Noveritis, nos unanimi assensu et consensu nostro, tractatu inter nos prehabito diligenti, remisse, relaxasse et omnino pro nobis et successoribus nostris imperpetuum quietum clamasse, majori ville Cantebr', ballivis, burgensibus, et communitatibus, singulisque personis dicte communitatis ejusdem ville Cantebr', heredibus et assignatis suis, omnimodas acciones tam reales quam personales, quas [p. iii-108][col. a] erga eos, vel eorum aliquem habuimus, habemus, et quovis modo habere poterimus, occasione cujuscumque recognicionis, obligacionis, transgressionis, delicti, scripti, indenture, seu alterius contractus cujuscumque, a principio mundi usque in diem confeccionis presencium. In cujus rei testimonium, nos cancellarius, et universitas predicta sigillum nostrum commune, ac nos magistri et custodes collegiorum predictorum, et scolares eorundem, singuli videlicet sigilla nostra communi presentibus apposuimus. Data Cantebr', die lune proximo ante festum apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, anno regni regis Ricardi secundi post conquestum Anglie quarto [29 April 1381]. 52. 'To all the faithful of Christ to whom these presents shall come, the chancellor and university of Cambridge, and all the masters, wardens, and scholars of each of the colleges of the said university, greeting in the Lord. Know that we, by our unanimous assent and consent, having diligently considered the matter amongst us, have remitted, released, and entirely quit-claimed for ourselves and our successors in perpetuity, to the mayor of the town of Cambridge, the baillifs, burgesses, and commons and every person of the said community of the same town of Cambridge, and their heirs and assigns, all actions, both real as well as personal, which [p. iii-108][col. a] we have brought, are bringing, and should in anyway be able to bring against them, or any one of them, by reason of such recognizances, bonds, trespasses, delicts, writings, indentures, or any other contract whatsoever, from the beginning of the world until the making of these presents. In testimony whereof, we the aforesaid chancellor and university, and we the masters and wardens of the aforesaid colleges, and the scholars of the same, have each affixed our common seals to these presents. Given at Cambridge, on the Monday before the feast of the apostles Philip and James, in the fourth year of the reign of king Richard, the second since the conquest of England.[29 April 1381]
Bille. A bill.
53. Et fait a remembrer qe celles deux lettres issint restitutes lues en parlement, si furent elles par agard de parlement illoeqes cancellez, et de tout cassez et adnullez, par les causes dessuis allegiez; les quelles literes issint cancellez demuront en filace entre les billes de cest parlement. Et ce fait tantost apres si estoit une bille contiegnant certains articles mis avaunt en parlement encontre les mair et burgeis avauntditz, en la forme qe s'ensuit: 53. And be it remembered that the two letters thus returned, having been read in parliament, were cancelled there by judgment of parliament, and entirely quashed and annulled, for the reasons given above; the which letters thus cancelled remain in a file amongst the bills of this parliament. And immediately after that was done a bill was submitted in parliament containing certain articles against the aforesaid mayor and burgesses in the following form:
54. 'Fait a remembrer qe le samady proschein apres la feste de corps Crist, l'an du regne le roi q'orest quart [15 June 1381], les baillifs et comminaltee des burgeys de la ville de Cantebr', par l'advis et commune assent de eux et de lour mair, coillerent eux ensemble, et chivacherent al hospital de Shengey, et a la maisoun Thomas Haselden q'est < hors > du dite ville de Cantebr' .vi. leukes et plus, et la encontreront plusours traitours et enemys du roi, de ceux queux leveront encontre nostre seignour le roi et sa coroune, en la countee de Cantebr', et illoeqes conspireront ensemble les damages desouz escritz. 54. 'Be it remembered that on the Saturday next after the feast of Corpus Christi, in the fourth year of the reign of the present king [15 June 1381], the bailiffs and commonalty of burgesses of the town of Cambridge, by their common advice and consent and that of their mayor, assembled together, and rode to the hospital of Shingay, and to the house of Thomas Haselden which lies six miles or more outside the said town of Cambridge, and there they met many traitors and enemies of the king who had risen against our lord the king and his crown in the county of Cambridge, and there they plotted the mischiefs mentioned below.
Item, mesme le jour a lour revenu a l'ostiel, les mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltee du dite ville firent une < solempne > proclamacioun et cry, et de un assent alerent jeske a tolbothe du dite ville, et illoeqes eslirent Jakes de Grancestre a lour capitein, et lui firent par manace du mort jurrer d'estre lour loial capitain et governour. Also, on the same day and after their return to the town hall, the mayor, bailiffs, and commonalty of the said town made a solemn announcement and proclamation, and with one assent went up to the tolbooth of the said town, and elected Jack of Grantchester as their leader, making him swear, under threat of death, to be their loyal leader and governor.
Item, maintenant apres, le mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltee du dite ville, d'un acord et un assent firent le dit Jakes, et Thomas son frere, frankes burgeis du dite ville de Cantebr'. Also, immediately thereafter, the mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of the said town with one accord and assent made the said Jack and Thomas his brother free burgesses of the said town of Cambridge.
Item, les mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltee du dite ville, entour .x. de la clokke le noet ensuant [15 June 1381], eux assemblerent al tolbothe, et illoeqes pristerent lour conseil, et adonqes firent un proclamacioun qe chescun homme se alerent al maison William Bedell' de mesme la ville, et la maison du dit William deussent debruser et destrure: et si aucun purroit encounter ou trover le dit William dusse couper sa teste. Et surce les ditz mair, baillifs, burgeys et comminaltee alerent al maisoun le dit William, et sa dite maisoun illoeqes debruseront et destruerent, et ses biens et chateux a grant value illoeqes trovez embleront et emporterunt. Also, the mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty of the said town assembled at the tolbooth around 10 o'clock the following night [15 June 1381], and held discussions there, and then they made a proclamation that everyone should go and break into and destroy the house of William Bedell of the same town: and if anyone were to find the said William they should cut off his head. Accordingly, the said mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty went to, broke into, and destroyed the house of the said William, and stole and carried off his goods and chattels of great value found there.
Item, les mair, baillifs, burgeis, et < la > comminalte avauntditz alerent al collage de corps Crist q'est del fundacion de nostre tresexcellent seignour de Lancastre, et illoeqes les clos, maisons des scolers du dit college debruserunt, et lours chartres, escritz, liveres et autres munimentz, et autres biens et chateux, a grant value, la trovez pristrent et emporteront. Also, the mayor, bailiffs, burgesses and aforesaid commonalty went to Corpus Christi College, of the foundation of our most excellent lord of Lancaster, and there they broke into the close of the college and the dwellings of its scholars, and seized and carried off their charters, writings, books, and other muniments, as well as other goods and chattels of great value which they found there.
Item, la dymenge proschein ensuant [16 June 1381], les ditz burgeys et comminaltee ensemblerent en grantz routes, et chivacherent hors du dite ville a les traitours et enemys du roi du dit countee, et eux amesnerent au dite ville, la ou ils ne furent hardiz aprocher la dite [col. b] ville s'il ne fust par assent des burgeis et comminaltee du dite ville. Also, on the following Sunday [16 June 1381], the said burgesses and commonalty assembled in great bands, and rode out of the said town to meet the traitors and enemies of the king in the same county, and they led them into the said town, which the said rebels would not have dared approach [col. b] without the assent of the burgesses and commonalty of the said town.
Item, mesme le jour les mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltee du dite ville, compellerent les maistres et scolers du dite universitee, sur peyne de mort et destruccion de lours maisons, de renuncier toutes maneres des franchises et privileges a eux grantez par quelconqes rois d'Engleterre a comencement del mounde tanqe a celle jour, et firent les ditz maistres et escolers eux oultrement submettre souz les reules et governances des ditz burgeys a touz jours. Also, on the same day the mayor, bailiffs, burgesses and commonalty of the said town compelled the masters and scholars of the said university, on pain of death and destruction of their houses, to renounce all kinds of franchises and privileges which had been granted to them by the kings of England from the beginning of the world until the present day, and further they made the said masters and scholars submit to the rules and governance of the said burgesses for all time.
Item, les ditz mair, baillifs, burgeis, et comminaltee compellerent par manace de mort les avauntditz maisters et escolers, de faire obligacions de grantz summes, de paier as avauntditz burgeys, pur descharger chescun burgeis du dit ville sibien devers le roi come devers qeconqe autre persone, de qeconqe recognicioun ou obligacion faite a cause d'aucun contension ou debat en aucun temps en avaunt sourdez entre les ditz maistres et escolers et les burgeys du dite ville; et a eux firent par tiel duresce les ditz maistres et escolers faire une general acquitance de touz maneres d'accions reales et personeles; la quele acquitance ency faite, ensemble ove les obligacions susdites, furent baillez as mair, baillifs et comminaltee suisdites, et furent mises en lour tresorie en sauf garde d'ycelles. Also, the said mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty forced the aforesaid masters and scholars on threat of death, to make bonds for large sums to be paid to the aforesaid burgesses to release every burgess of the said town, as well before the king as anyone else, from any recognizance or bond arising from any previous dispute or strife between the said masters and scholars and the burgesses of the said town; and the said masters and scholars were compelled by them under similar duress to make a general acquittance from all kinds of actions, real and personal; which acquittance thus made, together with the aforesaid bonds, were delivered to the aforesaid mayor, bailiffs, and commonalty, and placed in their treasury for safe-keeping.
Item, les mair, baillifs, burgeis, et comminaltee suisditz compelleront par manace de mort les avauntditz maisters et escolers pur deliverer et bailler a eux lours chartres et privileges, et autres patentes enseallez souz le seal le roi q'orest, grantez au dite universitee; les chartres, privileges, et lettres patentes les ditz mair, baillifs, burgeis, et comminaltee forsablement arderont en la fore du dite ville; et ove cutelles, bastouns, et autres wepens, les sealx des chartres et patentes suisdites dispitousement deraserent, en despit de nostre seignour le roi. Also, the mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and aforesaid commonalty forced the aforesaid ministers and scholars on threat of death to deliver and hand to them their charters and privileges and the letters patent sealed under the seal of the present king, and granted to the said university; which charters, privileges, and letters patent the said mayor, burgesses, and community burnt with a show of force in the market-place of the said town; and with knives, sticks, and other weapons they shamelessly defaced the seals of the aforesaid charters and letters patent, to the despite of our lord the king.
Item, apres qe les lettres patentes de nostre seignour le roi furent envoiez au dite ville de Cantebr', et illoeqes proclamez qe chescun homme, sur la peine de forfaiture de vie et de membre, et toutes autres choses q'ils purront forfaire, se tiendrent en pees sanz ascuns congregacions ou conventicules, ou autres affraies faire en aucune manere, les avauntditz mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltes acoillez a eux grant noumbre d'autres traitours et enemys du roi, firent une grant proclamacioun en un pree q'est appelle Grenecroft qe est pres du dite ville de Cantebr'; et apres ce d'un acord et un assent s'en alerent a la priorie de Bernewell', et la le clos du dit priorie illoeqes a fier de guerre debruserent, et grantz noumbers des arbres cressantz illoeqes couperont et emporteront, et autres grantz affraies illoeqes firent. Also, after letters patent of our lord the king had been sent to the said town of Cambridge and it was there proclaimed that everyone, on pain of losing life and limb, and everything else they could forfeit, should remain in peace without holding assemblies or conventicles, or other affray of any kind, the aforesaid mayor, bailiffs, burgesses, and commonalty, having gathered a large number of other traitors and enemies of the king, made a great proclamation in a meadow called Greencroft, near the said town of Cambridge; and afterwards, with one accord and assent, they went to the priory of Barnwell, and broke into the cloister of the said priory in a warlike manner, and cut down and carried off a large number of trees growing there, and caused other great disturbances.
Item, les ditz mair, baillifs, burgeys, et comminaltee, apres la proclamacioun faitz des dites lettres patentes du roi, come suisdit est, les estatutz, ordinances, et plusours autres evidences du dite universitee forceablement arderont, en contempt du roi, et encontre les lettres patentes avauntdites.' Also, the said mayor, bailiffs, burgesses and commonalty, after the proclamation made in the said letters patent of the king, as mentioned above, burned the statutes, ordinances, and many other documents of the said university in a show of force, in contempt of the king, and contrary to the said letters patent.'
55. Quelle bille lue en parlement en presence des ditz mair et burgeys dit [sic] demandez estoit de eux depar le roi, s'ils savoient rienz dire ou alleggier pur eux, pur quoy par les [[The following text has been deleted:
les]] causes comprises en la dite bille et autres causes a declarer si meister est, la franchise de leur ville, quele ils avoient del doun et grant des rois d'Engleterre, et de la confirmacioun nostre seignour le roi q'orest, ne dusse estre pris en la main nostre dit seignour come forfait. Et les ditz mair et < burgeys > prierent [p. iii-109][col. a] illoeqes, pur Dieu, d'avoir copie d'icelle bille, et conseil et temps d'avisement pur respondre devant tielx seignours en si haute place.
55. The which bill having been read in parliament in the presence of the said mayor and burgesses, it was asked of them on the king's behalf, if they had anything to say or claim in their defence as to why, for the reasons given in the said bill and for other reasons to be related if necessary, the franchise of their town, which they had by gift and grant of the kings of England, and by the confirmation of our lord the present king, should not be taken into the hands of our said lord the king as forfeit. And the said mayor and burgesses prayed [p. iii-109][col. a] there, for love of God, that they might have a copy of this bill, and counsel and time for consideration before answering before such lords in so exalted a place.
56. Et quant a la copie, leur estoit dit par la courte qe depuis q'ils avoient oiez la bille, ce leur devroit suffire, qar par la loy copie n'ent deussent avoir. Et quant a conseil avoir, ce lour estoit grantez es articles en quelles conseil leur estoit grantable tantsoulement, si tiel article y feust, et autrement nemye. Mais la dite courte leur garnist qe quant a present ils ne serroient mys a responce de chose qe touche cryme, ne d'autre chose quant au present, forsqe soulement de leur dite franchise, come dit est. 56. As to the copy, they were informed by the court that since they had heard the bill that ought to suffice, for they were not entitled to a copy by law. And as to the holding of counsel, that had been granted to them in the articles in which counsel was grantable to them if such an article there was, and not otherwise. But the said court informed them that for the moment they would not be made to answer for anything which touched crime, or anything else at present, except only their said franchise, as was said.
57. Et sur ce les ditz mair et burgeys respondirent par lour conseill, et plederent qe ceste courte n'ent doit avoir conissance ne jurisdiccioun, par certains lour resons alleggiez. Mais a drain lour estoit comandez de dire q'ils vorroient, ou autrement l'en ferroit juggement envers eux, come ceux qi rienz ne savoient dire. Et ils firent rehercer certains matires de la bille, et faisantz lours protestacion q'ils ne conurent qe la bille contenoit aucune veritee; ils respondirent qe les mair, baillifs, n'autres bones gentz de leur ville, ne firent unqes rienz de les choses qe sont comprises en mesme la bille, ne ne procurerent estre fait par aucune voie, n'assenteront a ycelles, mais y firent la resistence q'ils purroient adonqes. Et disoient oultre qe quanqe y estoit fait si fust fait par les traitours et malfaisours de les contees de Essex, Hertford', et Kent, qi vindrent a leur ville en moelt oultrageouse multitude, et avec eulx une certaine petite noumbre des malfaisours et riotours de lour ville, les queux depuis par tant sont pris et mortz trestouz q'ils ont peu prendre, et les autres sont fuiz le paiis. Et issint ils distrent qe les mair, baillifs, et les autres bones gentz de Cantebrigg' y sont quant a ce qe lour est surmis innocentz, et n'y doivent reporter blasme ne defame. A quoy fuist repliez depar le roi qe voirs est qe illoeqes ad este grantez qe le dit Esmon nadgairs mair avoit les ditz deux lettres en garde, et voirs est qe celles ont este longement et voluntrivement detenuz par les ditz burgeys, a tiele guyse, qe pur requeste, mandement, n'autre rienz qe leur ent ad este fait, ne les ont voluz deliverer tanqe ore q'ils furent a ce compellez, come dessuis est dit. Paront et pur tant auxint qe le dit nadgairs mair et baillifs si furent toutdys presentz avec les ditz malfaisours sur lours ditz malfaitz aggreantz, et ratifiantz quanqe les ditz malurez gentz einsi firent; semble clerement q'ils ne se purront excuser en veritee, et par tant dit fuist expressement as ditz burgeis q'ils elisoient a leur peril s'ils vorront ester sur lour dite responce finalment, ou q'ils se vorront mettre en la grace le roi, ou pleder autre plee en lour dit excusacion. Et surce les ditz mair et burgeis quant a lour dite franchise tantsoulement, ils se submetterent haut et baas en la graciouse ordinance de nostre seignour le roi, a faire de celle franchise qe lui plest. Toutes voies, salvez as ditz mair et burgeys leur responce quant a toutes autres matires, si pluis avant ils serront aresonez. 57. Whereupon the said mayor and burgesses replied by their counsel, and pleaded that the court ought not herein to have cognizance or jurisdiction, for certain reasons which they gave. But at the last they were ordered to say what they would or else judgment would be passed against them, as persons who had nothing to say. And they rehearsed certain aspects of the bill, and protested that they did not believe the bill to contain any truth; replying that neither the mayor, bailiffs, nor any other good people of their town had ever done any of the things mentioned in the same bill, nor procured them in any way, nor agreed to them, but had resisted as best they could. And they also said that whatsoever had been done, had been done by traitors and malefactors from the counties from Essex, Hertford, and Kent who had flocked to their town in overwhelming numbers, together with a small number of malefactors and rioters from their own town, of whom they had subsequently taken and put to death all those they could find for this reason, the others having fled the county. And so they maintained that the mayor, bailiffs, and other good people of Cambridge were innocent of that which was alleged against them, and ought not to be blamed or defamed therefor. To which it was answered for the king that in truth it had been admitted there that the said Edmund, lately mayor, had had the said two letters in his keeping, and that they had been long and deliberately retained by the said burgesses, in such a way that on request, order, or other representation made to them, they would not relinquish them until now when they have been compelled to do so, as mentioned above. Wherefore, and also because the said former mayor and bailiffs were in the company of the said malefactors at all times, agreeing to their misdeeds, and ratifying whatsoever the said evil persons thus did; it seemed clear that they could not honestly be excused, and for that reason the said burgesses were expressly informed that they should choose at their peril whether they wished to make a final reply, or whether they would put themselves in the king's grace, or plead some other plea in their said excuse. Whereupon, the said mayor and burgesses, in respect of their said franchise alone, wholly submitted themselves to the gracious ordinance of our lord the king, to do with the franchise whatsoever he chose. Saving always to the said mayor and burgesses their response in respect of all other matters, if they should be further charged.
58. Par vertu de quele submission nostre seignour le roi, del assent des prelats et seignours en cest parlement, fist seisir la dite franchise en sa main, come forfait par les dites causes. Et puis, pur tant qe la dite ville ne demurroit sanz governaille le roi nostre seignour le roi fist mettre la dite franchise entierment as mair et burgeys, a tenir pur un temps tanqe le roi ent eust autrement purveuz. 58. By virtue of which submission our lord the king, with the assent of the prelates and lords in this parliament, caused the said franchise to be taken into his hands, as forfeit for the said reasons. And then, because the said town ought not to remain without governance the king our lord caused the said franchise in its entirety to be rendered to the mayor and burgesses, to be held for a certain time until the king should have made other arrangements for it.
59. Et al drain, par l'advis des ditz prelats et seignours en ce parlement, et pur tant qe sembloit qe reson fuist qe [col. b] yceulx burgeys avoient en celle partie si malement fait, q'ils furent dignes de reporter par tant un damage < et > reproche perpetuel: et pensoient de l'autre part qe la ville de Cantebr' si est une de les aunciens villes del roialme, et principale ville del countee de Cantebrigg'; et pur tant nostre dit seignour le roi, del assent avauntdit, fist doner et comittre as chanceller et escolers de la dite universitee la garde de l'assise de payn, vin, et cervoise, et la conissance et punissementz d'icelles; et auxint la garde del assise et < del > assaie et la surveue des mesures et poys en la dite ville, et les suburbes d'icelles; et auxint plein poair d'enquere et conustre de toutes forstallaries et regrateries, et des chars et pessons, sibien corrumpuz, viciouses, et incompetens, qe autres; et de faire sur ce due punissement: et auxint le governaille, correccioun et punissement, des ditz choses, et d'autres vitailles quelconqes, avec les fins, forfaitures, et amerciementz provenantz d'icelles, par manere come le chanceller et escolers de l'universitee d'Oxenford les ont en leur ville et suburbes avauntditz: a tenir del roi nostre seignour et de ses heirs pur touz jours; rendant ent a nostre seignour le roi .x.li. par an a son escheqier. 59. And at length, with the advice of the said prelates and lords in this parliament, and because it seemed that [col. b] the burgesses had behaved so ill in this matter that they deserved to bear an eternal punishment and reproach: and yet on the other hand the town of Cambridge was one of the ancient towns of the kingdom, and the principal town of the county of Cambridge; therefore our said lord the king, with the aforesaid assent, caused the custody of the assize of bread, wine, and ale to be granted and committed to the chancellor and scholars of the said university, together with the cognizance and punishment of the same; and also the custody of the assize and the assay and inspection of measures and weights in the said town, and the suburbs of the same; and also full authority to inquire into and take account of all forestallings and regratings, and of meat and fish, corrupt, defective, and incompetent, and other matters; and to inflict due punishment therefor: and also the governance, correction, and punishment of the said matters, and of any other victuals, together with fines, forfeitures, and amercements arising from the same, as the chancellor and scholars of the university of Oxford receive them in their aforesaid town and suburbs: to be held of the king our lord and his heirs forever; rendering our lord the king therefor £10 a year at his exchequer.
60. Et le remenant de toute la franchise de la dite ville commist et donast as ditz mair et baillifs, a tenir del dit roi et de ses heirs a touz jours; rendant ent al dit escheqer par an cent et une marz, quelles ils rendirent pardevaunt ceste forfaiture; et oultre de novele encrees, quatre marz a touz jours. 60. And the rest of all the franchise of the said town he committed and gave to the said mayor and bailiffs, to be held of the said king and his heirs forever; paying to the said exchequer one hundred and one marks therefor, which they paid before this forfeiture; and in addition, a further increment of four marks for ever.
[memb. 7]
Burcestre, Hongerford. Burchester, Hungerford.
61. Item, fait a remembrer qe monsire William de Burcestre, chivaler, [et] Margarete sa femme, mistrent avant en parlement une leur bille, en la forme qe s'ensuit: 'A tresexcellent seignour le roy et son tressage conseil monstront William [Burcestre, chivaler, et Margarete] sa femme, qe come Thomas de Hungreford, chivaler, estoit del conseil monsire Bertheu de [Burghersh] qe darrein morust, et pur estre de soun conseil [...] [terre] a la value de quarrant marcz par an pur terme de sa vie; et le dit Thomas fuist charge par le dit monsire Bertheu q'il, ovesqe autres duissent estre enfeffez par le dit [monsire Bertheu de les] manoirs de Heghtresbury, Steorte, et Colerne en le counte de Wiltes', et d'autres terres et tenementz en Gales: et qe le dit Thomas et ses jointfeffez duissent [faire refeffment a] l'avantdit monsire Bertheu, et la dite Margarete adonqe sa femme, a avoir et tenir a eux et a les heires le dit monsire Bertheu: quel Thomas enprist [sur luy pur] les ditz feffement et refeffement duissent bien estre faitz et perfourniz, acordant a la ley. Queux feffement et refeffement furent bien et duement faitz par l'avis et conseil de dit Thomas par chartres, et par licence le tresnoble roy l'aiel nostre seignour le roy q'ore est. Et sur ce, apres la mort le dite monsire Bertheu le dit Thomas promyst, et soi chargea [au dite] Margarete, d'estre de soun consail bone et loial, et a luy estre aidant come il [avoit estee au dit] monsire Bertheu. Sur quoy par l'avis et conseil le dit Thomas, un diem clausit extremum fuist suy en le noun la dite Margarete, directe a l'eschetour de dit countee, [par quele] fuist trove par serement de dusze bones et loialx gentz qe les ditz feffement et refeffement furent bien et duement faitz, issint qe la dite Margarete avoit jointestat ovesqe le dit monsire Bertheu a terme de sa vie, et ce par licence de roy. Par quoi la dite Margarete avoit livere de ditz manoirs hors de main le roy par due processe, et avoit bref [direct] au dit Thomas de resceivere la feaute la dite Margarete [au noun] de roy quel il receult, come pleinement appiert par record en la chauncellerie. Quel [Thomas longement] apres avoit l'estat la dite Margarete de les ditz manoirs, rendant ent par an a luy .cc. marcz par fait endente de ce entre eux faite, [consaillant] la dite Margarete de discharger Thomas Dru, Nicholas Bonham, Warneford et Steorton, [p. iii-110][col. a] qi furent retenuz ove la dite Margarete; [disant q'a luy appartient la defense des ditz manoirs,] et a nulle autre, si mester soit, a cause [de son estat] avantdit. Nient mains, le dit Thomas ad enfourme [la dame le Despenser file et heir le dit monsire Bertheu,] qe sont dit piere morust soul seisi, et qe [livere] de seisine ne fuist pas fait au dit Thomas et ses compaignons, [ne q'ils firent livere de seisine as ditz monsire] Berthu et Margarete, come desus est dit. [Issint qe par] le procurement, covine, et malice le dit Thomas la dite dame [entra sur le dit Thomas, pur defaire son estat] demesne en la terre et defesance de l'estat les ditz William et Margarete en la rente susdite. Sur quoi le dit Thomas ad [bargaine le manoir de Heightersburie avantdit,] a avoir et tenir a luy et ses heires a toutz jours, de doun et feffement la dite dame. Par quoy les dites William et Margarete ne poent avoir droit et resoun touchant ceste matiere, a cause de grant maintenance de dit Thomas en le dit countee. Et outre ce, la ou le dit Thomas est assigne par commission justice de la paix en mesme le countee, le dit Thomas a diverses sessions, quant les gentz de pais enviroun furent presentez et [venuz par] comandement du dit Thomas et ses compaignons, [encontre] le gree de ses ditz compaignons n'ad rien ou poy enquyz pur nostre seignour le roy, n'autre chose faite en effect touchant les ditz sessions, mes ad [enforme] les dites gentz de paiis qe la dit dame ad droit a les manoirs avauntditz, et qe l'entre la dite dame fait [sur le dit Thomas] est bon et congeable. 61. Also, be it remembered that Sir William Burchester, knight, and Margaret his wife, submitted a bill to parliament, in the following form: 'To the most excellent lord the king and his most wise council, William Burchester, knight, and Margaret his wife show that whereas Thomas Hungerford, knight, was of the council of the late Sir Bartholomew Burghersh, and to be of his council.....land to the value of forty marks a year for the term of his life; and the said Thomas was charged by the said Sir Bartholomew that he, along with others, should be enfeoffed by the said Sir Bartholomew with the manors of Heytesbury, Stert, and Colerne, in Wiltshire, and with other lands and tenements in Wales: and that the said Thomas and those jointly enfeoffed with him should re-enfeoff the aforesaid Sir Bartholomew, and the said Margaret, then his wife, to have and hold to them and the heirs of the said Sir Bartholomew: and Thomas undertook to see that the said enfeoffement and re-enfeoffment were duly made and performed, according to the law. Which enfeoffment and re-enfeoffment were well and duly performed by the advice and counsel of the said Thomas by charters, and by licence of the most noble king, the grandfather of our lord the present king. Whereupon, after the death of the said Sir Bartholomew the said Thomas promised and undertook to the said Margaret, to be of her good and loyal counsel and assist her as he had the said Sir Bartholomew. Whereupon, by the advice and counsel of the said Thomas, a diem clausit extremum was sued in the name of the said Margaret, addressed to the escheator of the said county, by which it was found on the oath of twelve good and loyal men that the said enfeoffments and re-enfeoffments had been well and duly performed, so that the said Margaret had joint estate with the said Sir Bartholomew for the term of her life, and that by licence of the king. Wherefore the said Margaret had delivery of the said manors out of the king's hands by due process, and had a writ sent to the said Thomas to receive the fealty of the said Margaret in the king's name, which he received, as clearly appears on record in the chancery. The which Thomas for long after had the estate of the said Margaret in the said manors, paying her two hundred marks a year therefor by an indenture drawn up between them, advising the said Margaret to discharge Thomas Drew, Nicholas Bonham, Warneford, and Steorton, [p. iii-110][col. a] who were retained by the said Margaret; saying that the defence of the said manors pertained to him and no one else, if need arose, by reason of his aforesaid estate. Nevertheless, the said Thomas informed the Lady Despenser, daughter and heir of the said Sir Bartholomew, that her said father had died seised, and that livery of seisin had not been made to the said Thomas and his colleagues, and neither had they delivered the seisin to the said Sir Bartholomew and Margaret, as mentioned above. So that by the procurement, plotting, and malice of the said Thomas, the said lady entered on the said Thomas, to annul his demesne estate in the land, and to the defeasance of the estate of the said William and Margaret in the aforesaid rent. Whereupon, the said Thomas bargained for the aforesaid manor of Heytesbury, to have and to hold to him and his heirs forever, by the gift and enfeoffment of the said lady. In consequence whereof the said William and Margaret could have no right or reason in the matter, because of the great maintenance of the said Thomas in the said county. Furthermore, although the said Thomas was appointed by commission a justice of the peace in the same county, at various sessions, when the men of the county were present on the orders of the said Thomas and his colleagues, there was nothing into which our lord the king could inquire, contrary to the will of his said companions, and nothing could be done in the said sessions, but he informed the said people of the region that the said lady had a right to the aforesaid manors, and that the entry which the said lady made on the said Thomas was good and lawful.
Plese a vostre noble seignourie ordeiner qe les ditz William et Margarete ne soient subduytz < n'oustez > de leur droit par la graunt maintenance de dit Thomas et [autres de son affynyte: et oultre] ordeiner tiele remedie pur tiel maintenaunce qe les meintenours soient [tant chastiez] q'il n'osent pur doute faire tiel maintenance de ce enavant: eiantz regard qe tiel maintenance fait grand murmour en le poeple.' May it please your noble lordship to ordain that the said William and Margaret shall not be undone or ousted from their right by the great maintenance of the said Thomas and others of his affinity: and also ordain such remedy for the maintenance that the maintainers shall be so chastised that they will not dare, through fear, make such maintenance in the future: bearing in mind the great trouble amongst the people which such maintenance causes.'
Et celle bille lue en parlement, en presence nostre seignour le roy, [dit] fust qe le dit monsire Thomas Hungreford fuist garniz a respondre a la bille avauntdit. Luy quiel monsire Thomas vint en parlement, et en sa persone < faisant primerement sa protestacion de adjouster, corriger, et amender si embusoigneroit, > y fist sa responce, et le mist avaunt en parlement en escript, en la fourme qe s'ensuit: And the bill having been read in parliament, in the presence of our lord the king, it was said that the said Sir Thomas Hungerford had been warned to reply to the aforesaid bill. Which Sir Thomas came to parliament in person, protesting first of all that he might make adjustment, correction, and emendation if they should be needed, and there he gave his reply, and laid it in writing before parliament, in the following form:
La responce de Hungerford. The response of Hungerford.
62. La responce Thomas Hungreford, chivaler, a la bille et les pleintz comprisez en ycelle a la sute William de Burcestre, chivaler, et Margarete sa femme. En droit del primer point q'ils ont surmis le dit Thomas q'il dusse avoir certeins terres d'estre du conseil [...] monsire Berthu de Burgherssh' a la value de quarrant marcz par an a terme de sa vie; le dit monsire Berthu dona au dit Thomas certeins terres a la value de vint livers par an a cause susdite; et ce par quatre ans avant les esposails le dit monsire Berthu et le dit Margarete: et issint le dit Thomas n'est pas respongnable au dite Margarete pur le dit doun. Quant a secunde point qe le dit monsire Berthu dusse avoir chearge le dit Thomas et autres d'estre enfeffez en les manoirs de Heightredebury, Stoerte, et Colerne, ove autres terres en Gales, et qe le dit Thomas et les jointfeffez dussent faire refeffementz as ditz monsire Berthu et Margarete, et a les heirs le dit monsire Berthu accordant a la ley par licence nostre seignour le roi, a cause qe les ditz manoirs sont tenuz de roy, lequele chearge le dit Thomas dusse avoir empris: la responce du dit Thomas est tiel q'il ne emprist nulle tiel charge, einz tansoulement qe le dit monsire Berthu cheargea le dit Thomas et autres de soun conseil en comune, d'ordeiner qe tieulx < chartres > furent faitz de feffementz, et pus apres de refeffementz, accordantz a la licence nostre seignour le roy, [ove] lettres [d'attornes] des persones nomez par l'avis et acord le dit monsire Berthu; les queux chartres et faitz furent deliverez a sire William Stele, clerc au dit monsire Berthu, et general seutour de ses bosoignes, a [col. b] mander a les ditz attournes. Et plus outre de lour faitz le dit Thomas n'est tenuz a respondre, qar le dit < Thomas > estoit hors du paiis au dit temps en les bosoignes l'evesqe de Wyncestre, qe Dieu assoille, en les parties de Hamps', et aillours, et adonqes seneschal de ses terres. En droit del tierce point qe le dit Thomas dusse promettre au dit Margarete d'estre de soun conseil: la responce est tiel q'apres la mort le dit monsire Berthu, monsire John de Gildesburgh estoit priez par la dite Margarete de parler au dit Thomas de luy retenir d'estre de soun conseil, et luy profrist du part la dite Margarete .c. s. par an, pur terme de la vie la dite Margarete. Luy quel Thomas outrement le refusast, et ce ne voleit granter, mais disoit a dit monsire Johan, s'il feisse aucun chose qe le purroit tenir lieu, la dite Margarete luy purroit guerdonir. Et a ce il si vouche en tesmoignance le dit monsire Johan, et qe a nulle temps lui fuist plus parlee de celle matire, n'autrement obligez, et sur ce la dite Margarete prist autre conseil. Endroit del quart point qe le dit Thomas dusse avoir pursuy diem clausit extremum, apres la mort le dit monsire Berthu, pur la dite Margarete, direct a l'eschetour de Wiltes'; et qe par enqueste < prise > devant le dit eschetour par serement de dusze loialx gentz fuist retournez en la chancellarie, et certifiez qe la dite Margarete estoit jointfeffez ove le dit monsire Barthu en les manoirs susditz, et sur ceo qe le dit Thomas dusse avoir brief de prendre la feaute la dite Margerete, en noun nostre seignour le roy, et retournez en la chancellarie q'il avoit resceuz sa feaute: la responce du dit Thomas est tiele qe la dite Margarete et le dit monsire Johan prierent qe le dit < Thomas voleit > envoier ses lettres ove le bref au dit eschetour et autres amys pur avoir le greindre et le plus hastive esploit de la bosoigne, sanz ce qe nulle autre < seute > fuist faite par luy. Et quant au brief pur avoir resceu sa feaute, le dit Thomas ne soivent point qe nulle tiel brief luy vient. Quant a quint point qe le dit Thomas avoit pris estat du dite Margarete longement apres des ditz manoirs, rendant pur iceulx .cc. marcz par an, par fait endentez, conseillant la dite Margarete a discharger Thomas Dru, Nicholas Bonham, Warneford, et Stourton qe furent retenuz ove la dite Margarete, disant [q'a luy] appartient le defens de la dite terre et a nulle autre, a cause de soun estat [avantdit] : la responce du dit Thomas est tiel qe par mediacion le dit monsire Johan, seignoure William Stele, et autres des amys < la > dite Margarete, et a sa requeste, le dit Thomas [achatea,] come piert par endenture, [l'estor et] chatelx [esteantz sur] les ditz manoirs, et apres a grant instance d'eaux prist les ditz manoirs a ferme < pluis chier > q'ils ne sont de valu, et selonc la promesse la dite Margarete qe si le dit [Thomas] fusse perdant, par soun tesmoignance demesne, q'adonqes la dite Margarete luy voloit relesser de la dit ferme solonc [la bon foy le] dit Thomas de ce q'il voleit [dire de son perde.] Et a temps de la prise de la dite ferme, ne par oet ou dys ans apres, y n'y avoit nulle debat ne plee mewe des ditz manoirs; einz qe le dit Thomas [entendy] qe les faitz susditz ussent este bien executez. Et de ce q'il deveroit conseiller la dite Margarete de discharger Thomas Dru, Nicholas Bonham, [Warneford, et Stourton,] qe furent retenuz ove la dite Margarete de conseil, le dit Thomas ce mette en tesmoignance des ditz persones q'ils ne furent unqes retenuz ove la dite Margarete, einz tantsoulement le dit Thomas Dru; et ce apres qe plee et debat se meust parentre la dame Despenser et la dite Margarete et soun dit baroun. Endroit de sisme point qe le dit Thomas dusse avoir enfourme la dame Despenser, file et heir le dit monsire Berthu qe soun dit piere [morust soul seysy] des ditz manoirs, et qe liveree de seysine ne fuist pas fait d'icelx de feffement ne de refeffement, issint qe par covyne, malice, et procurement le dit Thomas, la dite dame Despenser entrast les ditz manoirs: la responce du dit Thomas est tiele q'apres qe William de Burcestre [avoit esposez] la dite Margarete, la dame Despenser demandea du dit [p. iii-111][col. a] < Thomas, > quel estat le dit monsire Berthu son piere en avoit en les ditz manoirs [a temps de son moriant.] Et le dit Thomas luy respondy q'il ne savoit mye de certein coment y fust de dite matire, ne quel estat le dit monsire Berthu avoit [au dit temps, mais qe bon] serroit q'ele mandasse son conseil as ditz manoirs, d'estre enfourmez de les gentz de les villes ou les ditz manoirs en sont de savoir la verite [de quel] estat il morust seisy, saunz ce qe le dit Thomas conseilla la dite dame a nulle temps d'entrier en les ditz manoirs, et ce prent il la dite dame Despenser en record et son conseil. Endroit de septisme point, de ce qe le dit Thomas Hungreford deveroit avoir bargaynez le manoir de Heightredebury, a tenir a luy et a ses heirs, de feffement la dite dame Despenser, par quoy les ditz William et Margerete ne pont avoir droit ne resoun touchant ceste matere, par maintenance du dit Thomas: le dit Thomas soi mette en Dieu et tout soun paiis q'il n'est nulle meintenour, n'embraceour de querelles, et q'il n'avoit unqes feffement n'estat en le dit manoir en demesne ne par fait en reversioun: et ce prent il la dite dame et son conseil en record. Endroit del oetisme point qe par la ou le dit Thomas si est nome justice de la pees en la counte de Wiltes' par la ou il dust devant les gentz venuz et assemblez pur lour sessions encontre le gree de ses compaignons nient enquis pur nostre dit seignour le roy en effect touchant les dites sessions, mais ad enfourme les ditz gentz du pays qe la dame Despenser ad droit a les ditz manoirs, et qe l'entre la dite dame est bone et congeable: la responce du dit Thomas est tiele qe a sessions dont est surmys au dit Thomas avoir fait tiel demonstrance, le dit Thomas et ses compaignons chargerent enquestes pur nostre seignour le roy des materes q'apartient estre enquiz en icelx, et autres choses fist ce q'apartient de duetee; et ce prent il en record toutz les bones gentz du pays, et les rolles des ditz sessions. Et la declaracioun q'il fist pur la dame Despenser encontre les ditz William et Margarete sa femme, si fuist en excusacioun de luy mesmes de les malveises et grevouses paroles des ditz materes par le dit William et les soens publiez en plein countee a Wilton, proschein devaunt les ditz sessions, en desclandre et en defesance de l'estat le dit Thomas. Et se prent il en record toutz les bones gentz q'a dit countee [estoient.] 62. The response of Thomas Hungerford, knight, to the bill and the complaints contained in the same at the suit of William Burchester, knight, and Margaret his wife. As to the first point they had alleged against the said Thomas that he should have had certain lands to the value of forty marks a year for the term of his life to be of the council of Sir Bartholomew Burghersh; the said Sir Bartholomew gave the said Thomas certain lands to the value of twenty pounds a year for the aforesaid reason; and that was done four years before the marriage of the said Bartholomew and the said Margaret: and so the said Thomas was not answerable to the said Margaret for the said gift. As to the second point that the said Sir Bartholomew ought to have charged the said Thomas and others to be enfeoffed with the manors of Heytesbury, Stert, and Colerne, and with other lands in Wales, and that the said Thomas and those enfeoffed with him were meant to have re-enfeoffed the said Sir Bartholomew and Margaret and the heirs of the said Sir Bartholomew in accordance with the law and by the licence of our lord the king, because the said manors were held of the king, which charge the said Thomas was meant to have undertaken: the response of the said Thomas was this, that he undertook no such charge, but only that the said Sir Bartholomew charged the said Thomas and others of his counsel in common, to ordain that such charters were made of enfeoffments, and subsequently of re-enfeoffments, according to the licence of our lord the king, with letters of attorney of persons named on the advice and with the agreement of the said Sir Bartholomew; which charters and deeds had been delivered to Sir William Steel, clerk to the said Sir Bartholomew, and the chief agent of his affairs, to [col. b] send to the said attorneys. And the said Thomas is not obliged to answer any further concerning their deeds, since the said Thomas was out of the county at the said time on business for the bishop of Winchester, whom God absolve, in the parts of Hampshire, and elsewhere, and was then steward of his lands. To the third point, that the said Thomas should have promised the said Margaret that he would be of her council: the answer is this, that after the death of the said Sir Bartholomew, Sir John Gildesburgh was asked by the said Margaret to speak to the said Thomas and retain him for her council and he offered him on behalf of the said Margaret 100s. a year, for the term of the life of the said Margaret. Which Thomas entirely refused, and did not wish to accept, but said to the said John that if he did something else which would serve instead, the said Margaret could reward him. And he called the said Sir John to witness that nothing more was ever said to him on this matter, nor was he otherwise obliged, and that thereupon the said Margaret had taken other counsel. As for the fourth point, that the said Thomas should have sued a diem clausit extremum, after the death of the said Sir Bartholomew, for the said Margaret, addressed to the escheator of Wiltshire; and that by inquest taken before the said escheator on the oath of a dozen loyal men it was returned to the chancery and certified that the said Margaret had been jointly enfeoffed with the said Sir Bartholomew with the aforesaid manors, and thereupon that the said Thomas was to have received a writ to take the fealty of the said Margaret, in the name of our lord the king, and that it was returned to the chancery that he had received her fealty: the said Thomas's answer was that the said Margaret and the said Sir John asked the said Thomas to send their letters with the writ to the said escheator and other friends to obtain a more speedy and effective dispatch of the business, without any other suit made by him. And as for the writ for receiving her fealty, the said Thomas had no knowledge of any such writ having reached him. To the fifth point, that the said Thomas had for a long time after taken the estate of the said Margaret in the said manors, paying for the same two hundred marks a year, by indentured deed, advising the said Margaret to discharge Thomas Drew, Nicholas Bonham, Warneford, and Stourton, who had been retained with the said Margaret, and saying that the defence of the said land pertained to himself and to no one else, because of his aforesaid title: the answer of the said Thomas was that through the mediation of the said Sir John, Sir William Steel, and other friends of the said Margaret, and at her request, the said Thomas bought, as appears in the indenture, the livestock and castles in the said manors, and later, at their great insistence, he took the said manors at farm, for a price which was more than they were worth, and in return for the said Margaret's promise that if the said Thomas were to suffer losses, by his own testimony, then the said Margaret would release him from the said farm, trusting in Thomas's good faith in reckoning his loss. And when the said farm was valued, not more than eight or nine years later, there was no dispute or plea concerning the said manors; but the said Thomas had understood that the aforesaid matters had been well performed. And as for the claim that he advised the said Margaret to discharge Thomas Drew, Nicholas Bonham, Warneford, and Stourton, who were retained by the said Margaret for counsel, the said Thomas called those said persons to witness that they had never been retained by the said Margaret, except only the said Thomas Drew; and that after the plea and dispute had begun between the lady Despenser and the said Margaret and her said husband. On the sixth point, that the said Thomas informed Lady Despenser, daughter and heir of the said Sir Bartholomew, that her said father had died seised of the said manors, and that the delivery of the seisin of the same had never been made for feoffment or re-enfeoffment, so that by the plotting, malice, and procurement of the said Thomas, the said Lady Despenser had entered the said manors: the answer of the said Thomas was that after William Burchester had married the said Margaret, Lady Despenser asked of the said [p. iii-111][col. a] Thomas what title the said Sir Bartholomew his lord had had in the said manors at the time of his death. And the said Thomas told her that he did not know for certain how the said matter lay, nor what title the said Sir Bartholomew had at the said time, but that it would be well if she were to send her council to the said manors, to learn from the people of the said town or of the said manors the truth concerning the title of which he died in seisin, but that the said Thomas had never advised the said lady to enter the said manors, as he called upon the said Lady Despenser and her council to witness. As for the seventh point, that the said Thomas Hungerford bargained for the manor of Heytesbury, to be held by him and his heirs by enfeoffment from the said Lady Despenser, as a result of which the said William and Margaret would have no right or claim in this matter, because of the maintenance of the said Thomas; the said Thomas put himself to God and on all his country, that he was not a maintainer, or embracer of suits, and that he had never had feoffment or title in the said manor in demesne or by deed in reversion: as he called upon the said lady and her council to witness. On the eighth point, that although the said Thomas had been nominated a justice of the peace in Wiltshire he had, before those who had arrived and gathered for the sessions, contrary to the wish of his companions, refused to have inquiry made on behalf of our lord the king touching the said sessions, but had informed the said people of the region that the Lady Despenser had a right to the said manors, and that the entry of the said lady was good and lawful: the response of the said Thomas was that at the sessions during which it was claimed that he had acted thus, the said Thomas and his companions were burdened with inquests on behalf of our lord the king concerning matters which had to be inquired into there, and other matters which were his duty; and he cited the good people of the region, and the rolls of the said sessions as record. And the declaration that he made for Lady Despenser against the interests of the said William and Margaret his wife were to exonerate himself from the wicked and injurious words on those matters publicly uttered by the said William and his kin in the full county court at Wilton, just before the said sessions, to the slander and undermining of the estate of the said Thomas. And he cited all the good people who had attended the said county court as record.
[memb. 6]
Nomina excepta de gracia in parliamento. The names of those excluded from the grace in parliament.
This list spans membranes six and five which form a separate leaf stitched to the foot of membrane seven and overlapping membrane five of the main body of the roll.
63. Memorandum quod nomina subscripta sunt nomina quorumdem malefactorum, qui nuper in diversis partibus regni Anglie, contra fidem et ligeanciam suam domino nostro regi Anglie debitas, ac pacem ipsius domini regis, se una cum aliis malefactoribus levaverunt, et prodiciones, felonias, et alia malefacta plurima perpetrarunt. Et eadem nomina domino nostro regi, in parliamento suo apud Westm' in crastino animarum, anno regni sui Anglie quinto [3 November 1381] tento, tanquam nomina illarum personarum que de hujusmodi insurreccionibus, feloniis, et malefactis principales ductores, abettatores, procuratores, et inceptores notorie pro communitate regni Anglie rectati sunt, per eandem communitatem liberata fuerunt: ad effectum, ut ipse persone et earum quelibet ab omni gratia per ipsum dominum regem populo suo in eodem parliamento facta et concessa excipientur, et omnino excluderentur. Et quod processus versus easdem personas ad accusacionem ipsius communitatis in hac parte, ac si inde prius legitime indictati fuissent, fieret. Quod postmodum per dominum nostrum regem, de assensu procerum et magnatum sibi in parliamento suo assistencium concessum est; et ulterius ordinatum quod eadem nomina ex hac causa coram ipso rege in bancum regis mittantur, ibidem execucioni debite demandanda, juxta ordinacionem predictam. 63. Be it known that the names listed below are the names of certain malefactors, who lately rebelled with other malefactors in various parts of England, contrary to the faith and allegiance they owed to our lord the king of England, and the peace of the lord king, and perpetrated treasons, felonies, and many other misdeeds. And these same names were submitted to our lord the king by the commons in his parliament held at Westminster on the morrow of All Souls, in the fifth year of his reign [3 November 1381], together with the names of those persons who were publicly judged on behalf of the community of the kingdom of England to be the principal leaders, abettors, agents, and instigators of such insurrections, felonies, and misdeeds: with the intent that these persons and every one of them shall be excepted and wholly excluded from all grace granted and conceded by this lord king to his people in the same parliament. And that a process shall be begun against these same persons at the accusation of the community in the matter, and if they shall first have been lawfully indicted, let it be done. And later, by the lord our king, with the assent of the nobles and magnates assisting him in his parliament, it was conceded and also ordained that the same names for that reason should be sent before the king in the king's bench, for due action to be taken there, in accordance with the aforesaid ordinance.
[col. b]
Norff'.

  • Johannes Wattes, de Scothowe.
  • Ricardus Filmond.
  • Thomas Gentilhomme, de Buxton'.
  • Thomas Suffolk.
  • Willelmus Quynbergh', capellanus de Scothowe.
  • Henry Reyse, de Dylham.
  • Johannes atte Chaumbre, de Heigham Potter.
  • Johannes Spaigne, de Lenn', cordewaner.
  • Thomas Aslak, de Norwic', cordewaner.
  • Johannes de Norwico, cook.
  • Robertus Wodehewer, nuper commorans in Norwic'.
  • Willelmus Belhouse, de Ailesham.
  • Johannes Creyk, de Wymondham.
  • Adam Pulter, de Heigham.
  • Thomas Thakstere, de Curson Carleton'.
  • Walterus Clerc, de Filby, manens cum priore de Wymundham.
  • Johannes Betes, de Wymondham.
Norfolk.

  • John Wattes, of Scothowe.
  • Richard Filmond.
  • Thomas Gentilhomme, of Buxton.
  • Thomas Suffolk.
  • William Quynbergh', chaplain of Scothowe.
  • Henry Reyse, of Dilham.
  • John atte Chaumbre, of Heigham Potter.
  • John Spaigne, of Lynn, cordwainer.
  • Thomas Aslak, of Norwich, cordwainer.
  • John of Norwich, cook.
  • Robert Wodehewer, formerly dwelling in Norwich.
  • William Belhouse, of Aylsham.
  • John Creyk, of Wymondham.
  • Adam Pulter, of Heigham.
  • Thomas Thakstere, of Curson Carleton.
  • Walter Clerc of Filby, residing with the prior of Wymondham.
  • John Betes, of Wymondham.
Suff'.

  • Johannes Wrawe, capellanus.
  • Johannes Talmage.
  • Galfridus Denham.
  • Johannes Clak, de Sancto Edmundo.
  • Robertus de Westbrom, de Sancto Edmundo.
  • Johannes Cartere, alias dictus Robertus Warner.
  • Robertus Sad, de Sancto Edmundo.
  • Willelmus [...] Benyngton, de Bumstede.
  • Galfridus Parfay, vicarius ecclesie Omnium Sanctorum de Sudbury.
  • Johannes Wrawe, nuper parsona ecclesie de Ryngesfeld.
  • Edmundus Barbour, de Beccles.
  • Johannes Batisford, parsona ecclesie de Bokelisham.
  • Thomas Sampson.
  • Johannes le Dene, pedder.
  • Jacobus de Bedyngfeld.
  • Robertus Prior, de Mondlesham.
  • Thomas Halsworth, de Sancto Edmundo.
  • Thomas Yoxford, de Sancto Edmundo.
  • Thomas Undirwode, de Fynchyngfeld.
  • . . . . . . . Botemor.
Suffolk.

  • John Wrawe, chaplain.
  • John Talmage.
  • Geoffrey Denham.
  • John Clak, of Bury St Edmunds.
  • Robert Westbrom, of Bury St Edmunds.
  • John Cartere, otherwise known as Robert Warner.
  • Robert Sad, of Bury St Edmunds.
  • William Benington, of Bumpstead.
  • Geoffrey Parfay, vicar of the church of All Saints, Sudbury.
  • John Wrawe, late parson of the church of Ringsfield.
  • Edmund Barbour, of Beccles.
  • John Batisford, parson of the church of Bucklesham.
  • Thomas Sampson.
  • John le Dene, pedlar.
  • James Bedyngfeld.
  • Robert Prior, of Mendlesham.
  • Thomas Halsworth, of Bury St Edmunds.
  • Thomas Yoxford, of Bury St Edmunds.
  • Thomas Underwood, of Finchingfield.
  • . . . . . . . Botemor.
Cantebr'.

  • Johannes Peper, de Lynton.
  • Thomas Furbour, de Cantebrigg'.
  • Johannes Deye, de Welyngham.
  • Walterus Barbour, de Royeston.
Cambridge.

  • John Peper, of Linton.
  • Thomas Furbour, of Cambridge.
  • John Deye, of Willingham.
  • Walter Barbour, of Royston.
Essex'.

  • Adam Michel.
  • Robertus Cardemaker, de Bokkyng.
  • Johannes Taillour, capellanus.
  • Johannes Smyth, clerc.
  • Henricus Ive.
  • Johannes Turnour, herde, boclerplaier de Stistede.
  • Johannes Wynterflode, de Cokeshale.
  • Richard Coventre, laborer.
  • Johannes Poyntol.
  • Johannes Adam, serviens Ricardi Wight de Branketre.
  • Gregorius Skynner, de Branketre.
Essex.

  • Adam Michel.
  • Robert Cardemaker, of Bocking.
  • John Taillour, chaplain.
  • John Smyth, clerk.
  • Henry Ive.
  • John Turnour, herder, buckle-maker of Stisted.
  • John Wynterflode, of Cocksalls.
  • Richard Coventre, labourer.
  • John Poyntol.
  • John Adam, servant of Richard White of Braintree.
  • Gregory Skinner, of Braintree.
Hertford'.

  • Willelmus Bliche, de Aldbery.
  • Johannes Coltman, de Claverynge.
  • Stephanus Treubody, de Codicote.
  • Willelmus de Stable, de Sancto Albano.
Hertford.

  • William Bliche, of Aldbury.
  • John Coltman, of Clavering.
  • Stephen Treubody, of Codicote.
  • William Stable, of St Albans.
[p. iii-112]
[col. a]
Midd'.

  • Willielmus filius Nicholai Gardyner, de Sancystret.
  • Ricardus Taillour, de Harwe.
  • Johannes Litle de Eggeswere, brewer.
  • Thomas Bedford, de Holbourn'.
  • Thomas Ernesby.
  • Willelmus Shepherd, de Totehill.
  • Thomas Tayllour, de Charryngg.
  • Johannes Foke Meriell'.
  • Johannes Knot, de Chelchith'.
  • Johannes Pecche de Fulham, boteman.
  • Johannes in the Hale, de Rysshlep'.
  • Johannes Tornour, de Risshlep.
  • Petrus Walsh, de parochia de Chesewyk.
  • Johannes Martyn, de Heston'.
  • Ricardus Cully, de Twykenham.
  • Johannes de Aston', de hundredo de Istelworth'.
  • Thomas Grene, de hundredo de Istelworth'.
  • Johannes Gamelyn, nuper serviens prioris Sancti Johannis.
  • Johannes Carpenter, de Grenford.
  • Robertus Webbe, de Wyke.
  • Robertus Parys, de Houndeslowe, webbe.
  • Willelmus Walsh, de Houndeslowe.
  • Johannes Barcelot, junior, de Heston'.
Middlesex.

  • William son of Nicholas Gardyner, of Sancystret.
  • Richard Taillour, of Harrow.
  • John Litle of Edgware, brewer.
  • Thomas Bedford, of Holborn.
  • Thomas Ernesby.
  • William Shepherd, of Tothill.
  • Thomas Tayllour, of Charing Cross.
  • John Foke Meriell'.
  • John Knot, of Chelsea.
  • John Pecche of Fulham, butler.
  • John in the Hale, of Ruislip.
  • John Tornour, of Ruislip.
  • Peter Walsh, of the parish of Chiswick.
  • John Martyn, of Heston.
  • Richard Cully, of Twickenham.
  • John Aston, of Isleworth hundred.
  • Thomas Grene, of Isleworth hundred.
  • John Gamelyn, late servant of the prior of St John's.
  • John Carpenter, of Greenford.
  • Robert Webbe, of Wick.
  • Robert Parys, of Hounslow, weaver.
  • William Walsh, of Hounslow.
  • John Barcelot, the younger, of Heston.
London'.

  • Johannes atte Chaumbre.
  • Johannes Spryngald, carpenter, de Sutton' juxta Derteford'.
  • Thomas Rote, de Kent.
  • Johannes Millere, wyndrawer, de vinetria London'.
  • Thomas Graunt, wyndrawer, socius ejus.
  • Edmundus Silk, tilere. [editorial note: This is the beginning of a new column on m.6 and a contemporary heading reads 'Adhuc London''.]
  • Johannes Horsman, boteman.
  • Willelmus Waleys.
  • Willelmus Dymbilby, grynder, serviens Johannis Ferrour.
  • Johannes Wade, wyndrawer.
  • Willelmus Pouchemaker, cobeler.
  • Willelmus, serviens Johannis Durham, taillour.
  • Thomas Carpenter, quondam apprenticius Roberti Hatfeld.
  • Thomas Kent, brewere, de comitatu Kanc'.
  • Ricardus Scot, hosier.
  • Stephanus Ryslep, alutarius.
  • Ricardus Rislep, taillour.
  • Stephanus Coventre, allutarius.
  • Walterus Taunton', sadeler.
  • Willelmus Gibewyn', sporier.
  • Jacobus Breuersman.
  • Willelmus Pycoys, webbe.
  • Ricardus Bone, webbe.
  • Johannes Noke, webbe.
  • Robertus Blaunchard de Hibernie, portour.
  • Thomas Bunny, shether.
  • Hamo Cobeler, de parochia Sancti Leonardi.
  • Johannes Roo, laborer.
  • Thomas Raven, de Suthwerk.
  • Johannes Bateman, webbe.
  • Johannes Canterbury, capper.
  • Johannes Bentele, fuller.
  • Johannes Brond, webbe.
  • Ricardus Waterberer, del Stokkis.
  • Robertus Enefeld, cobeler.
  • Simon Gerard, fuller.
  • Johannes Lucas, portour.
  • Henricus Blundell', de Kanc'.
  • Thomas Willes, carpenter, de Belyeterlane.
  • Ricardus Carpenter, de eadem.
  • Andreas, apprenticius Henricus Bitreden.
  • Johannes Leycestre, skynnere, juxta Crichirch', London'.
  • Johannes Sawyer, de parochia Sancte Katerine Colman, London'.
  • Jacobus Bruer de Porjurie, London'.
  • Johannes Castell', ibidem.
  • Willelmus Bocher, portour, de Billyngesgate, London'. [col. b]
  • Johannes Horsham, juxta Crichirch, London'.
  • Ricardus Goldsmyth, extra Algate, London'.
  • Ricardus Carpenter, de parochia beate Marie atte Naxe, London'.
  • Johannes Tynker, de Holbourn.
  • Willelmus Brewer, pyper.
  • Johannes Yonge, de comitatu Hereford'.
  • Johannes Awedyn, de comitatu Essex'.
  • Thomas Rote, de Kanc'.
  • Nicholaus Purser, de Milende.
  • Johannes Stotesfold, de comitatu Bed'.
  • Willelmus Hosteler, serviens Willelmi Rothewell.
  • Johannes Quyltemaker.
  • Johannes Stotesbury, childe-shomakere.
  • Robertus Sandewych, serviens Roberti de York, alutarii.
  • Janyn, serviens ejusdem Roberti de York.
  • Johannes Hostelere, nuper serviens Johannis Lawe, cook.
  • Johannes Brewersman, manens apud le Tabbard, London'.
  • Thomas Claypole, sherman.
  • Philippus Walssh', water-ledere.
  • Johannes Cornewaille, daubere.
  • Ricardus Redyng, skynnere.
  • Johannes Grantham, serviens atte castelle in Friday-Strete, London'.
  • Johannes Bokeden, travelyngman.
  • Johannes, serviens Ricardi Cornewaill, de Fryday-Strete, London'.
  • Johannes Sakkere, malemaker.
  • Simon Cook, nuper serviens Roberti Harngeye.
  • Willelmus Caus, fullere.
  • Henricus Potton', quernpekker.
  • Rogerus Glovere, serviens Abrahe Seintfeye.
  • Robertus Panyere, de Paternosterrowe.
  • Quidam Ledes, capper.
  • Johannes Sutton', materas-maker.
  • Ricardus, frater ejus.
  • Willelmus Inglond, boteman.
  • Johannes Forest.
  • Thomas Crowe, fullere.
  • Thomas Wolf.
  • Nicholaus Cornemetre, de Quenhithe.
  • Ricardus, vocatus 'Grete Richard', diere.
  • Ricardus Trent, dyere.
  • Willelmus Clere, cobeler, del Quenhithe.
  • Willelmus Potkyn, webbe.
  • Johannes Thurgore.
  • Thomas Fauconer, juxta Wyndesore.
  • Walterus Keye.
  • Johannes Mounford, dyeres-man.
  • Laurentius Wythtegretelegg, sawyer.
  • Ricardus Tracy, sawyer.
  • Simon Tylere, manens extra Cripelgate.
  • Johannes Gamelyn.
  • Willelmus Andrewe, de Clerkenwelstrete.
  • Robertus Warrewyk, glovere.
  • Willelmus Hampermaker, de Wodestrete.
  • Thomas Mortymer, daubere.
  • Johannes Wykere. [memb. 5a]
  • Johannes, serviens Johannis Seman.
  • Willelmus Bate, cappere.
  • Thomas Stoteman.
  • Johannes March'.
  • Johannes Kyrton, alius dictus Ethard.
  • Johannes Thorn'.
  • Ricardus Malmeshill, clerc.
  • Johannes, brewere et hostelere.
  • Ricardus Taillour, de Harwe.
  • Nicholaus Thurston, carpenter.
  • Johannes Ellesworth.
  • Radulphus Pauly.
  • Johannes Marham.
  • Ricardus Ampton', taillour.
  • Thomas filius Galfridi, daubere.
  • Johannes Miles, flexman. [p. iii-113][col. a]
  • Walterus de Dene, bocheresman.
  • Stephanus Sondaye.
  • Johannes Cayse, de Storteford.
  • Silvester Daubere.
  • Johannes Salman, taverner.
  • Thomas Beton, taillour.
  • Willelmus Mareshall, de Stebenhith.
  • Johannes More, tynkere.
  • Johannes Essex, serviens Johannis Gauncely.
  • Willelmus Camys.
  • Johannes Naillere, goldsmythe.
  • Johannes Nevyle, barbour.
  • Willelmus Barston', sadelere.
  • Ricardus Flechere, serviens Ricardi Purdieu.
  • Ricardus Vaucy, tylere.
  • Johannes Pope, tavernersman.
  • Willelmus, serviens Johannis Ferrour de vinetria London'.
  • Edwardus Coteler, nuper serviens Johannis Twyford.
  • Thomas, serviens Johannis [Kent, shether.]
  • Ricardus Forster, sadelere.
  • [Willelmus] Hatfeld, boteler.
  • Johannes [Lyghtbury,] brewere.
  • Willelmus Brampton, nuper custos porte de Cripilgate, London'.
  • Thomas, serviens Pauli Salesbury.
  • Nicholaus Cordewaner, manens apud le Herber.
  • Johannes Mason', webbe.
  • Henricus Naffe, webbe.
  • Willelmus Pypere, webbe.
  • Willelmus Harwe, webbe.
  • Johannes Wrawe, webbe.
  • Thomas Absolon', shereman.
  • Thomas Walsh', brewere.
  • Willelmus Polfote, serviens Ricardi Brendwode.
  • Thomas Cook de Kanc', nuper manens cum S. archiepiscopo Cantuar'.
London.

  • John atte Chaumbre.
  • John Spryngald, carpenter, of Sutton by Dartford.
  • Thomas Rote, of Kent.
  • John Millere, vintner, of the London vintry.
  • Thomas Graunt, vintner, his partner.
  • Edmund Silk, tiler.
  • John Horsman, boatman.
  • William Waleys.
  • William Dymbilby, grinder, servant of John Ferrour.
  • John Wade, vintner.
  • William Pouchemaker, cobbler.
  • William, servant of John Durham, tailor.
  • Thomas Carpenter, sometime apprentice of Robert Hatfield.
  • Thomas Kent, brewer, of Kent.
  • Richard Scot, hosier.
  • Stephen Ryslep, tawyer.
  • Richard Rislep, tailor.
  • Stephen Coventre, tawyer.
  • Walter Taunton', saddler.
  • William Gibewyn', spurrier.
  • Jacob Breuersman.
  • William Pycoys, weaver.
  • Richard Bone, weaver.
  • John Noke, weaver.
  • Robert Blaunchard of Ireland, porter.
  • Thomas Bunny, sheather.
  • Hamo Cobeler, of the parish of St Leonard.
  • John Roo, labourer.
  • Thomas Raven, of Southwark.
  • John Bateman, weaver.
  • John Canterbury, capper.
  • John Bentele, fuller.
  • John Brond, weaver.
  • Richard Waterberer, of the Stocks.
  • Robert Enefeld, cobbler.
  • Simon Gerard, fuller.
  • John Lucas, porter.
  • Henry Blundell', of Kent.
  • Thomas Willes, carpenter of Belwether Lane.
  • Richard Carpenter, of the same.
  • Andrew, apprentice of Henry Bitreden.
  • John Leicester, skinner, near Christchurch, London.
  • John Sawyer, of the parish of St Katherine Coleman, London.
  • Jacob Bruer of Poor Jewry, London.
  • John Castell', of the same.
  • William Bocher, porter of Billingsgate, London. [col. b]
  • John Horsham, near Christchurch, London.
  • Richard Goldsmyth, outside Aldgate, London.
  • Richard Carpenter, of the parish of St Mary Axe, London.
  • John Tynker, of Holborn.
  • William Brewer, piper.
  • John Yonge, of the county of Hereford.
  • John Awedyn, of Essex.
  • Thomas Rote, of Kent.
  • Nicholas Purser, of Mile End.
  • John Stotesfold, of the county of Bedford.
  • William Hosteler, servant of William Rothwell.
  • John Quiltmaker.
  • John Stotesbury, children's shoemaker.
  • Robert Sandwich, servant of Robert of York, tawyer.
  • Janyn, servant of the same Robert of York.
  • John Hostelere, late servant of John Law, cook.
  • John Brewersman, staying at the Tabard, London.
  • Thomas Claypole, shearman.
  • Philip Walssh, water-bearer.
  • John Cornewaille, plasterer.
  • Richard Redyng, skinner.
  • John Grantham, servant at the Castle in Friday Street, London.
  • John Bokeden, travelling-man.
  • John, servant of Richard Cornewaille, of Friday Street, London.
  • John Sacker, sack-maker.
  • Simon Cook, late servant of Robert Harngeye.
  • William Caus, fuller.
  • Henry Potton, quern-picker.
  • Roger Glovere, servant of Abraham Seintfeye.
  • Robert Panyere, of Paternoster Row.
  • One Ledes, capper.
  • John Sutton, mattress-maker.
  • Richard, his brother.
  • William Inglond, boatman.
  • John Forest.
  • Thomas Crowe, fuller.
  • Thomas Wolf.
  • Nicholas Cornemetre, of Queenhythe.
  • Richard, called 'Great Richard', dyer.
  • Richard Trent, dyer.
  • William Clere, cobbler, of Queenhythe.
  • William Potkyn, weaver.
  • John Thurgore.
  • Thomas Fauconer, near Windsor.
  • Walter Keye.
  • John Mounford, dyer's man.
  • Laurence Wythtegretelegg, sawyer.
  • Richard Tracy, sawyer.
  • Simon Tylere, dwelling outside Cripplegate.
  • John Gamelyn.
  • William Andrewe, of Clerkenwell Street.
  • Robert Warrewyk, glover.
  • William Hampermaker, of Wood Street.
  • Thomas Mortymer, plasterer.
  • John Wykere. [memb. 5a]
  • John, servant of John Seman.
  • William Bate, capper.
  • Thomas Stoteman.
  • John March.
  • John Kyrton, otherwise called Ethard.
  • John Thorn.
  • Richard Malmeshill, clerk.
  • John, brewer and inn-keeper.
  • Richard Taillor, of Harrow.
  • Nicholas Thurston, carpenter.
  • John Ellesworth.
  • Ralph Pauly.
  • John Marham.
  • Richard Ampton, tailor.
  • Thomas son of Geoffrey, plasterer.
  • John Miles, flaxman. [p. iii-113][col. a]
  • Walter Dene, butcher's man.
  • Stephen Sondaye.
  • John Cayse, of Stortford.
  • Silvester Daubere.
  • John Salman, taverner.
  • Thomas Beton, tailor.
  • William Mareshall, of Stepney.
  • John More, tinker.
  • John Essex, servant of John Gauncely.
  • William Camys.
  • John Naillere, goldsmith.
  • John Nevyle, barber.
  • William Barston, saddler.
  • Richard Flechere, servant of Richard Purdieu.
  • Richard Vaucy, tiler.
  • John Pope, taverner's man.
  • William, servant of John Ferrour of the London vintry.
  • Edward Coteler, late servant of John Twyford.
  • Thomas, servant of John Kent, sheather.
  • Richard Forster, saddler.
  • William Hatfeld, butler.
  • John Lyghtbury, brewer.
  • William Brampton, formerly gate-keeper of Cripplegate, London.
  • Thomas, servant of Paul Salesbury.
  • Nicholas Cordewaner, staying at le Herber.
  • John Mason, weaver.
  • Henry Naffe, weaver.
  • William Pypere, weaver.
  • William Harwe, weaver.
  • John Wrawe, weaver.
  • Thomas Absolon, shearman.
  • Thomas Walsh, brewer.
  • William Polfoot, servant of Richard Brentwood.
  • Thomas Cook of Kent, formerly dwelling with Simon archbishop of Canterbury.
Wynton'.

  • Johannes Queynylde.
  • Thomas Fauconer.
  • Henricus Clerc.
  • Johannes Brusebon'.
  • Petrus Frenssch', serviens Philippi Dunstaple.
  • Thomas Webbe, de Kyngatstrete.
  • Willelmus Morewe.
  • Willelmus Wygge.
Winchester.

  • John Queynylde.
  • Thomas Falconer.
  • Henry Clerk.
  • John Brusebon.
  • Peter Frenssch, servant of Philip Dunstaple.
  • Thomas Webbe, of Kingate Street.
  • William Morewe.
  • William Wygge.
Kanc'.

  • Johannes Begyndenne, Johannes Onewyne, de Cranebrok.
  • Willelmus de Anne, Stephanus filius Johannis Donet, de Smallide.
  • Thomas Castellayn, Johannes Lethe, de Kynardyngton'.
  • Philippus Cheperegge, Radulphus Oyn, de Tentirdenne.

  • Johannes Boucher, dil wode de Borden'.
  • Magister Johannes Ferrour, de Roucestre.
  • Johannes Brise, de Hedecrone.
  • Thomas Berghamstede, de Gyllyngham.
  • Johannes Goldbounde, de Renham.
  • Forster, de Dertford.
  • Johannes Modelegh'.
  • Johannes Man, de Bourgham.
  • Robertus Senyng.
  • Robertus Hemery, de Lenham.
  • Robertus Cave, de Derteford.
  • Johannes Atte Berche, junior, de Frithynden.
Kent.

  • John Begyndenne, John Onewyne, of Cranbrook.
  • William Anne, Stephen, son of John Donet, of Small Hythe.
  • Thomas Castellayn, John Lethe, of Kenardington.
  • Philip Cheperegge, Ralph Oyn, of Tenterden.

  • John Boucher, from Borden Wood.
  • Master John Ferrour, of Rochester.
  • John Brise, of Headcorn.
  • Thomas Berghamstede, of Gillingham.
  • John Goldbounde, of Rainham.
  • Forster, of Dartford.
  • John Modelegh.
  • John Man, of Burham.
  • Robert Senyng.
  • Robert Hemery, of Lenham.
  • Robert Cave, of Dartford.
  • John Atte Berche, the younger, of Frittenden.
De septem hundredis.

  • Johannes Boucher, dil wode de Borden'.
  • Magister Johannes Ferrour, de Roucestre.
  • Johannes Brise, de Hedecrone.
  • Thomas Berghamstede, de Gyllyngham.
  • Johannes Goldbounde, de Renham.
  • Forster, de Dertford.
  • Johannes Modelegh'.
  • Johannes Man, de Bourgham.
  • Robertus Senyng.
  • Robertus Hemery, de Lenham.
  • Robertus Cave, de Derteford.
  • Johannes Atte Berche, junior, de Frithynden.
Of the seven hundreds.

  • John Boucher, from Borden Wood.
  • Master John Ferrour, of Rochester.
  • John Brise, of Headcorn.
  • Thomas Berghamstede, of Gillingham.
  • John Goldbounde, of Rainham.
  • Forster, of Dartford.
  • John Modelegh.
  • John Man, of Burham.
  • Robert Senyng.
  • Robert Hemery, of Lenham.
  • Robert Cave, of Dartford.
  • John Atte Berche, the younger, of Frittenden.
Sussex'.

  • Thomas Willot, de Burghhersch'.
  • Johannes Harry, de Northyhame. [col. b]
  • Stephanus Holstok.
  • Robertus Hodge.
  • Johannes Jamyn, de Warbiltone.
  • Johannes Hunt, webbe, de Waldern'.
  • Thomas Cutberd, de Wadehurst.
  • Nicholaus Basset, de Hertfeld.
Sussex.

  • Thomas Willot, of Burghhersch.
  • John Harry, of Northiam. [col. b]
  • Stephen Holstok.
  • Robert Hodge.
  • John Jamyn, of Warbleton.
  • John Hunt, weaver, of Waldron.
  • Thomas Cutberd, of Wadhurst.
  • Nicholas Basset, of Hatfield.
Somers'.

  • Thomas Ingelby.
  • Ricardus Bercorn'.
  • Johannes Blake, scryveyn.
  • Johannes Kelly, hosyere.
  • Willelmus Souter, serviens Johannis Gondred.
  • Matheus Pottere.
  • Willelmus Fychet, wallere.
  • Johannes Stone, webbere.
  • Johannes Canon', shethier.
  • Johannes Notyngham.
  • Johannes Say, sothseggere.
  • Ricardus Skynnere, junior.
  • Thomas Barber, de Welles.
Somerset.

  • Thomas Inglelby.
  • Richard Bercorn.
  • John Blake, scrivener.
  • John Kelly, hosier.
  • William Souter, servant of John Gondred.
  • Matthew Pottere.
  • William Fychet, waller.
  • John Stone, weaver.
  • John Canon, sheather.
  • John Notyngham.
  • John Say, soothsayer.
  • Richard Skynnere, the younger.
  • Thomas Barber, of Wells.
Cantuar'.

  • < Johannes London'. >
  • < Henricus Waleys. >
  • < Johannes Coggere, de Cantuar'. >
  • < Willelmus Sporiere. >
  • < Robertus Toneforde. >
  • < Henricus Twysdenn'. >
  • < Johannes Twysdenn'. >
  • < Henricus Aleyn, de parochia de Chertham, in comitatu Kantie. >
Canterbury.

  • John London.
  • Henry Waleys.
  • John Coggere, of Canterbury.
  • William Sporiere.
  • Robert Toneforde.
  • Henry Twysdenn.
  • John Twysdenn.
  • Henry Aleyn, of the parish of Chatham, in Kent.
[memb. 5b]
[editorial note: There is a change of hand at this point.] Adjournement de parlement. Adjournment of parliament.
64. Et fait a remember qe puis apres quant cest parlement avoit longement endurez, et pur tant qe le feste de Nowell s'estoit proscheinement avenir, et auxint pur la venue de madame la roigne deinz le roialme fust bien pres; et avec ce, pur tant qe le mariage nostre seignour le roi et la corounement de la dite roigne si estoient moelt proscheinement venantz: et d'autre part, les greinours et plus chargeantz busoignes et pluis necessaires pur profit del roialme fi si remaignent encores nient esploitez en effect, a cause de les autres occupacions devant euz en mesme le parlement, si estoit cest parlement, le .xiij. jour de Decembre [1381], par nostre seignour le roi, de l'assent des prelatz, seignours, et communes illoeqes esteantz en mesme le parlement, soit adjourne tanqe al vendredy proschein devant la Conversion de Seint Poul lors procheinement ensuant [24 January 1382]; et ensi fust fait le dit .xiij. jour [14 December 1381]. Et voloit le roi et commandast qe les plees, causes, et autres matires touchez ore en < ce > parlement nient terminez, et toutes autres choses avec lours dependences demoergent in statu quo nunc tanqe al vendredy dessusdit [24 January 1382]. Et comandast nostre dit seignour le roi qe touz les prelatz, seignours et communes, et autres q'avoient somonce de ce parlement q'ils alassent chescun en son marche, et retournassent al dit vendredy, toute excusacion ou dilacion cessante. Et comandast a touz illoeqes presentz, et lour chargeast estroitement qe sur toutes les matires touches devaunt en parlement, sibien c'estassavoir sur le bone governement del roialme, et maintenance de bone paix deinz le roialme toutes partes, come autrement sur les remedes a purvoier sur les marchandises, et sur les monoies, et maintenours et enhauceours des quereles en paiis, d'autres meschiefs dont devaunt ad este touchez, chescun s'advisast bien et profoundement par soi et de sa part de bone remede, encontre sa revenue al dit vendredy. Et einsi departist cest parlement a celle .xiij.jour. 64. And be it remembered that later, when this parliament had continued for a long time, and because the feast of Christmas was fast approaching, and also because the arrival of our lady the queen in the kingdom was imminent; and also because the marriage of our lord the king and the coronation of the said queen were very near: and also, the more serious and weighty matters of business, most necessary for the benefit of the kingdom, still remained largely unsettled because of other concerns before them in the same parliament, it was decided by our lord the king, with the assent of the prelates, lords, and commons attending the same parliament, that on the 13 December this parliament should be adjourned until the Friday before the Conversion of St Paul next coming [24 January 1382]; and so it was done on the said thirteenth day. And the king willed and ordered that the pleas, causes, and other matters raised in this parliament yet not settled, and all other business together with its associated material should remain as they now are until the aforesaid Friday. And our said lord the king ordered that all the prelates, lords, and commons, and others who had been summoned to this parliament, should all depart, and return on the said Friday, all excuses or delays set aside. And he commanded all present there, and charged them strictly that all matters previously raised in parliament, that is to say as well the good government of the realm, and the maintenance of good peace throughout the kingdom, as the provisions to be made concerning merchandise, the coinage, maintainers and promoters of disputes in the land and of other troubles which have been discussed, they should each consider fully and deeply to find some good remedy, before their return on the said Friday. And so this parliament was adjourned on the thirteenth day.
[p. iii-114]
[col. a]
Revenue et reassemble de parlement. The return and re-assembly of parliament.
65. A quel vendredy [24 January 1382], vindrent en parlement partie des prelats et seignours del roialme; mais pur tant qe la greindre partie de eulx si failloist a celle foitz pur lour occupacion q'ils avoient euz devaunt entour la mariage et corounement de ma dame la roigne qe novellement estoient faitz, si fust cest parlement autrefoitz adjournez tanqe al lundy lors proschein ensuant [27 January 1382]. A quel lundy, les prelatz et seignours vindrent en parlement, et la commune y fist reherceaille sur les matires dont ils furent chargez de adviser a lour derrain departir: empriantz qe de celles feusse bone remede purvez. 65. On the which Friday [24 January 1382], some of the prelates and lords of the realm returned to parliament; but because the greater number of them failed to do so on this occasion because they had been preoccupied with the marriage and coronation of our lady the queen which had just occurred, so the parliament was again adjourned until the following Monday [27 January 1382]. On the which Monday, the prelates and lords came to parliament, and the commons there rehearsed the matters which they had been charged to discuss on their last departure: praying that they might be provided with effective remedy.
Del profre le duc de Lanc'. Concerning the duke of Lancaster's proposal.
66. Et puis apres estoit grant disputison et altercacioun en dit parlement, del viage de monseignour d'Espaigne duc de Lancastre quel il profrist de faire en Portugal et en Espaigne, si le roialme voussist apprester .lx. milleli. pur les gages de .iim. hommes d'armes et .iim. archiers par un demy an, sibien pur salvacioun de noz gentz q'ore sont illoeqes, come autrement pur recovrer son droit q'il y ad, et pur la salve garde du meer et del roialme d'Engleterre; et, si Dieux plest, en grant destruccioun des enemys. Et profrist a nostre seignour le roy en parlement qe si Dieu lui donast la vie, et feusse franch de son corps hors de prisone, deinz trois ans il se vorroit obliger et ses terres en Engleterre de repaier au roi nostre seignour la dite somme, ou en deniers, ou autrement en service qe deust estre acceptable. Et sur celles profres et viage les seignours furent longement [...] occupiez en dite altercacioun; aucuns disantz qe profitable chose serroit pur le roialme q'il y alast par manere q'il ad profrez, et meement < purtant qe ce > tourneroit a salvacioun de noz gentz en Portugal, queux l'en tenoit pur destruitz s'ils n'aient de socours et aide. Et autres tienantz la contraire, c'estassavoir, qe s'il y alast, et esmesnast tiel poair avec lui come il ad demandez, le poair du roi et de son roialme serroit grantement empeirez et enfebliz; paront, si ryot, qe Dieux ne veulle, autrefoitz sourdast deinz le roialme, adonqes serroit moelt de plus a douter pur l'absence de mon dit seignour de Lancastre, et des nobles seignours, chivalers, esquiers, et autres q'il averoit avec luy. 66. And then, there was great argument and altercation in the said parliament, concerning the journey of our lord of Spain, duke of Lancaster, which he proposed to make to Portugal and Spain, if the kingdom would lend him £60,000 in wages for two thousand men-at-arms and two thousand archers for half a year, both for the security of our men who are now there, as well as to recover the right which he had there, and for the safekeeping of the sea and of the kingdom of England; and, if it please God, for the great destruction of our enemies. And he proposed to our lord the king in parliament that if God were to grant him his life, and preserve him from captivity, he himself and his lands in England would be bound to repay the king our lord the said sum within three years, either in money, or else in some acceptable service. And over those offers and that journey the lords were long occupied in the said argument; some saying that it would be beneficial for the kingdom that he should go in the manner which he proposed, and likewise because it would be the salvation of our people of Portugal, who would be destroyed if they did not receive succour and aid. And others argued to the contrary, that is to say, that if he were to go there, and take with him the the kind of force he had requested, the power of the king and his kingdom would be greatly impaired and weakened; so that, if a rebellion should once more arise within the kingdom, which God forbid, then there would be much more to fear from the absence of our said lord of Lancaster, and the noble lords, knights, squires, and others he would have with him.
Grant del subside des leynes, etc. The grant of the subsidy on wool, etc..
67. Item, les seignours et communes < del > roialme d'Engleterre assemblez en ce parlement, le mardy en le .xxv. jour de Feverer l'an present [1382], entendantz < coment > le grant del subside des leynes, peaulx lanutz, et quirs soi finist a la Chandeleure darrein passez [2 February 1382] parmy le grant ent darrein fait, et apparceivantz clerement les grantz efforcementz et multitude des enemys de nostre seignour le roi et de son roialme avauntdit, chescun part de mesme le roialme sibien par terre come par meer, et les grantz despenses qe necessairement l'en faut mettre sur la defens du dit roialme en resistence de tantz de enemys ove l'aide Nostre Seignour, mesmes les seignours et communes de leur liberale voluntee et < bone gree grantent > a nostre seignour le roi, sibien pur eulx en ce parlement ore presentz en lours persones, come pur toute la dite commune d'Engleterre, autielles subsides des leines, peaulx lanutz, et quirs, oultre l'anciene custume ent due, come nostre dit seignour le roy ent preignoit ou purroit prendre parmy le darrein autre grant ent a lui fait en ce mesme parlement. A avoir et resceivre mesmes les subsides des leines, peaulx, et quirs del jour present tanqe a la Nativitee de Seint Johan le Baptistre proschein venant [24 June 1382], et de mesme la feste de Seint Johan par quatre ans entiers proscheinement ensuantz, a emploier < sur et > en defens del dit roialme, et sur la resistence de la malice des enemys avantditz, soit il affaire par le viage q'ad este profrez d'estre fait par monsire de Lancastre in Espaigne, ou par autre manere quelconqe dont par l'advis de seignours mesme le roialme se purra mieultz estre defendez, al honour de Dieux, et salvacion d'icelle roialme. Faisantz nientmains lour protestacion expressement qe l'entention de la commune d'Engleterre n'est mye de leur obliger parmy aucunes [col. b] paroles devant ditz a la querele, conquest, ou la guerre del roialme d'Espaigne en especial par aucune voie, einz soulement en general, al defens du roialme d'Engleterre, et resistence des ditz enemys, par l'avis des seignours del dit roialme, < come > mieultz < lour > semblera a ordenir. 67. Also, the lords and commons of the kingdom of England assembled in this parliament, on Tuesday 25 February in the present year [1382], recognizing that the grant of the subsidy on wool, woolfells, and hides had ended last Candlemas [2 February] under the terms of the grant thereof made, and perceiving clearly the great strength and members of the enemies of our lord the king and his aforesaid kingdom, against every part of the realm both by land and sea, and the great expenses which would have to be invested in the defence of the said realm, with the aid of Our Lord, against such enemies, the same lords and commons of their own free accord and good grace granted to our lord the king, as well for themselves now present in person in this parliament, as for all the said commons of England, those subsidies on wool, woolfells, and hides, beyond the ancient customs thereon due, which our said lord the king took or could have taken from the last grant of those made to him in this same parliament, to have and receive the same subsidies on wool, fells, and hides, from the present day until the Nativity of St John the Baptist next [24 June 1382], and from the same feast of St John for the whole of the following four years, to be used for the defence of the said realm, and to oppose the malice of the aforesaid enemies, be it spent on the expedition which our lord of Lancaster has offered to undertake in Spain, or on anything else which, with the advice of the lords, will enable the same realm to be better defended, for the honour of God, and the security of the same kingdom. Protesting nevertheless that the intention of the commons of England was certainly not to commit themselves by any [col. b] words previously spoken concerning the dispute, conquest of, or war in the kingdom of Spain by any means, but only in general terms, with regard to the defence of the kingdom of England, and resistance to the said enemies, with the advice of the lords of the said kingdom, as it seemed best to them to ordain.
68. Et veullent mesmes les seignours et communes, et leur entencion est qe si pur viage affaire d'oultre la meer, ou pur autre chargeante cause, le roi nostre seignour eust busoigne de monoie, ou de faire chevance de monoie, qe en tiel cas le roi, par l'advis et discretion < de son bon et honurable > conseil, face de sa grace ottroier licence et congie par ses lettres a ses creanceours et autres, ou mieultz luy semblera pur son profit, de passer leines, peaulx lanutz, et quirs aillours as parties de dela qe a Caleys, a durer pur un temps solonc lour bons advis et discrecions, et selonc la necessitee lors apparante; nientcontresteant estatut, chartre, [...] ordenance, < ou proclamacion > faitz au contraire. 68. And the same lords and commons wish and intend that if for the expedition to be made overseas, or for any other important cause, the king our lord has need of money, or to borrow money, that then the king, with the advice and discretion of his good and honourable council, should of his grace cause licence and permission to be granted by his letters to his creditors and others, wheresover it seems most beneficial to him, to send wool, woolfells, and hides to places overseas other than Calais, and that to remain in force for a time in accordance with their good advice and discretion, and the state of need then apparent; notwithstanding any statute, charter, ordinance, or proclamation made to the contrary.
69. Et prient les communes qe si paix ou trieves puisse estre fait avec les adversaires du roialme, q'adonqes cessantes les guerres les revenues et profitz du dit subside soient si discretement et salvement gardez qe quant y busoigne autrefoitz le roialme ent purra estre aidez, et la dite commune supportez. 69. And the commons prayed that if peace or truces be made with the adversaries of the realm that then, the wars being ended, the revenues and profits from the said subsidy shall be so discreetly and carefully guarded that when there is need again, the kingdom may be aided by this and the said commons supported.
70. Item, prient les dites communes a nostre dit seignour le roi et as seignours du parlement qe pur salvacioun et quiete de la terre, et en supportacion de leur charge < quiel ils > ont treslongement portez et sustenuz, et a tiele guyse q'ils sont ore cheuz en moelt grant poverte, issint q'a peine ont de quoi eux mesmes sustenir; qe les charges des guerres et les autres oultrageouses despenses de long temps sustenuz par le roialme soient par temps de tout, ou en partie, oustez, et issint amesnusez qe la povre commune puisse vivre en paix et quiete, qe Dieux grante pur ses mercys. 70. Also, the said commons pray of our said lord the king and the lords of parliament that for the security and tranquillity of the land, and in support of the charge which they have borne and sustained for a very long time, in such a way that they have now lapsed into great poverty so that they have scarcely anything on which to survive; that the burdens of wars and the other outrageous expenses so long sustained by the kingdom shall soon be abolished completely or in part, and so reduced that the poor commons may live in peace and tranquillity, may God grant this in his mercy.
Des obligacions, etc., faitz par duretee et compulsioun en le rumour estatut. A statute concerning obligations, etc., made under duress and by compulsion during the uprising.
71. Et sur ce estoit assentuz en ce parlement qe toutes feffementz des terres et des rentes et < toutz > obligacions et relesses et entrees en terres et tenementz, faitz par compulsioun et par constreinte de poair et multitude des gentz, ou par manace, en temps de ceste darreins rumour et ryot, encontre les loys de la terre et bone foi, soient de tout cassez, irritez, et tenuz pur voides; et ceulx qi ont fait faire < ou > detiegnent tielx obligacions, relesses, ou autres faitz par duresce faitz, soient envoiez devant le roy et son conseil a certain jour, pur ent faire la deliverance < a ceulx qi les firent > < encontre lour gree > ). Et le roi defende qe nulluy face desore entree es terres ou tenementz sinoun en cas ou entree est donez par la loy; et en tieu cas nemye encores a forte main, ne a multitude des gentz, mais tantsoulement en lisible, aisee, et peisible manere, et selonc ce qe la loy de la terre demande. Et si nulluy face desore a contraire < et ent soit convict, > soit puniz par emprisonement de son corps, et [...] reint a la voluntee le roy. 71. And hereon it was agreed in this parliament that all feoffments of lands and rents, and all bonds, releases, and entries on to lands and tenements made by compulsion or constraint by the power and multitude of the people, or by menaces during the late uprising and riot, contrary to the laws of the land and good faith, should be altogether quashed, invalidated, and held void; and those who caused such bonds, releases, or other deeds to be made under duress, or who now retain them, shall be sent before the king and his council on a certain day, to deliver them up to those who granted them against their will. And the king forbids anyone, henceforth, to grant entry onto lands and tenements except where entry is granted by law; and then, not by force, nor by a multitude of people, but only in a lawful, free and peaceable manner, and in accordance with the law of the land. And if anyone, henceforth, acts to the contrary and is so convicted, he shall be punished with bodily imprisonment, and held at the king's will.
Des muniementz arz et destruitz, etc., en dit rumour. Concerning muniments burnt and destroyed, etc., in the said uprising.
72. Item, est assentuz qe ceulx qi se sentent grevez par esloignement, arsure, ou autre destruccioun fait de lour chartres, relees, obligacions, estatutz-marchantz, courte-roulles, ou d'autres lours evidences perduz en cest derrain rumour et ryot, q'ils viegnent parentre cy et la Nativitee de Seint Johan proschein [24 June 1382] a pluis oultre devant le conseill nostre seignour le roi, et illoeqes facent suffisante proeve d'iceulx lours munimentz issint perduz, arses, et destruitz, et de la forme et tenure d'icelles; et le roi, par l'advis de son conseil, lour ferra purvoier de remede, si avant come il le purra faire par la loy. 72. Also, it is agreed that those who feel harmed by the removal, burning, or other destruction inflicted on their charters, releases, bonds, statutes-merchant, court-rolls, or other evidences lost in this last uprising and riot, shall come before the council of our lord the king between now and the Nativity of St John next [24 June 1382], and there shall provide sufficient proof of those their muniments lost, burned and destroyed, and of the form and tenor of the same; and the king, with the advice of his council, shall provide them with remedy, so far as he is able according to the law.
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[p. iii-115]
YCY ENSOUNT LES PETICIONS BAILLEES AVANT EN PARLEMENT PAR LA COMMUNE D'ENGLETERRE, AVEC LES RESPONCES FAITES EN MESME LE PARLEMENT A LES PETICIONS AVANTDITES. HERE FOLLOW THE PETITIONS SUBMITTED TO PARLIAMENT BY THE COMMONS OF ENGLAND, TOGETHER WITH THE REPLIES GIVEN IN THE SAME PARLIAMENT TO THE AFORESAID PETITIONS.
[col. a]
I. I.
[memb. 4]
73. [Confirmation of the liberties of the church, and of the charters] En primes, supplient les communes qe seinte esglise eit toutes ses libertees et franchises entierment, et qe la grande chartre, et la chartre de la foreste, et touz les autres bones estatutz et ordinances avant ces heures faitz et ordenez, soient tenuz et gardez, et duement executz, selonc la forme et effect d'icelle. 73.[Confirmation of the liberties of the church, and of the charters]. Firstly, the commons pray that holy church have all its liberties and franchises intact, and that the Great Charter, and the charter of the forest, and all other good statutes and ordinances made and ordained in the past, be upheld and preserved, and duly executed, in accordance with the form and effect of the same.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
II. II.
74. [Restraint on royal grants] Item, prient les communes q'il plese au roi nostre seignour q'il puisse au present estre escrit en rolle de parlement, coment ordenez est par lui, noz autres seignours et toute la commune, qe desore en apres, nul doun de terre, de rente, de garde, ne de mariage, ne de nul manere eschete soit grantez a nulluy tanqe le roi nostre dit seignour soit hors de dette, et hors des tielx charges de guerre come y ad au present. Et si aucune persone demande aucun doun au contraire de ceste peticioun, perde les service et compaignie nostre dit seignour pur touz jours apres. 74.[Restraint on royal grants]. Also, the commons pray that it may please our lord the king now to cause it to be written in the rolls of parliament that it is ordained by him, our other lords, and all the commons that henceforth no grant of land, rent, wardship, marriage, nor any kind of escheat shall be granted to anyone until the king our said lord be out of debt, and free from the present burdens of war. And if anyone demands such a gift contrary to this petition, let him lose the service and company of our said lord the king for ever.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il ne semble mye honeste, ne chose honurable au roi ne a sa dignitee q'il se lieroit a tielle guyse paront il ent fuist si oultrement constreint, mais plest au roi, et il voet, pur le bien de lui mesmes et de son roialme, soi restreindre et abstiner a doner ou granter a aucune persone terre, rente, garde, mariage, ou eschete, sanz l'assent et acord des seignours et autres de son counseil. It does not indeed seem befitting nor honourable to the king nor to his dignity that he bind himself in such a way that he should be entirely thus constrained, but it pleases the king, and he wills, for the good of himself and his kingdom that he should be restrained and abstain from giving and granting to any person land, rent, wardship, marriage, or escheat, without the assent and agreement of the lords and others of his council.
III. III.
75. [The royal household] Item, prient les communes qe les grantz officers del hostiel nostre dit seignour le roi soient < ore > expressement jurez devant touz les seignours du parlement, a garder par eux et par les autres petitz officers du dit hostiel l'ordenance et governement du dit hostiel, come ore ad este ordenez et apoyntez par noz seignours a ce esluz; et ce sibien en quantitee de meignee, come autrement. 75. [The royal household]. Also, the commons pray that the great officers of the household of our said lord the king be now expressly sworn before all the lords of parliament to observe, and ensure that the other lesser officers of the said household observe, the ordinance and regimen of the said household now ordained and appointed by our lords elected for this purpose; and this both in the numbers of the household, as other features.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Les ditz officers ont este charges et jurez de ce faire et perfournir en presence du roi et les seignours en ce parlement. The said officers have been charged and sworn, in the presence of the king and the lords in this parliament, so to do.
IV. IV.
76. [Purveyance] Item, prient les communes qe l'estatut de purveiours fait en temps nostre seignour le roi l'aielle soit ore renovellez et affermez en touz les pointz, et commissions ent faitz a chescun viscont, a proclamer par toute sa baillie le dit estatut, et qe punissement soit duement fait a les faisours de l'encontre sanz nule remissioun; et a tant des foiz come offense notable soit trovez en aucun purveiour dedeinz le roialme, soit il purveiour du roi ou d'autry, qi contre la fourme du dit estatut y face, eit il qe soit atteint le punissement compris en le dit estatut sanz pardon. 76. [Purveyance]. Also, the commons pray that the statute of purveyors made in the time of our lord the king the grandfather [Edward III] be now renewed and confirmed in all respects, and each sheriff commissioned to proclaim the said statute throughout his bailiwick, and that punishment be duly inflicted, without remission, on those who act to the contrary; and as often as a notable offence be found in any purveyor within the kingdom, be he a purveyor for the king or any other, which has been committed contrary to the form of the said statute, let him convicted receive the punishment contained in the said statute without pardon.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe l'estatutz faitz des purveiours soient tenuz et gardez, et mises en due et bone execucioun. The king wills that the statutes made on purveyors shall be upheld and observed, and duly and effectively executed.
V. V.
77. [Debts to the crown] Item, prient les communes qe declaracion soit faite en ce parlement qe les dettes dues au roi par la morte la roigne qe darrein morust, queux furont dues au dite roigne devant l'an quarantisme le roi Edward [III] l'aiel [1366-7], deivent currer deinz la pardon fait l'an cynquantisme de mesme le roi l'aiel, par quel, entre autres, sont pardonez touz dettes duez au < dit > roi devant l'an de son [col. b] regne quarantisme, nientcontresteant qe la dite roigne murrust apres la dit an quarantisme. 77. [Debts to the crown]. Also, the common pray that announcement be made in this parliament that the debts owed to the king as a result of the death of the queen who lately died [Philippa of Hainault], which were owed to the said queen before the fortieth year of King Edward [1366-7], the grandfather, shall be included in the pardon made in the fiftieth year of the same king the grandfather, in which, amongst other things, are pardoned all debts owed to the said king before the [col. b] fortieth year of his reign, notwithstanding that the said queen died after the said fortieth year.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il ne semble mye reson qe si la dite roigne feusse unqores endettez as aucunes gentz du roialme, as queux pur defaute d'avoir n'ad mye peu estre satisfait, qe devant qe ses dettes soient perpaiez tiele pardoun feusse fait. Mes le roi voet qe proclamacioun soit faite parentre cy et la Seint Michel proschein [29 September 1382] venant qe si nully se vorra pleindre de dette a lui due par mesme la roigne, viegnent et mettent avant lour pleinte; et ce fait, selonc ce qe le pleinte se ferra au roi il entende de modifier sa grace en le cas. It would have seemed unreasonable, had the queen still been indebted to anyone in the realm who had not received any satisfaction owing to her lack of means, if such a pardon had been issued before her debts had been discharged, but the king wills that proclamation be made between now and Michaelmas next [29 September 1382] that if anyone wishes to complain of a debt owed him by the same queen, he shall appear and submit his plea; and that done, the king will moderate his grace in the matter according to the nature of the plea.
VI. VI.
78. [Respite of accounts due in Trinity term 1381] Item, prient les communes qe toutz les viscontz, et autres persones q'avoient jour d'accompter, ou autres choses faire a l'escheqier, la terme de la Trinitee darrein passe [19 June-10 July 1381], et qe furent ou serroient mys a perde par cause de lour nounvenue a l'escheqier le dit terme, soient deschargez de chescuns tielx perdes; considerantz le perillouses levees des communes qe furent a cel temps. 78. [Respite of accounts due in Trinity term 1381]. Also, the commons pray that all sheriffs and others who had a day for accounting or discharging other business at the exchequer in Trinity term last past [19 June-10 July 1381], and who have or will have suffered loss by their non-appearance at the exchequer in the said term, be discharged from all such losses; considering the dangerous risings amongst the commons which occurred then.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi de sa grace l'ad grantez. The king of his grace has granted it.
VII. VII.
79. [Pardon to collectors of lay subsidy] Item, prient les communes, d'ordener remede de ceux qi furent collectours et countrollours del darrein subside, et ont perduz grantz sommes des issues par cause de lour nounvenue a l'escheqier le terme de Seint Hiller l'an quart [23 January-12 February 1381]; q'ils puissent avoir pardoun en celle partie, considerantz qe s'ils eussent venuz mesme le terme ils ne purroient avoir fait gree par cause de brieftee du temps. 79. [Pardon to collectors of the lay subsidy]. Also, the commons pray that remedy be ordained for those who were collectors or controllers of the last subsidy, and who lost great sums from issues because of their non-appearance at the exchequer in Hilary term in the fourth year [23 January-12 February 1381]; that they be pardoned on that behalf, considering that if they had appeared during the same term they could not have made an account for want of time.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
VIII. VIII.
80. [Lay subsidies of 1332-3 and 1334-5] Item, prient les communes, d'ordener remede pur ceux qi sont heirs ou terretenantz a ceux qi fuerent collectours ou taxours del disme et quinzisme grantez par les layes au roi l'aiel, l'ans de son regne sisme [1332-3] et oeptisme [1334-5]; q'ils puissent estre chargez et contribucioun faire ove les villes ou lours dites terres sont a chescune tiel grant, desore quitz et deschargez des sommes qe furent assis sur les ditz collectours et taxours aucuns des ditz ans sisme ou oeptisme; ou autrement, q'ils soient chargiez desore a chescune tiel grant, selonc la quantitee de lours biens et chateux queux ils aueront sur lour dites terres et tenementz au temps des tieles grantz. Et ce par serement des collectours des ditz grantes affaires sur lour accompts devaunt les barons de l'escheqier. 80. [Lay subsidies of 1332-3 and 1334-5]. Also, the commons pray that remedy be ordained for those who are heirs or tenants of those who were collectors or assessors of the tenth and fifteenth granted by the laity to the king the grandfather in the sixth [1332-3] and eighth [1334-5] years of his reign; that they be charged and contribute to each such grant with the towns in which their said lands lie, and therefore quit and discharged from the sums which were assessed on the said collectors and assessors in the said sixth and eighth years; or otherwise, that they shall be charged henceforth for each such grant, in accordance with the quantity of the goods and chattels which they had on their said lands and tenements at the time of such grants. And that on the oath of the collectors of the said grants to be made on their accounts before the barons of the exchequer.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet et grante de sa grace qe les dites heirs et terre tenantz soient desore chargez a chescun tiel grant soulement selonc la quantitee de lours biens et chateux queux ils averont sur lours ditz terres et tenementz au temps du tielx grantz; et ce par serement des collectours des ditz grantez affaires sur lours accomptes devant les barons de l'escheqier, sanz ent estre autrement chargez. The king wills and grants of his grace that henceforth, the said heirs and tenants shall be charged only, for each such grant, an amount which is in proportion to the quantity of goods and chattels they had on their said lands and tenements at the time of such grants; and that on the oath of the collectors of the said grants to be made on their accounts before the barons of the exchequer, without being otherwise charged.
IX. IX.
81. [Debts to the crown] Item, pur ce qe plusours gentz sont empeschez a l'escheqier pur aunciens dettes qe comencerent en temps le roi l'aiel long temps devant l'an de son regne quarantisme [1366-7]; et coment qe le dit aiel graciousement fist pardon generale as touz grantz ou petitz de son roialme [p. iii-116][col. a] des touz tielx dettes a lui dues devant le dit an quarantisme, nientmeins, par cause d'une exepcioun contenue en le dite pardoun par paroles q'ensuent 'forspris dettes adjuggez par seisine de terre,' les dites gentz nul avantage n'ont, n'avoir purront, del generale pardoun susdite. 81.[Debts to the crown]. Also, whereas many are impeached at the exchequer for ancient debts, which began in the time of the king the grandfather long before the fortieth year of his reign [1366-7]; and although the said grandfather graciously granted his general pardon to all great and small in his kingdom [p. iii-116][col. a] of all such debts owed him before the said fortieth year, nevertheless, because of an exception made in the said pardon, worded as follows, 'except debts adjudged by seisin of land,' the said people do not gain and cannot derive any benefit from the aforesaid general pardon.
Dont plese a nostre dit seignour le roy granter en ce present parlement qe la dite pardoun se poet extendre as touz ses liges, et a chescun de eux, nient contresteant la dite excepcioun des touz dettes qi furent dues au dit aielle devant le dit an quarantisme, sibien deinz le roialme d'Engleterre, come dehors. Wherefore may it please our said lord the king to grant in this present parliament that the said pardon be extended to all his lieges, and to each one of them, notwithstanding the said exception of all debts owed to the said grandfather before the said fortieth year, both within the kingdom of England and without.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi n'est mye advisez de present de soi ouster si generalment de toutes < terres > seisiz en sa main par causes des dettes. Mais si ascun en especial se sente grevez, monstre le manere coment, et pur quel dette, et queux terres sont issint seisiz, et le roy nostre seignour ent purra faire sa grace hors de parlement, par l'advis de son conseille. The king is not advised at present to relinquish so widely all lands taken into his hands because of those debts. But if anyone feels particularly aggrieved, let him explain why and for what debt his lands were seised and which lands they are, and the king our lord may grant his grace hereon, outside parliament, by the advice of his council.
X. X.
82. [Prests in the exchequer] Item, prient les communes qe nule somme d'apprest desore soit mys sur aucune persone al receite de l'escheqier par paiement ou par assignement, si mesme la persone ne soit la present en sa propre persone, ou par son attourne de record. 82. [Prests in the exchequer]. Also, the commons pray that that no prest of any amount shall be imposed on anyone at the receipt of the exchequer by payment or by assignment, unless they are present in person, or represented by an attorney of record.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
XI. XI.
83. [Collectors of lay subsidies] Item, qe touz les collectours, assessours, et countrollours, sibien del derrain subside, come des touz autres subsides grantez a nostre seignour le roi par les laies, soient chargez sur lour acomptes par les rolles faitz parentre les collectours et lours ditz countrollours, sanz aucun autre charge mettre sur eux par cause d'aucunes novelles enquerres faites par aucunes gentz a ce assignez par commissiouns faites puis la date de les commissions faites as dites collectours de coiller les subsides avauntdites: salve des tieles sommes come purra estre trovez par serementz des collectours et lours countrollours q'ils ont receuz par vertu des tieles novelles enquerres; et processe cesse tout outrement vers touz ceux qi furent assignez par commissioun nostre seignour le roi de faire tieles novelles enquerres de queconqe subside grante en temps passe. 83. [Collectors of lay subsidies]. Also, that all collectors, assessors, and controllers of the last subsidy, as well as of other subsidies granted to our lord the king by the laity, be charged on their accounts by the rolls made between the collectors and their said controllers, without any other charge being imposed on them because of new inquiries made by anyone assigned thereto by commissions issued since the date of the commissions issued to the said collectors to collect the aforesaid subsidies: saving such sums which are found, on the oaths of the collectors and their controllers, to have been received by them by virtue of such new inquiries; and that process shall cease entirely against all those who were appointed by commission of our lord the king to carry out such new inquiries concerning any subsidy granted in the past.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet; salvez qe si en temps avenir purra apparoir par la prove ou tesmoignance des conestables des villes qe les ditz coillours eient plus resceuz pur le dit subside qe mesmes les coillours n'aient paiez a l'escheqier, qe de ce < les > coillours soient chargez. The king wills it; saving that if, in future, it emerges by the proof or testimony of the constables of the towns that the said collectors received more from the said subsidy than they paid into the exchequer, they shall be charged for it.
XII. XII.
84. [The forest] Item, prient les communes qe come les nobles rois Henry [III] et Edward [I], voz progenitours, granterent lours chartres de foreste as ditz communes, vous plese considerer [les grantz tortz et] oppressions queux voz ministres du foreste parmy le roialme la ou foreste est, font de jour en autre a les enhabitantz hors du foreste, surmettantz q'il est foreste, et [pur doute, et] [...] [de] vostre grant hautesse, les ditz enhabitantz se doubtent et n'osent mettre claym sur lour heritage et droit propre: et ensi remaynent disheritez de plus en plus, [sans tourner] au profit de vous ou de vostre coroune, mais soulement en oppression de voz ditz communes. 84. [The forest]. Also, the commons pray that whereas the noble kings Henry [III] and Edward [I], your progenitors, granted their charters of the forest to the said commons, it please you to consider the great wrongs and oppressions which your ministers of the forest throughout the kingdom, wheresoever there is forest, commit from day to day against people living outside the forest, claiming that it is forest, and through fear and.....of your great highness, the said inhabitants are afraid and dare not claim their inheritance and proper right: and so they are more and more disinherited, without profit to you or you kingdom, but simply to the oppression of your said commons.
Par quoy vous plese de confermer les dites chartres, et faire perambulation selonc la fourme d'icelles; considerez le grant fyn qe le poeple fist a celle temps pur la grant des chartres avauntdites. Wherefore may it please you to confirm the said charters, and carry out a perambulation in accordance with the form of the same; considering the great fine which the people paid at that time for the granting of the aforesaid charters.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe les chartres de la foreste soient confermez, tenuz, et gardez, et qe perambulacion soit faite la ou il busoigne, selonc les boundes faitez et chivachez parmy le derraine ordenance ent faite, en temps le noble roi Edward [I], filz le roi Henry. The king wills that the charters of the forest shall be confirmed, kept and upheld, and that the perambulation shall be carried out wheresoever it be needed, in accordance with the boundaries fixed and ridden under the last ordinance made thereon, in the time of the noble King Edward [I], son of King Henry [III].
XIII XIII
85. [editorial note: A change of hand occurs at this point.] [Muniments destroyed during the revolt] Item, prient les communes qe come plusours chartres et munimentz queux sont enrollez en diverses places nostre dit seignour le roi de record, pur queux enrollementz les parties ont paiez les fees dues et acustumez; [col. b] et ore tarde, par les gentz levez en la grande rebellion, plusours de < tielx > faitz et munimentz furent ars et destruitz. 85. [Muniments destroyed during the revolt]. Also, the commons pray that whereas many charters and muniments were enrolled in various places of our said lord the king as of record, for which enrolments the parties paid the due and customary fees; [col. b] yet lately, many such deeds and muniments were burned and destroyed by those who took part in the great rebellion.
Qe plese grantir qe chescun qi voudra pursuir en la chancellerie pur avoir tielx faitz et munimentz exemplifiez q'ils les puissent avori einsi exemplifiez de vostre tresexcellente grace sanz rien doner. Et qe par la ou en plusours courtes parmy le roialme, sibien en courtes de l'estaple come ailleurs, plusours recordes et processes sont ars et destruitz, a grant damage de tout le roialme, qe vous plese ent ordener remede. Et en toutes villes et burghes de franchise ou plees des assises estoient comencez devaunt le dit rebellion, et les processes d'icelles alors arses, q'adonqes toutz tielx plees soient et puissent au present resumer en mesme la nature qe les plees susdites estoient au temps qe les processes estoient arses. May it please you to grant that anyone who wishes to request in the chancery to have such deeds and muniments copied, may have them thus copied with your most excellent grace without paying anything. And that, since in many courts throughout the kingdom, both in courts of the staple as well as elsewhere, numerous records and processes have been burned and destroyed, to the great injury of the entire realm, it may please you to ordain a remedy therefor. And in all towns and boroughs of franchise where pleas of assizes were begun before the said rebellion, and the processes of the same then burned, that then all such pleas shall and may now be resumed in the same state in which the aforesaid pleas were at the time when the processes were burned.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant as exemplifications affaires des munimentz enroullez de record, et destruitz en darein rumour sanz see de seal, le roi le voet. Et quant a ce q'est demandez des recordz et processes arses et destruitz, ce ne poet mye estre en nul manere par la loy. As to the copies to be made of the muniments enrolled as of record, and destroyed in the last uprising without a seal affixed, the king wills it. And as to that which is requested concerning the records and processes burned and destroyed, that cannot not be done by any lawful means.
[memb. 3]
XIV. XIV.
86. [Farms of the shires] Item, prient les communes qe come les viscounts des pluseures countees parmy le roialme soloient tenir certeines fermes du roi, les quelles en partie lour sont toluz par mandement nostre seignour le roi, et les visconts sur lour accomptz sont chargiez sibien de celles parcelles ensi toluz come de remenant. 86. [Farms of the shires]. Also, the commons pray that whereas the sheriffs of many shires throughout the kingdom used to hold certain farms of the king, of which they have now been deprived in part, by acts of our lord the king, yet the sheriffs on their accounts are charged as well for those parcels thus taken as for what remains to them.
Par quoy plese a vostre hautesse qe lour dit charge soit rebatuz, ou autrement q'ils soient rejointez a leur dite parcelle. Qar coment q'il soit q'aucune enquerree ent soit faite, et duement retourne, unqore ils ne purront nulle allouance avoir, a grande defesance et anientisment des plusours vaillantz du roialme. Par quoi vous plese ent faire redresse en ce present parlement. Wherefore may it please your highness that their said charge be reduced, or otherwise that they have the said parcels restored. Since although a certain inquiry was made hereon, and duly returned, they have still had no allowance made, to the great injury and ruin of the more worthy men of the kingdom. Wherefore may it please you to redress the matter in the present parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi nostre seignour qe pur les fermes et profitz qe soloient appartiner as viscontz, et qe depuis sont donez as seignours et autres [de roialme par fee-ferme ou par annuele rente a paier a l'escheqier,] qe celle rente et profit a paier au roi soit desore allouez al viscont del lieu en son accompte, en compensacion de autiele [somme del ferme] [...] [countee.] It pleases our lord the king that where farms and profits which customarily pertain to sheriffs have since been granted to lords and others of the kingdom at fee-farm, or for an annual rent to be paid to the exchequer, such rent and profit paid to the king shall be allowed henceforth to the sheriff of the place in his account, in compensation for such a sum lost from the farm of the shire.
XV. XV.
87. [Tithes of woods] Item, prient les communes qe prohibicioun ne soit pas denye la ou dismes sont demandez de boys qe passe l'age de vint ans, sur [grefe peine] [...] [regarde qe les] evesqes [qe ont este] chancellers l'ont denyez nientconsteant l'estatut ent fait devant ces heures. 87. [Tithes of woods]. Also,the commons pray that prohibition shall not be denied where tithes are demanded from woods which are over twenty years old, on pain of a grievous penalty.....regard that the bishops who have been chancellor have denied it notwithstanding the statute made thereon in the past.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit use come devant ent a este use. Let it be dealt with as it has customarily been in the past.
XVI. XVI.
88. Item, come par la grande chartre soit ordene, et afferme communement en touz autres parlementz, 'Qe la loy ne serra point denie ne venduz a nulluy,'a contraire de quele chartre est use en la chancellerie de prendre fyns pur diverses briefs avoir, a grant arerisement de l'estat de tout le poeple et de la loy. 88. [Fines for Writs]. Also, whereas by the Great Charter it was ordained and generally confirmed in all other parliaments, 'That the law shall not be denied nor sold to anyone', contrary to which charter it is customary in the chancery to take fines for the issuing of various writs, greatly injuring the estate of all the people and of the law.
Qe plese ordener en ce present parlement qe chescun qe voudra purchacer brief en la dite chancellerie eit le dit brief sanz fin faire. May it please you to ordain in this present parliament that everyone who wishes to purchase a writ in the said chancery shall have the said writ without paying a fine.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Nostre seignour le roi n'entende mye de soi desmetre de si grant comodite q'ad este usez continuelment en dite chancellerie, sibien avaunt come apres la confection del dite chartre en temps de touz ses nobles progenitours, qi depuis aient este rois d'Engleterre. Our lord the king assuredly does not intend to deprive himself of so large a commodity, which has been levied continually in the said chancery, both before as well as after the making of the said charter, in the time of all his noble progenitors who since have been kings of England.
XVII. XVII.
89. [Kirkley Roads] Item, prient les communes de Norff' et Suff et de toutes autres countees d'Engletere qe come avant ces heures estoit ordenez qe chescun lige du roialme purra achatre et vendre sanz empeschement en citee, burghe, port du meer, et aillours par tout le roialme; et si chartres ou patentes fuissent grantez au contraire, soient tenuz pur nules; queux estatutz n'estoient unqes repellez. Et nepurquant nostre seignour le roi ad grantez as [p. iii-117][col. a] gentz de Jernemuth qe nul achateroit ne vendroit entour la dite ville par sept leukes, et q'un lieu appelle Kirkelerod en le countee de Suff' q'est six leukes de Jernemuth serra annexe a mesme la ville, q'est en le countee de Norff': et une chartre du dite matire estoit repelle en plein parlement, come piert par record, porce qe la dite chartre feust damageouse et grevouse as communes d'Engleterre, et a contraire de la loy; et porce qe < les > niefs en la dite rode ancorez, quant le vent est encontre eux, ils ne poent en nul manere le havene de Jernemuth entrer, mas lour covient leur harang gettre en la mier, a cause de quele grante les gentz de Jernemuth' ne soeffrent les ditz communes en nul temps del an nul manere des vitailles ne marchandises en la dite rode achatre ne vendre. Et une bille touchante ceste matire fuist suy en le derrain parlement tenuz a Norhampton, de repeller la dite chartre, as causes susdites; quele bille feust endosse par commandement le roi qe si l'enquisicioun nadgaires certifiez en la chancellerie touchant la dite franchise en soit vieue suffisante a conseil le roi, soit faite commissioun as persones suffisantz et indifferentz d'enquerre de novel en due manere, come plus pleinement piert par l'endossement du dite bille. A cause de quel endosement, par avys de conseil une commissioun issist d'enquere des pointz suisdites, quele est retourne en la chancellerie. Par force de quele commissioun les pointz contenuz en la dite bille sue al Norhampton' sont trovez veritables, sur quoi les ditz communes supplient qe la dite chartre soit repellee as touz jours; et qe nule autre desormes soit grante au contraire. 89. [Kirkley Roads]. Also, the commons of Norfolk and Suffolk, and of all the other counties of England pray that whereas in the past it was ordained that every liege of the kingdom might buy and sell without hindrance in a city, borough, sea-port, and elsewhere throughout the entire kingdom; and if charters or letters patent had been granted to the contrary they were to be held at naught; the which statutes have as yet not been repealed. Nevertheless, our lord the king has granted to [p. iii-117][col. a] the men of Yarmouth that no one may buy or sell within seven miles of their said town, and that a place called Kirkley Roads in Suffolk which is six miles from Yarmouth shall be annexed to the same town, which is in the county of Norfolk: and a charter on the said matter was repealed in full parliament, as appears on record, because the said charter was damaging and harmful to the commons of England, and contrary to the law; and because ships anchored in the said roadstead when the wind was against them could by no means enter the harbour of Yarmouth, but were compelled to thow all their herring into the sea, as the people of Yarmouth, because of that grant, will not suffer the said commons at any time of the year in any manner to buy or sell victuals or merchandise in the said area. And a bill was sued on the matter in the last parliament held at Northampton, to repeal the said charter for the aforesaid reasons; which bill was endorsed at the king's command that if the inquest lately certified in the chancery touching the said franchise seemed sufficient to the king's council, a commission would be directed to worthy and indifferent persons to make fresh inquiries in an appropriate manner, as appears more fully in the endorsement of the said bill [Parliament of November 1380, Item 39]. Because of which endorsement, by the advice of the council a commission was set up to inquire into the aforesaid points, which was returned to the chancery. By force of which commission the points contained in the said bill sued at Northampton were found to be true, whereupon the said commons request that the said charter be repealed forever; and that no other shall henceforth be granted to the contrary.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe la dite chartre soit repelle quant al < dit > novel grant compris en ycelle, avec la novelle encrees de lour ferme faite et compris en leur chartre par cause del dit novel grant, tout dys salvez as burgeys illoeqes lours ancienes chartres, et bones custumes. The king wills that the said charter shall be repealed in respect of the said new grant contained in the same, together with the new increment of their farm made and contained in their charter because of the said new grant, saving always to the burgesses of the place their ancient charters and good customs.
XVIII. XVIII.
90. [Provisors] Item, prient les communes qe come devant ces heures diverses estatutz et ordenances ont este faitz encountre ceux qi purchacent abbacies et priories, par provisions en la [court de Rome, nientmeins] tieles provisions plus habundent en le roialme a ore qe unqes ne furent avaunt ces heures, quelles s'ils soient issint sustenues serront [apert] destruccion des [franches elections,] [...] [des] droits qe les seignours et patrons ont en lour patronages, et desolacioun de la religioun de seinte esglise parmy le roialme; siqe les aliens, les [mendivantz, les apostates, et autres persones nient] dignes [occupieront] tielx benefices, sicome ils font en France et en Itaille, quele chose serroit aperte perdicion des droitz des seignours du roialme, et occasion des [autres damages nient recoverables; asses] come ore tard l'en ad [...] en ceste derrain riote, en quele meynte honurable persone fuist [occise,] et pluseurs monstiers et abbeies en poigne d'estre arses [et destruitz ovesqe les] enhabitantz. 90. [Provisors]. Also, the commons pray that whereas in the past divers statutes and ordinances have been made against those who purchase abbacies and priories by provisions in the court of Rome, and yet such provisions are now more abundant in the kingdom than ever before, which, if they are thus tolerated, will cause the open destruction of free elections..... of the rights which the lords and patrons have in their patronage, and the desolation of the religion of holy church throughout the kingdom; and thus aliens, mendicants, apostates, and other unworthy persons will occupy such benefices, as they do in France and Italy, which would clearly destroy the rights of the lords of the realm, and occasion other irreparable damage; bearing in mind that of late there has ..... in this last riot, in which many honourable people were slain, and many monasteries and abbeys on the point of being burnt and destroyed together with their occupants.
Par quoi cestes grantz meschiefs et damages diligealment considerez, plese ore par advis et commune assent de vostre parlement adjouster a cestes estatutz qe les [esluz des tieles] esglises par congie nostre seignour le roi puissent avoir liveree de leur temporaltees, en cas qe nul defaute ne demoert en eux, en sustenance de la religion de seinte esglise, [et augmentacion de lour] devocioun, et auxint en maintenance des droitures et loies du roialme. Et oultre ce mander par briefs, ou lettres patentes, en diverses parties d'Engleterre, estroitement chargeantz qe nul [soit si] hardiz de maintenir ou de parler overtement en maintenance des tielx provisours. Et si par cas, qe Dieux defende, q'aucun en soit empeschez et enditez, q'il face fin et raunceon au roi pour le contempt, come reson et la loy demandent. Wherefore, having diligently considered those great troubles and injuries, may it please you now by the advice and common assent of your parliament to add to those statutes, that the elect of such churches by permission of our lord the king shall have delivery of their temporalities, where there is no default in them, for the sustenance of the religion of holy church, the increase of their devotion, and for the maintenance of the rights and laws of the kingdom. Furthermore, to send by writs or letters patent, into various parts of England, strict injunction that no one should be so presumptuous as to maintain or speak openly in support of such provisors. And if by chance, which God forbid, anyone should be accused and indicted, he shall pay a fine and ransom to the king for this contempt, as reason and the law demand.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Les estatutz ent faitz suffisent, queux le roi voet qe soient gardez et tenuz, et mises en due execution. The statutes made thereon are adequate and the king wills that they shall be kept and upheld, and duly executed.
[col. b]
XIX. XIX.
91. [Alien clergy] Item, prient les communes qe come plusours estatutz et ordenances aient este faitz avaunt ces heures des dignitees et autres benefices electives deinz mesme le roialme, queux sont donez as aliens, et aucunfoitz as aperts enemys nostre seignour le roi et de son roialme, paront le tresor est tret hors du roialme, le conseil du roialme descovert, et autres pluseurs meschiefs ent aviegnent, come pluis pleinement appiert as ditz estatutz et ordinances. Et nientcontresteant celles estatutz, mesmes les aliens si preignent possession des dites dignitees de jour en autre, et sibien les dites dignitees et benefices electives come autres benefices en chescune partie d'Engleterre occupient; et y ont lours procuratours et fermers sibien d'estranges nacions come del roialme mesmes, countre l'ordinance ent nadgaires faite en vostre parlement. 91. [Alien clergy]. Also, the commons pray that whereas many statutes and ordinances have been made in the past concerning dignities and other elective benefices within the kingdom, which are given to aliens, and sometimes to the open enemies of our lord the king and his kingdom, whereby wealth is withdrawn from the kingdom, the secrets of the kingdom disclosed, and many other mischiefs arise, as appears more fully in the said statutes and ordinances. Yet notwithstanding those statutes, the same aliens still take possession of the said dignities from one day to the next, and occupy both the said dignities and elective benefices as well as other benefices in all parts of England; and they have there their proctors and farmers from foreign nations as well as from the kingdom itself, contrary to the ordinance recently made thereon in your parliament.
Qe plese en salvacion du droit de vostre coroune, et pur commune profit avauntdit, faire ordener [et establir en ce parlement qe toutz les ditz estatutz et ordenances] soient mises en due execucion, et tielement ordener qe les franches eleccions faites et affaires deinz vostre roialme purront esteer come ils soloient en temps passez; et qe nule persone de qeconqe degree, estat ou condicion q'il soit, alien ou denzein, soit desore procuratour, fermer ou administrour des ditz aliens de nul manere de lours benefices deinz le dit roialme, sur peine de quant q'ils purront forfaire en corps et en biens. May it please you for the security of the rights of your crown, and for the aforesaid common benefit, to ordain and decree in this parliament that all the said statutes and ordinances shall be duly enforced, and similarly ordain that the free elections made and to be made within your kingdom may remain as they have in the past; and that no person of whatsoever degree, status, or condition he may be, alien or denizen, shall henceforth be proctor, farmer, or administrator of the said aliens in any way for their benefices within the said kingdom, on pain of forfeiting all that they can forfeit in body and in goods.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il y a diverses estatutz faitz en tiel cas, les queux le roi voet qe soient tenuz et mises en bone et due execution. Divers statutes have been made on the matter, which the king wills shall be upheld and put into proper and due execution.
XX. XX.
92. [Mortmain] Item, prient les communes qe come il soit ordenez par estatut fait en temps le noble roi Edward [I], filz au roi Henry [III], qe nul homme de religion, n'autre, deust purchacer terre ne tenement, ne les approprier a mortmayne sanz la volentee et congie des seignours des queux tielx terres et tenementz sont tenuz, sur peyne contenue en mesme l'estatut; et nientmeyns aucuns gentz de religioun, et autres a leur excitacion et procurement, font le roi de purchacer sibien terres et tenementz come avoesons des esglises, al entente d'esteindre les seignours plus < bas, > et de prendre lour feoffement des tielx terres et tenemenz et apropriacions des esglises issint en mortmayne inmediat du roi; et par tant les seignours et pluseurs du roialme, des queux tielx terres et tenementz et avoesons des esglises sont tenuz, perdent gardes, mariages, reliefs, eschetes, et autres profitz de seignourie, et sont en mesme le mischief pur quel le dit estatut fuist ordene; quel est overtement encontre l'effect du dit estatut: sur quoy vous plese ordener remede. 92. [Mortmain]. Also, the commons pray that whereas it was ordained by a statute made in the time of the noble king Edward [I], son of King Henry [III], that no man of religion nor any other, should purchase land or tenement, nor appropriate them in mortmain, without the will and permission of the lords from whom such lands and tenements are held, on pain of a penalty contained in the same statute; yet nevertheless some men of religion, and others at their instigation and procurement, cause the king to purchase both lands and tenements and advowsons of churches, with intent to exclude the mesne lords, and take their feoffment of such lands and tenements and appropriations of churches thus into mortmain directly from the king; whereby the lords and many of the kingdom, from whom such lands and tenements and advowsons of churches are held, lose wardships, marriages, reliefs, escheats, and other profits from the lordship, and suffer the very mischief against which the said statute was ordained; which is plainly contrary to the tenor of the said statute: may it please you to ordain a remedy for this.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ne ferroit mye damage as seignours par tiel subtilitee s'il ent fust duement enformez; et il voet qe si desore terre, tenementz, ou advoueson soit purchacez [du] part d'aucuns [gentz de seinte esglise,] puis par tiel subtilitee le roi ent soit enfeffez par cautelouse informacion, al entente d'esteindre les seignours moiens, et puis le roi ent face feffement a [ceulx de seinte esglise, a qi] [...] furent primerement purchacez, come dit est, sanz l'assent des seignours moiens; qe en tieu cas l'entree soit donez sur les dites persones de seinte [esglise a chescun des seignours moiens] [...] manere qe compris est en dit estatut des religious. Salvant toutdys a nostre seignour le roi son prerogatif q'il puisse franchement [purchaser et doner a mortmain le ou lui] [...] [en] devocion come il soleit faire. The king would not indeed have inflicted such injury on the lords by such cunning if he had been duly informed; and he wills that if from now on lands, tenements, or advowsons be purchased on behalf of any persons of holy church, and then by such device the king is enfeoffed with them on misleading information, with the intention of excluding the mesne lords, and then the king enfeoffs those of holy church, from whom......were originally purchased, as it is said, without the assent of the mesne lords; then let entry be given to each of the mesne lords against the said persons of holy church..... manner comprised in the said statute De Religiosis. Saving always to our lord the king his prerogative, that he may freely purchase and give in mortmain to him.....in devotion, as he is accustomed to do.
XXI. XXI.
93. [Recovery of retainers' wages] Item, prient les communes qe come les chevalers et gentz d'armes de vostre roialme, a quele heure q'il plest a vostre haute seignourie de les retenir pur aler en [voz] guerres ou vous plerroit, et sur ce eux preignent lours gages selonc le purport de leur endentures; et par cas aviegne qe eux ou aucun de eux soit pris ou mort, qe [p. iii-118][col. a] eux, ne lour heirs, ne leur executours, ne soient tenuz pur repaier pur les persones ensi prises ou mortz. 93. [Recovery of retainers' wages]. Also, the commons pray that whereas the knights and men-at-arms of your kingdom are retained whensoever it pleases your high lordship that they shall go on your wars, wheresoever you please, and for this they receive their wages in accordance with the terms of their indentures; and if it should happen that any of them are captured or slain, that neither [p. iii-118][col. a] they, nor their heirs or executors, should be obliged to repay those wages.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit usez come ad este usez. Let that be done which has usually been done.
XXII. XXII.
94. [Retainers' allowances] Item, come les ditz chivalers et gentz d'armes soient retenuz come dessuis, et aient lours lettres du roi pur estre au certein jour sur la [meer proschein] [...] [monstrer] qe de cel jour enavaunt leur gages lour soient allouez, et leur terme comencez. 94. [Retainers' allowances]. Also, whereas the said knights and men-at-arms are retained as above, and have letters from the king to be on the sea by a certain date .....to request that from that day onwards their wages should be allowed them, and their term of service begin.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit fait come devant ad este. Let it be done as it has been done in the past.
XXIII. XXIII.
95. [Pardons to excepted towns] Item, < prient > les communes qe come le roi nostre seignour de sa grace especiale ad fait grantes grace et pardoun a sa dite commune, forspris certeines villes a cause de lour malice et rebellioun. 95. [Pardons to excepted towns]. Also, the commons pray that whereas the king our lord by his special grace has granted grace and pardon to the said commons, excepting certain towns by reason of their malice and rebellion.
Qe plese a vostre tresgraciouse seignourie granter voz ditz grace et pardoun as dites villes, ensi exceptz, en general ovesque vostre dite commune, salvant toutes voies les nouns de ceux queux sont excepts par especial. May it please your most gracious lordship to grant your said grace and pardon to the said towns thus excepted, in general together with your said commons, saving always the names of those who have been specifically excluded.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi de sa grace voet qe toutes les villes pardevant pur certaine cause exceptz hors de sa grace soient ore comprises en mesme sa grace, come autres villes sont parmy le roialme; horspris par expres la ville de Bury Seint Esmon, quele le roi ne voet mie, a cause de leur outrageouse et horrible mesfait de long temps continuez, ait par aucune voie part de la grace avauntdite, ne ne soit compris en ycelle. Excepte auxint par expres les persones en especial des quieux les nouns aient este livereez avaunt en parlement come chiefs et principalx comenceours, abettours, et procuratours, del outrageouse traison nadgairs fait deinz le roialme avauntdit. The king, of his grace wills that all the towns previously excluded from his grace for a particular reason shall now be included in the same grace, like other towns throughout the kingdom; expressly excepting the town of Bury St Edmunds, which the king will not allow to enjoy any part of the aforesaid grace in any manner nor be included in the same by reason of its outrageous and horrible misdeeds for long continued, and excepting also those persons in particular whose names have been submitted to parliament as the leaders and principal instigators, abettors, and procurers in the outrageous treason recently committed within the kingdom aforesaid.
XXIV. XXIV.
96. [Inquiries into robberies] Suppliont les communes, pur les grantz robberies et larsyns faitz en diverses countees de roialme plus qe unqes ne soloient, qe les justices qe sont assignez pur punir les rebelx et les levours encountre le pees, eient poair pur proceder a deliverances, a touz foitz et quantz les ditz justices sembleront, si tielx soient pris par maynoevere sibien deinz franchise come dehors. 96. [Inquiries into robberies]. The commons beseech, for the great robberies and thefts perpetrated in divers counties of the kingdom and more than ever before, that the justices who are appointed to punish rebels and insurgents against the peace shall have the power to proceed to deliveries, whensoever and howsoever the justices see fit, if any such be taken in the act whether within franchise or without.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Eient les commissioners plein poair d'enquere, oier, et terminer, et d'aler a la deliverance de touz ceux persones qi sont pris et emprisonez pur cause del derrain rumour; et de touz ceux auxint [qe sont] [...] en apres serront pris enfaisantz homicides, roberies, ou autres larcins avec mainovre, a toutes les foitz qe par lours discrecions bon lour semblera: parissint qe y soient trois persones [au meins des] commissioners presentz, dont un encores soit apris de la loy de la terre. Let the commissioners have full power to inquire, hear and determine, and proceed to the delivery of all those persons who were taken and imprisoned because of the last uprising; and also of all those who are..... subsequently taken in the act of committing homicides, robberies, or other thefts, whensoever it seems necessary according to their discretion: so that there be at least three commissioners present, one of whom shall always be learned in the law of the land.
[memb. 2]
XXV. XXV.
97. [Pleas of discharge in the exchequer] Item, prient les communes qe come y a plusours grantz defautes et malx usages en l'escheqier, al nosance de vostre poeple sanz aucun profit a vous. 97. [Pleas of discharge in the exchequer]. Also, the commons pray that whereas great defects and evil practices are to be found in the exchequer, which vex your people without any profit to you.
Qe vous plese les faire amender, en aise et quiete de vostre poeple avauntdit. Primerement, porce qe les heirs, executours, occupiours des biens, et terre tenantz de diverses persones, et autres q'ont este empeschez en l'escheqier des dettes, accompts, ou autres demandes qe se ont < offertz > illoqes a monster ou pleder lour descharges des tielx empeschementz, et n'ount mye este a ce receuz meint foiz devant ces heures; einz ont este grandement delaie, et mis a grantz costages, a cause qe les barons de l'escheqier ont dit q'ils n'avoient mye poair d'oier les plees ne les responces des ditz empeschez, sanz brief [ou lettres] de grant ou prive seal nostre seignour le roi comandant as tresorer et as barons del dit escheqier de faire droit as ditz empeschez; a grant meschief et diseaise des seignours et de communes, et a nul [avantage du] roy. Dont vous plese ordeiner remede. May it please you to cause them to be amended, for the ease and tranquillity of your aforesaid people. Firstly, because heirs, executors, occupiers of goods, and the tenants of divers persons, and others who have been cited in the exchequer for debts, accounts, or other demands, and who have offered to answer there or plead for their discharge from such citations, have not indeed been allowed to do so on many occasions in the past; but have instead spent much time, and been put to great expense, because the barons of the exchequer have said that they do not have the power to hear the pleas or the answers of the said accused without a writ or letters under the great or privy seal of our lord the king ordering the treasurer and barons of the said exchequer to do justice to the said accused; to the great mischief and trouble of the lords and the commons, and of no advantage to the king. For which may it please you to ordain remedy.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe les barons de l'escheqier eient plein poair d'oier chescuny responce de queconqe demande a le dit escheqier: issint qe chescun persone qe soient empeschez [col. b] ou empeschable de quelconqe cause al dit escheqier, pur lui mesmes ou pur autre persone, soit receu en le dit escheqier a pleder, suir, et avoir sa descharge resonable en celle part, sanz attendre ou suer brief de grant seal, lettres de prive seal nostre seignour le roi, ou autre mandement. The king wills that the barons of the exchequer shall have full authority to hear any answer to any demand whatsoever at the said exchequer: so that anyone who is accused [col. b] or accusable for any reason at the said exchequer, shall be received in the said exchequer either in person or by another, to plead, sue, and gain his just discharge in the matter,without waiting or suing for a writ of great seal, letters of privy seal of our lord the king, or other mandate.
XXVI. XXVI.
98. [Indentures of service to be of record in the exchequer] Item, purce qe grandes meschiefs ont eschuz devaunt ces heures as diverses persones qe furent retenuz ou assignez de servir nostre seignour le roi par endentures, ou sanz endentures, aucuns en ses guerres par terre ou par mier, aucuns en ses messages, et en diverses autres maneres: et par tieles causes < resceurent > certeines summes des deniers al resceite de l'escheqier, ou aillours, par assignement, queux sommes furent mys sur eux [illoeqes come] deniers receuz par voie d'apprest, et currerent en demande en l'escheqer come dette clere; et coment qe les dites persones ensi retenuz, lours heirs, executours, occupiours des biens, ou terre tenantz, [apres lour mort] sovent ont demandez d'estre receivez en le dit escheqer d'accompter des tieles sommes ensi receuz, ils ne furent mye a ce receuz, einz furent mis a suer garant du prive seal ou de grant [seal le roi,] directz as ditz tresorer et barons d'accompter ovesqe eux en tiele part: queux garantz lour ont deniez sovent foitz, par cause qe les ministres le roi queux firent tielx [retenuz] furent [mortz, ou] removez hors de lours offices devaunt qe tieles suites furent comencez, et autres estranges mys en lours lieuz, queux n'avoient conisance des tieles retenues, et en diverses [autres maneres; et] aucunfoitz ont este grantez mais nemye < si > pleinement come droit et reson vorroient, a cause qe aucun tiel garant voloit qe tiel accompt ne deust estre receu forsqe soulement [de la somme ensi receu d'apprest,] la ou greindre somme fuist due de reson, as grantz meschiefs des diverses persones. Dont la dite commune vous prie auxint de remede. 98. [Indentures of service to be of record in the exchequer]. Also, whereas great trouble has in the past befallen divers persons who have been retained or appointed to serve our lord the king by indentures, or without indentures, some in his wars by land or sea, some as his messengers and in divers other ways: wherefore they received certain sums of money at the receipt of the exchequer, or elsewhere, by assignment, which sums were bestowed on them there as money received by way of a prest, and run in the exchequer on demand as a clear debt; and although the said persons thus retained, their heirs, executors, holders of goods, or tenants of lands have after their death often asked to be received in the said exchequer to account for such sums thus received, they have not been allowed to do so, but have been forced to sue a warrant of the king's privy or great seal directing the said treasurer and barons to account with them in the matter: which warrants have often been denied them, because the king's ministers who had made such retinues were dead, or removed from their posts before such suits began, and strangers appointed in their place who had no knowledge of such retinues, and for divers other reasons; and sometimes they have been granted but not as fully as right and reason would wish, because such a warrant requires that such accounts ought not to be received except only for the sum thus received as a prest, even though a larger sum was due in reason, to the great harm of many. For which the commons pray that you find remedy.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe de touz les gentz qi serront retenuz ou assignez desore enavaunt de servir a nostre dit seignour le roi, soient lours covenantz mys en escrit, [et envoiez en l'escheqier, a y demurer de record; issint qe a quele heure qe la persone ensi retenuz, ses heirs,] ou ses executours, occupiours des biens ou terre tenantz, viegnent d'accompter [de ce en l'escheqier, ils soient a ce receuz, et eiont due allouance en lour] accompte, [solonc le contenu de leur covenant.] Et si aucun repelle soit faite de tiele retenue d'acune persone apres qe ses [covenantz sibien mys en escript et envoiez a l'escheqier, come desuis est dit, soit] mesme le repelle mis en escript et envoiez al escheqer, issint qe par vieue de celle repelle et des covenantz devant [illoeqes envoiez, les barons du dit escheqer facent droit a la partie solonc ce qe la lei et] reson demande. Et si rien lour soit due par mesmes les accomptes, les tresorer et chamberleins [lour facent paiement ou assignement de ce qe lour serra due par] mesmes les accomptes, par certificacion de mesme l'escheqer, sanz attendre ou suer autre garant ou mandement de [grant seal ou prive seal.] The king wills that all men retained or appointed henceforth to serve our said lord the king shall have their covenants in writing, and send them to the exchequer, to remain there on record; so that when those thus retained, their heirs, or executors, holders of goods, or tenants of lands, come to account in the exchequer, they shall be received and have due allowance made on their account, in accordance with the terms of their covenant. And if any repeal be made of the retaining of anyone after their contracts have been placed in writing and sent to the exchequer, as said above, the same repeal shall be put in writing and sent to the exchequer, so that by reference to the repeal and the covenants sent before them there, the barons of the said exchequer may do justice to the party as the law and reason demand. And if anything be due to them through the same accounts, the treasurer and chamberlains shall make them a payment or assignment of that which shall be owed to them upon the same accounts, by the certification of the same exchequer, without waiting or suing for another warrant or mandate of the great or privy seal.
99. [Exchequer accounts] Et auxint voet le roi qe les accomptes en l'escheqer < soient > pluis briefment oiez, faitz, et engrossez q'ils ne soloient a [devant, salve qe les parcelles de mesmes les accomptes] [...] [faitz auxi pleinement come] ils soloient en temps passe; et ce par ordeinance affaire par les barons de l'escheqer, a durer a record de tout temps avenir. 99. [Exchequer accounts]. The king also wills that the accounts in the exchequer shall be heard, drawn up, and engrossed more expeditiously than in the past, save that the details of the same accounts ..... made as fully as they were in the past; and that by ordinance to be made by the barons of the exchequer, to remain on record for all time to come.
100. [Expenditure accounts in the exchequer] Et auxint, qe deux clercs soient assignez pur faire parcelles d'accomptes en mesme l'escheqier a ceux qe ce voillent demander, [et soient jurrez q'ils ne ferront nul fauxine en lour office, et prendront] pur lour travaille de ceux as queux ils serveront resonablement, selonc l'ordenance des barons de dit escheqier. 100. [Expenditure accounts in the exchequer]. Moreover, that two clerks be appointed to draw up detailed accounts in the same exchequer for those who require them, and they shall be sworn to commit no fraud in their office, and they shall take reasonable payment for their work from those whom they serve, in accordance with the ordinance of the barons of the said exchequer.
[p. iii-119]
[col. a]
101. [Nil accounts to be discharged on oath] Et auxint < est assentuz, > qe les accomptes de nichil en le dit escheqier soient de tout oustez, ou si aucuns tieles accompts deivent demurrer, soient [les accomptantz maintenant apres lour serement fait en le dit] escheqier examinez par les barons, s'ils puissent ou deivent de rien respondre au roi en celle part. Et si trovez soit par lour serement [qe noun, qe par mesme lour serement ils soient deschargez d'autre] accompt rendre devaunt aucun auditour, toutdys le droit le roi salvez. 101. [Nil accounts to be discharged on oath]. It is agreed also that accounts de nichil in the said exchequer shall be entirely abolished, or if any should remain, those accounting, immediately after taking their oath in the said exchequer shall be examined by the barons, as to whether they wish or ought to answer to the king for anything in the matter. And if the answer is found upon their oath to be no, that by their same oath they shall be discharged from rendering another account before any auditor, saving always the king's right.
102. [Discharged accounts to be registered in the exchequer] Et auxint, qe le clerc de pipe et les remembrancers de l'escheqier soient jurez qe de terme en terme eux mesmes verront, tant come le dit escheqier est [overt, touz les briefs] de grant seal et lettres de prive seal nostre seignour le roi qe sont mandez al dit escheqier mesme le terme, pur final descharge d'aucune persone du roialme d'aucun demande currant al dit escheqir; et qe chescun de eux a qi il appartient ferra due execucioun du dit mandement. 102. [Discharged accounts to be registered in the exchequer]. Moreover, that the clerk of the pipe and the remembrancers of the exchequer shall be sworn from term to term that they themselves will inspect, as long as the said exchequer is open, all the writs of great seal and letters of privy seal of our lord the king which are sent to the said exchequer during that term, for the final discharge of any person of the realm from any demand pending at the said exchequer; and that each to whom this pertains shall duly put the said mandate into effect.
Et auxint, soient les ditz deux remembrancers jurrez qe chescun terme ils ferront une cedule de toutes les persones qi sont deschargez en lours offices, par juggement ou en autre manere, < en > mesmes les termes, d'aucunes demandes en le dit escheqer; contenant la manere de mesme le descharge: et face liverez cest cedule al clerc du pipe, mesme le terme, a fin qe le clerc de pipe face ent descharger les dites parties en le grant rolle. Et soit le dit clerc de pipe jurrez q'il demandera chescun terme les dites cedules, et mesmes les cedules par lui issint receuz il dischargera les dites parties en manere suisdit. Et en mesme le manere face le clerc del pipe as ditz remembrancers de touz tielx descharges qe serront faitz en son office, au fyn qe homme descharge en une place soit deschargez en touz autres places del dit escheqier. And in addition, the said two remembrancers shall swear that each term they shall draw up a schedule of all persons who are discharged in their offices, by judgment or in any other way, during the same terms, from any demand in the said exchequer; including the nature of the same discharge: and they shall cause this schedule to be delivered to the clerk of the pipe, during the same term, so that the clerk of the pipe can discharge the said parties in the great roll. And let the said clerk of the pipe be sworn to ask each term for the said schedules, and the same schedules having been received by him, he shall discharge the said parties in the aforesaid manner. And in the same way the clerk of the pipe shall inform the said remembrancer of all such discharges made in his office, so that a man discharged in one place may be discharged in all other places in the said exchequer.
XXVII. XXVII.
103. [Exchequer suits to terminate on judgment of livery] Item, prient les communes qe la ou devaunt ces heures diverses persones ont euez livere de diverses terres et tenementz hors de mayn le roi, par juggement pur eux renduz en le bank le roi, et de ce ont portez le tenure del record de dit juggement par breve de mittimus en l'escheqier, pur eux descharger des accomptes demandez de mesme les tenementz devant ces heures, ne furent deschargez en celle part devant qe le dit record fust de novelle entree en le dit escheqier par parole en parole, et novel proces, et novel juggement illoeqes fuist rendu; a grant damage et delai des dites gentz. 103. [Exchequer suits to terminate on judgment of livery]. Also, the commons pray that whereas in the past divers persons have had livery of lands and tenements from the king's hands by a judgment rendered in their favour in the king's bench, and have taken the tenor of the record of the said judgment to the exchequer by writ de mittimus, to have themselves discharged from accounts demanded of the same tenements in the past, they have not been so discharged until the said record has been entered anew in the said exchequer word by word, and a new process, and new judgment rendered there; to the great injury and delay of the said people.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe maintenant apres qe tiel record est venuz en l'escheqier < par > < mandement, > qe le remembrancer en qi office tieles accomptes sont demandez maintenant face cesser la suite en celle part, par paroles a entrers sur l'endossement de son brief; vouchant le tenour de recorde de dit juggement, sanz autre proces ou juggement faire en celle part. The king wills that as soon as such a record comes into the exchequer by mandate, the remembrancer in whose office such accounts fall shall at once cause the suit in the matter to be ended, by words to be entered on the dorse of his writ; vouching for the tenor of the said judgment, without any other process or judgment made in the matter.
104. Et voet le roi auxint qe ne soit desore donez pur une comission affaire en le dit escheqier qe deux soldz pur le fee de clerc qe le ferra, et pur le recorde d'un nisi prius ovesqe le brief deux soldz soulement, come soleit estre fait, sanz pluis prendre en temps avenir. 104. The king also wills that henceforth, for a commission made in the said exchequer in future, no more than two shillings shall be given as the fee for the clerk who makes it, and only two shillings for the record of a nisi prius together with the writ, as used to be done in such cases, without anything more being taken.
XXVIII. XXVIII.
105. [Officers of the exchequer] Item, prient les communes qe desore enavant ne soit fait baron de l'escheqer, clerc de pipe, remembrancer, opposour, comptrollour, clerc de plees, et clerc de forein somons, auditour, n'autre chief ministre en l'escheqer, sy ne soit homme bien apris de la commune loye, ou autrement bien apris de les loies, course, et usages de l'escheqer. 105. [Officers of the exchequer]. Also, the commons pray that henceforth none shall be appointed baron of the exchequer, clerk of the pipe, remembrancer, examiner, controller, clerk of the pleas, clerk of foreign summons, auditor, nor other chief minister in the exchequer, unless he be fully learned in the common law, or otherwise well versed in the law, procedure, and usages of the exchequer.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
[col. b]
XXIX. XXIX.
106.[Charters of pardon] Item, est assavoir qe les communes prierent a nostre seignour le roi qe les chartres de pardoun par [lui graciousement grantez en cest parlement soient, si lui plest, en partie amendez et enlargez;] c'estassavoir, celle chartre q'est grante pur les bones gentz qe ne se [leverent mye, en quele sont exceptz ceux qi furent detenuz en prison pur felonie le xiij jour de Decembre,] l'an present [1381], par quele exception ceulx qi se sont voluntrifment renduz a la [prisone pur ester a la lei sont de pire condicion sur ceste grace qe ceux qi soi esloignent,] et sont futifs et utlagez, quelle chose par reson ne doit estre faite ne soeffert. 106. [Charters of pardon]. Also, it is to be known that the commons prayed of our lord the king that the charters of pardon graciously granted by him in this parliament should, if it please him, be in part amended and enlarged; namely, that charter which was granted for the honest men who did not rebel, from which those were excluded who were detained in prison for felony on 13 December in this regnal year [1381], as a result of which exclusion those who voluntarily surrendered themselves for imprisonment in obedience to the law are in a worse position in respect of the grace than those who absconded and are fugitives and outlaws, which in reason should not happen, nor be suffered.
[Qe lui pleust par tant ouster celle excepcion, et autres excepcions] [...] [comprises,] pur queles les justices font grant difficultee de les [allouer devant eux.] May it please him for that reason to waive the exclusion, and other exclusions..... contained, because the justices are most unwilling to accept such a plea.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet de sa grace et ad ordene quant a ce, d'amender la dite grace quant as felonies, [en] la forme qe s'ensuit: The king wills it of his grace, and has ordered that the said pardon be amended as to felonies, in the following way:
Pardonavimus, A. de B. sectam pacis nostre que ad nos pertinet pro omnimodis feloniis per ipsum A. ante quartumdecimum diem Decembris ultimo preteritum [1381] perpetratis, unde indictatus, rectatus, vel occasionatus existit, prodicionibus, murdris, raptibus mulierum exceptis; ac eciam utlagarias si que, etc., et firmam pacem nostram, etc., dumtamen non videtur quod est communis latro sive communis homicida; et eciam quod non sit probator vel appellatus de latrocinio, et quod non sit appellatus de morte hominis, unde appellum pendet ad sectam partis; nec a prisona evaserit seu recesserit, et eandem prisonam se non reddiderit; et quod dicto quartodecimo die Decembris [1381] in prisona pro latrocinio tantum detentus non fuerit, etc. We have pardoned A. of B., for the suit of our peace which pertains to us, of all felonies perpetrated by the same A. before 14 December last past [1381], when he was indicted, judged, or prosecuted, excluding treasons, murders, and ravishment of women; and also of outlawries if, etc., and our firm peace, etc, in as much as it does not seem that he is a common thief or a common murderer; nor yet an approver or appealer of theft, and is not acused of homicide in which a suit is pending; neither has he escaped nor fled from prison, and not returned to the same prison; and on the said 14 December [1381] will not be detained in prison for some theft, etc..
XXX. XXX.
Item, < le roi, > a la priere de la dite commune, ad fait amender et enlargir la dite autre sa grace faite en ceste parlement pur les [traitours qe se] leverent [contre luy.] [...] C'estassavoir, qe par la ou en ycelle forme furent exceptz touz appellez des dites treisons, par quele excepcion [touz les appellez en celle; partie sont forclos] del grace, combien qe le provour ou appellour soit descunsit, ou mort: qe tielx appellez dont l'appellour ou provour n'est [mye en pleine vie soient] compris en ceste grace, et ne soient forsclos d'icelle. Also, the king, at the request of the said commons, has caused his other said grace granted in this parliament for the traitors who rose against him to be amended and enlarged. That is to say that in the original version there were excepted all those accused of the said treasons, as a consequence of which all the accused in the matter were barred from grace, even though the approver or accuser was unknown or dead: and now those whose accuser or approver is not known to be alive shall be included in this grace, and not barred from the same.
Et le roi voet qe les chartres qe aient este faitz et enseallez sur sa dite grace devaunt ceste heure, soient eles de [l'une forme ou de l'autre, soient] celes amendez, < et > de novel escritez et enseallez, accordantz a cest grace, sanz novelle [fee paier pur ycelles a l'oeps de roy suisdit.] And the king wills that the charters which have been made and sealed in respect of the said grace in the past, be they of the one form or the other, shall be amended, and written and sealed anew in accordance with this grace, without further fee being paid for the same to the use of the king aforesaid.
Et n'est mye l'entencion du roi nostre seignour qe une soule persone enjoisse de [l'une et l'autre sa dite grace d'avoir; c'estassavoir l'une et l'autre chartre. Et est determinez] en parlement qe ceux de Gales et de Cestreshire, < ou > ceux de la franchise de Duresme, a cause de la [franchise ne doivent rienz emporter a cestez gracez.] And it is not indeed the intention of our lord the king that anyone shall have both said graces; namely the one charter and the other. And it has been decided in parliament that neither those of Wales and Cheshire, nor those of the franchise of Durham, because of their franchise, ought to benefit from these graces.
[memb. 1]
Si l'en poet et voet soeffrir un resonable temps les articles apres [escritz] estre executz, semblable [est] le roialme relever de povertee selonc ce qe homme savera a present penser, considerant en quel estat le roialme en est au present. Pur queux articles monstrer [et enformer par leur scient] estoient certains marchantz de touz les bones villes et burghes de le roialme chargez et commandez par leur serementz et lour liegeance, d'enformer a noz seignours et communes du roialme, coment le roialme d'Engleterre purroit alors mieultz estre relevez de povert par l'encrees des comodites crues en le roialme, et les marchandies einz venantz, a meliour marchee. If a reasonable time and will can be found for the articles written below to be put into effect, it seems that the kingdom could be relieved of poverty, according to what is at present known and, considering the state of the kingdom. To expound which articles and explain them to the best of their knowledge, certain merchants from all the good towns and boroughs of the kingdom were charged and ordered on their oaths and the strength of their allegiance to inform our lords and commons of the realm, how the kingdom of England might best be relieved at that time from poverty by increasing commodities produced in the kingdom, and the merchandise brought in, to a better trade.
107. En primes, soit defenduz par [tout le roialme sur peine de perdre la somme ent atteinte,] qe nullui del roialme, n'autre persone qeconqe, apporte monoie du roialme, or, n'argent en monoie, en plate, n'en vesselle, [p. iii-120][col. a] overtement ne secretement, ne auxi par eschaunge faite en Engleterre, en [nule parte, pur estre resceu] par dela sur mesme la peyne avauntdite; forspris gages de Caleys et autres forteresses en noz mayns par dela, [qar autrement] la monoie [s'en ira] tout [outrement apportez,] a confusioun de toute la terre, faisant estreit serche par touz les ports et passages dedeins le roialme, pur fermement garder qe nully face [au contraire,] [...] chescun qe savera notoirement affermer [et prover or ou] argent apportez a contraire de l'ordinans suisdite, eit la quarte partie ensi atteinte. Et [est] especialment defenduz ceste dit article a touz pelerins [et provisours passantz outre mier, sur mesme la] peyne avantdite; [et qe null passage soit] suffert [aillours qe a certeins portz] limitez, sur forfaiture du nief et des biens de lui qe les [amenera autrement qe ordene soit. Et si] aucun sercheour soit ordene pur sercher le passage des gentz [passantz hors du] roialme, soeffre par sa science aucune persone passer ove or ou argent, encontre [l'ordinance] avauntdite, et de ce soit atteint, [eyt] la peyne de [forfaiture] de touz [ses biens, et son corps] a prisone par un an, sanz redempcion. 107. First, it should be forbidden throughout the entire realm on pain of loss of the sum specified, for anyone of the kingdom, or any other person whatsoever, to take money out of the kingdom, gold, or silver, in coin, plate, or vessel, [p. iii-120][col. a] openly or secretly, nor by exchange made in England, to any other place to be received overseas, on pain of the aforesaid penalty; except as wages for Calais, and other fortresses in our hands overseas, for otherwise all our money will be carried away, to the confusion of all the land, conducting a strict search throughout all the ports and crossing places in the kingdom, to ensure that no one acts to the contrary.....anyone who can fully affirm and prove that gold or silver has been carried off contrary to the aforesaid ordinance, shall have a fourth part of what is confiscated. And this said article especially prohibits all pilgrims and provisors from passing beyond the sea, on pain of the same aforesaid penalty; and that no passage shall be allowed other than at certain specified ports, on pain of forfeiture of the ship and goods by him who travels contrary to what is ordained. And if any searcher be appointed to inspect the passage of those travelling out of the kingdom, and in full knowledge allows anyone to travel with gold or silver contrary to the aforesaid ordinance, and is so convicted, let him suffer the penalty of forfeiting all his goods, and being imprisoned for one year, without remission.
[editorial note: Responsio. ] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant a ce q'est demandez qe or ou argent, en monoie, plate, vesselle, n'en joialx, [ne soit apportez n'envoiez] hors del roialme, overtement [ne secretement, ne par] aucune manere des [...] affaire par denszein ou forein marchant, [n'autre, de quelconqe estat ou] condicion [q'il soit, exceptez les] gages de Caleys et d'autres forteresses du roi depar dela; le roi le voet et grante en touz pointz, horspris les prelatz, seignours, et autres as queux [necessairement coviendra a la foitz] de faire paiementz depar dela qe de celles paiementz purront ils faire eschanges en Engleterre par bones et suffisantz marchantz; [eue] sur ce primerement especial [congie et licence de nostre seignour le roi et son] counseil, sibien pur le changeour come pur la persone qi ferra l'eschange, sur la peyne de forfaire la somme chaunge. Et voet le roi nostre seignour qe les marchantz [qe ensi ferront les ditz eschaunges par] license, soient examinez diligeaument, et jurrez en lour propres persones, a tantz des foitz come ils averont la [dite] licence, q'ils [n'envoieront aucun manere d'or ne d'argent, en plate vessel] monoie n'autrement, depar dela, souz colour de mesme l'eschaunge. Et s'il soit atteint q'il avera fait [envoier] or ou argent depar dela [countre ceste ordenance, forface devers le roy la somme ou] la value d'ycelle. Et le roi defende oultrement passage a touz maneres des gentz, sibien clercz come [autres,] en chescun port, et autre [ville, et lieu sur la costee de meer, horspris tantsoulement] les seignours et autres grantz persones du roialme; et horspris verrois notables marchantz et les soldeours le roi; sur peyne de forfaiture de [quanqe ils ont en terres et biens. Et si qelconqe persone,] autre qe dessuis sont exceptz, passe le roialme sanz especial congie et licence du roi, [quele] licence ne serra fait sinoun [tantsoulement en un des portz dessouz escritz,] c'estassavoir, Londres, Dovorr', Sandewiz, Suthampton, Plymuth', Dertemuth, Bristuyt, Jernemuth, Seint Bothulf, Hull et Neof-Chastell sur Teyne, < et en les portz vers Irlaund et autres isles appartenantz al roialme, forface devers le roy > come dessuis est dit, [et avec ce forface le mariner son vessell, si nulle persone amesne hors du roialme contre cest estatut.] Et celui qi espiera aucune persone q'avera mespris contre ceste ordenance en aucun point apres ce qe proclamacioun ent [soit fait parmy le roialme, et a sa pursuite soit] convict, le roi voet q'il eit la moitee de la forfaiture pur son travaille. Et si nul [sercheour,] ou gardein de port, scientment soeffre estre [fait en aucun point le contraire de ceste] ordenance, encourge la peyne de forfaire < son office > et ses biens, et son corps a la prisone pur un an entier, sanz redempcioun, etc. As for what is asked, that neither gold nor silver, in money, plate, vessels, or jewels be taken or sent out of the kingdom, openly or secretly, or by any other means by denizen or foreign merchant, or any other, of whatsoever status or condition he be, excepting the wages of Calais and other forts of the king overseas; the king wills and grants it in all respects, excepting prelates, lords, and others who need to make payments overseas, which payments they may make by exchanges in England through good and worthy merchants; having first received special permission and licence therefor from our lord the king and his council, both for the exchanger as well as for him making the exchange, on pain of forfeiting the sum changed. And the king our lord wills that the merchants who thus perform the said exchanges by licence shall be diligently examined and sworn in person, as often as they receive the said licence, that they will not send any manner of gold or silver, in plate, vessels, coin, or otherwise overseas, under cover of the same exchange. And if anyone be convicted of having sent gold or silver overseas contrary to this ordinance, he shall forfeit to the king the sum or the value of the same. And the king entirely forbids the passage of all manner of men, both clerks and others, in every port and other town and place on the coast of the sea, excepting only lords and other great persons of the realm; and excepting well known merchants, and the king's soldiers; on pain of forfeiting whatsoever they have in goods and lands. And if anyone, save those above excepted, travels outside the kingdom without the special permission and licence of the king, which licence will only be issued in one of the ports listed below, namely, London, Dover, Sandwich, Southampton, Plymouth, Dartmouth, Bristol, Yarmouth, Boston, Hull, and Newcastle upon Tyne, and in the ports towards Ireland, and other isles pertaining to the realm, let him forfeit to the king as is said above, and with the forfeit the mariner shall lose his vessel if he take anyone out of the kingdom contrary to this statute. And whosoever observes anyone acting against this ordinance in any way after proclamation has been made thereon throughout the kingdom, if at his suit that person is convicted, the king wills that he shall have half the forfeiture for his labour. And if any searcher or keeper of a port knowingly allows anything to be done in any way contrary to this ordinance, he shall incur the penalty of forfeiting his office and his goods, and being imprisoned for a whole year, without remission, etc.
Item, come voirs est, [qe le sovereign] entente de touz marchantz soit de [repeirer] la ou mieulx il poet estre seure de lui mesmes et de ses biens, et amyablement estre tretez et governez a gayner, soit ordenez et proclamez [col. b] [qe touz] maneres des marchantz de queconqe nacioun q'ils soient, et qe [ne sont enemys au] roi ne al roialme, serront bien venuz al roialme, et receuz seurement, et amiablement tretez par loy-marchant en chescun lieu ou ville q'ils repeirent, et de lour marchandises [franchement vendre a qi] qe lour plest, en grosse, sanz un estrange pur vendre a autre estraunge pur revendre, paiantz les custumes ent dues et establiz; et nullui lour destourber de la condicioun susdit. Par quele repeire des estranges amyablement tretez, come avaunt est dit, et par [noz] gentz liges qe [ameneront des marchandies] dedeins le roialme, semblable est qe toutes choses serront [meillour] marchez qe ne ont este par avant, purveuz toutdys qe le article par amount soit fermement tenuz en touz lours [pointz, sibien vers] denszeins come foreins, faisantz a chescune nacioun repeirante a nous sicome nous sumes receuz entre eux. Et soit proclamez par touz les portz et bones villes du roialme, [qe null] lige a nostre seignour le roi face eskipper ses marchandises venantz vers [cea nulle] parte, ne alantz par dela escun part, fors en niefs del alligeance, sur une dure peyne; entendantz [qe si la navie] du roialme ne soit [remountez] autrement qe n'est, semblable la [soverein] cause par quoi le roialme serroit doutez ou serra perduz, qe Dieux ne veulle. Requerantz au roi nostre seignour [et a noz autres] seignours, qe lour plese modyfier la forfaiture des niefs et vesselle auxibien par meer come par eawe doulce forfaitz par paroles des deodandz; la quele chose usez en manere come ad este usez [monstre grant] cause a retrehere la [corage] de toutes gentz affaire aucun vesselle novell, et s'il endure, a la destruccioun de la navie a touz jours. Also, as it is true that the chief aim of all merchants is to go wheresoever they and their goods will be safest, and where they are amicably treated and able to make profit, let it be ordained and proclaimed [col. b] that all manner of merchants, from whatsoever land they come, who are not enemies of the king or the kingdom, shall be welcomed to the kingdom, safely received and amicably treated under law-merchant in every place or town they visit, and their merchandise freely sold to whomsoever they choose, in gross, without one foreigner selling it to another for resale, paying the customs due and established; and none shall disturb them in the aforesaid business. By which visits of foreigners who have been amicably treated, as said above, and by our liege men who bring merchandise into the kingdom, it is likely that trade will go better than ever before, provided always that the article above be strictly upheld in all respects, as well by denizens as by foreigners, so that all those who come amongst us are treated as well as we are treated by them. And let it be proclaimed throughout all the ports and good towns of the kingdom that no liege of our lord the king shall cause his merchandise to be shipped anywhere on this side of the sea, nor anywhere overseas, except in ships of our allegiance, on pain of a severe penalty; bearing in mind that if the kingdom's fleet be not restored to a better condition than it now is in, that will be the chief reason for the kingdom being emperilled or lost, which God forbid. Requesting of the king our lord and of our other lords that it may please them to modify the forfeiture of ships and vessels on the sea and in fresh water by way of deodands; which practice, carried out as it has always been, contributes greatly to the reluctance of men to build new vessels, and if it endure it will destroy the fleet forever.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant al [second article qe] touz estraunges marchantz del amistee nostre seignour le roi venantz ou repeirantz deinz le roialme avec lours marchandises serront amiablement tretez et governez [...] roialme [deins franchise et dehors;] le roi le voet, et grante en touz pointz. Et ad ordene et establi, del assent de les prelats, [seignours, et] autres en ce parlement, [qe mesme les marchantz estranges venantz ou] repeirantz, [demurrantz, conversantz,] et retournantz avec lour niefs, mariners, biens, marchandises, et lours autres hernois et possessions [qelconqes] [...] [souz la protection et salve garde nostre seignour,] [...] [et souz mesme la proteccion] y purront et demurront franchement demurrer si longement come bon lour semblera; et illoeqes [vendre et achater] [...] [par manere q'est demande, sanz] empeschement ou desturbance < de nully. > Et par especial le roi defende estroitement a touz ses [foialx lieges, et toutes autres maneres de gentz venantz ou repairantz deinz] [...] poair, sibien grantz come petitz, deinz franchise et dehors, sur paine de [quant ils purront] [...] as ditz [marchantz] estrangers, venantz, repairantz, demurantz, et retournantz, [ne a lours servantz et familiers issint esteantz souz le salve garde le roy; ne facent ne ne procurent] [...] corporel [damage par] quelconqe voie, [n'autre] moleste ou [impediment contre la loy.] With reference to the second article that all foreign merchants having friendly relations with our lord the king and visiting or travelling in the kingdom with their merchandise, shall be amicably treated and governed..... kingdom within franchise or without; the king wills it, and grants it in all respects. And he has ordained and decreed, with the assent of the prelates, lords, and others in this parliament that the same foreign merchants coming, repairing, dwelling, trading, and returning with their ships, mariners, goods, merchandise, and their other belongings and possessions whatsoever....... under the protection and safeguard of our lord....... and under the same protection they may remain there freely as they see fit; and there sell and buy...... in the manner which is requested, without being prosecuted or harassed by anyone. In particular, the king strictly forbids all his faithful lieges, and all manner of persons coming or travelling within...... power, both great and small, within franchise or without, on pain of whatsoever they have..... to the said foreign merchants, coming, repairing, dwelling, and returning, nor to their servants and familiars thus being under the safeguard of the king; nor shall they do nor procure..... bodily injury by any means, or otherwise harass or impede contrary to the law.
Et quant [a ce q'est demande qe] nul liege le roi face eskipper ses marchandises, en alantz hors [ou venantz dedeinz le roialme d'Engleterre aucun part, forsqe soulement es niefs de la ligeance] nostre seignour [le roy, le roy le voet] [...] . Et quelconqe persone apres qe proclamacioun [en soit fait a contraire,] forface devers le [roi ses] marchandises [en autres niefs qe de la dite lige] [...] [en quelconqe places] ycelles marchandises [soient] apres trovez. Et le roi voet qe celluy qe [l'espiera, et vorra suer pur] le roi en celle partie, et [proevera ou fera proever] [...] [paront forfaiture] escherra par vertu de [ceste] ordenance, eit la tierce partie pur son travaille del demy [le roy.] Et tendra lieu ceste ordenance des niefs [a la Pask prochein venant [6 April 1382]. Et quant as deodands] en le meer, illoeqes ne deivent deodandz estre demandez pur aventure [illoeqes eschuz,] come de mort de persone. Et quant as deodandz [en ewe doulce, le roy n'entende mye] de soi ouster de sa jouste possession, [p. iii-121][col. a] quele les rois d'Engleterre ont [euz d'aunciente,] et continuez tanqe en cea. And as for the demand that none of the king's lieges shall ship his merchandise going overseas or coming anywhere within the kingdom of England, except only in ships of allegiance to our lord the king, the king wills..... . And any person who acts to the contrary after this proclamation has been made, shall forfeit to the king his merchandise carried in other ships than those of the said allegiance..... wheresoever that merchandise may later be found. And the king wills that anyone who observes and wishes to sue on the king's behalf in this matter, and proves or causes to be proven....... and as a result thereof a forfeit is made under this ordinance, shall have a third of the king's half for his labours. And this ordinance concerning ships shall take effect at Easter next [6 April 1382]. As for deodands, they ought not to be demanded for accidents happening at sea, such as the death of a person. As for deodands in fresh water, the king certainly does not intend to be ousted from his just possession, [p. iii-121][col. a] which the kings of England have had since antiquity, and have still today.
Et [si ley voet ordener] aucun remede pur aucun marchandise en especial, come pur vins, ou autres choses delitables q'ad este a haut [pris] devaunt ces heures, sibien par defaute des [achatours come de les vendours, l'ein] poet ordener pur vin en manere q'ensuit, en essay pur savoir a quel esploit homme poet venir. C'estassavoir, q'environ la Pentecost [25 May 1382] soit defenduz qe nul Engleis [...] [hors du roialme nul part] pur vin achater, s'il ne poet soeffrer a vendre ycy al afferant de galoun a .vi. d. sur peine d'ensi arter a vendre a lour retournir. Et si l'en voet [soeffrer un an ou deux a plus, il est] semblable d'estre bone marchee par tut nostre temps apres, si grande fortune ne soit au contraire. Tutdys purveuz qe le primer article soit bien et fermement tenuz, [qar] [...] [aviendra qe draps,] et autres commoditees le roialme irront pur quere des vins, et toutes autres choses qe nous busoignont. Purveu toutes voies qe parmy ceste ordenance nul [meschief aviegne a la] ville de Burdeux, ne as noz autres liges et lieux. Purveuz auxi pur le mieultz qe nul vin douce ne clarre soit soeffert desore en apres estre retaillez [dedeinz le roialme nule parte, entendantz] qe moelt de mal < et deceite > en ad venuz par le retaille du dite suffrance. And if the law will ordain remedy for any merchandise in particular, like wines, or other luxuries which have been at a high price in the past, as well by the fault of the sellers as the buyers, it could be ordained for wine in the following manner to try what can be done. Namely, around Whitsun [25 May 1382] it should be forbidden that any Englishman........ anywhere outside the kingdom to buy wine, if he does not allow it to be sold here at 6 d a gallon, on pain of then being forced to sell it thus on his return. And if that is borne for one year or two at the most, it is likely to prove cheaper for us all in the future, if fortune smile upon us. Provided always that the first article be well and firmly upheld, since..... it should happen that cloth, and other commodities of the kingdom go to seek wine and other things which we shall need. Provided always that no trouble shall arise through this ordinance for the town of Bordeaux, nor for our other lieges and places. Provided also, for the best, that in future no sweet nor yellow wine be sold anywhere in the kingdom, considering that many evils and deceits have occurred through such retail sales thereof.
[Item, quant al tierce] article, touchant les vins [et la chiertee] d'ycelles, le roi voet et defende qe nul manere de vin doulce ne clarre soit desore venduz aucune part deinz le roialme a retaille, [sur forfaiture d'ycell.] < Et comencera ceste ordinance a tenir lieu primerement a la Nativite de Seint Johan proschein venant [24 June 1382]. > Et quant as autres vins, come vins de Gascoigne, vins de la Rochell', vins Renoises, vins de Osoye et d'Espaigne, si nul Engleys veulle passer la meer pur les [quere et amesner] desore aucune part deinz mesme le roialme, ne les puisse vendre, ne ne vende ses vins deins mesme le roialme, sur peine de forfaiture d'ycelle [outre le pris dessouz limitez;] c'estassavoir, le tonel de meilour vin de Gascoigne, de Oseye ou d'Espaigne, a cent soldz, et [col. b] autres tonelx de commune vin de mesme les paiis purmeindre [pris, selonc le value,] come pur sept marz, six marz et demi, et six marz; et le tonelle de meillour vin de la Rochell' pur six marz, et le tonelle d'autre tiel vin a meindre pris, selonc la value, come [pur cynk marz] et demi, cynk marz, quatre marz et demi, et quatre marz. Et pipes et autres vesseulx de meindre quantitee de celle vins soient venduz l'afferant des toneulx, et la [bountee] del vin. Et quant a retaille des ditz vins de Gascoigne, de Osey, et d'Espaigne par eux affaire, ne soit la galoun de meillour tiel vin venduz deinz le roialme, sur mesme le [peyn] de forfaiture < de tout le vin, > outre six deniers, einz a six deniers, et dedeinz, selonc la value; et le galoun meillour vin del la Rochell' a quatre deniers, et dedeinz, selonc le value. Et quant [a vin Renoise, pur ce] qe les vesseulx ne les asmes de vin Renoise ne contiegnent point mesure en certein, est assentuz qe le galoun du meillour vin Renoise, n'en gross ne a retaille, [soit venduz nul part deinz] le roialme avauntdit par les ditz Engleis outre six deniers, sur mesme la peine. Et est auxint assentuz qe si nul Engleys [refuse et ne veulle ses vins mises a vent] vendre pur le pris desuis limitez, einz les voille garder soulement pur vendre oultre le pris desuis limitez, en fraude, et contre la fourme de ceste ordenance, apres [ce qe l'achatour avera] selonc ceste ordenance resonablement [profriz la monoie pur ycelles] vin un ou deux foitz au [vendour, ait] et eient les mair et baillifs, et les autres [governours del citee,] burghe, ville, ou autre lieu deinz [qi poair et] jurisdiction [le dit vin] sera trovez, soit il deinz franchise ou dehors, poair par ceste ordenance de faire deliverance [de ditz vins, esteantz en bargayn] as ditz achatorus, et les lour [deliverent] en fait tantost sanz delai, come ent ils [serront requis,] pur le pris dessus ordene. Et si nul des ditz mairs, baillifs [ou autres governours, apres ce q'il ent] serra duement requis, refuse de faire et ne face la dite [deliverance,] et ce provez, forface devers nostre seignour le roy la value des [ditz] [...] Also, for the third article, touching wine and the dearness of the same, the king wills and forbids any type of sweet or yellow wine to be sold by retail in any part of the kingdom henceforth, on pain of forfeiting the same. And this ordinance shall begin to take effect from the Nativity of St John next [24 June 1382]. And concerning other wines, such as wines from Gascony, wines from La Rochelle, Rhenish wines, and wines of Alsace and Spain, if any Englishman henceforth wishes to cross the sea, seek them out, and bring them back to the same kingdom, he will not be able to sell them within the same kingdom, on pain of forfeiting them, for more than the prices specified below; namely, a cask of the best wine from Gascony, Alsace, or Spain, at one hundred shillings, and [col. b] other casks of common wine from the same countries for a lower price according to their value, for example for seven marks, six and a half marks, and six marks; and a cask of the best wine from La Rochelle for six marks, and a cask of other such wine at a lesser price, according to its value, for example five and a half marks, five marks, four and a half marks and four marks. And pipes of those wines and other vessels of smaller size shall be sold by the tun, taking into account the abundance of supply. And as for the sale of the said wines of Gascony, Alsace, and Spain thus imported, not a gallon of the best such wine shall be sold in the kingdom, on pain of the same penalty of forfeiture of all the wine, for more than six pence or less, according to its value; and a gallon of the best wine from La Rochelle at four pence or less, according to its value. And as for Rhenish wine, because neither the vessels nor the measures of Rhenish wines guarantee a precise quantity, it is agreed that a gallon of the best Rhenish wine shall not be sold in any part of the aforesaid kingdom either in gross or by retail by the said Englishmen for more than six pence, on pain of the same penalty. And it is thus agreed that if any Englishman refuses nor will not put his wines on sale for the prices appointed above, but wishes to keep them solely for the purpose of selling them at a higher price, by fraud and contrary to the form of this ordinance, after the buyer has, in accordance with this ordinance, once or twice offered the seller a reasonable sum for the same wine, let him and the mayor, bailiffs, and other governors of the city, borough, town, or other place within whose authority and jurisdiction the said wine shall be found, be it within franchise or without, have power by this ordinance to have delivery of the said wines, being bargained for by the said buyer, and they shall deliver them immediately, without delay, as they are required to do, for the price ordained above. And if any said mayor, bailiffs, or other governors after they have been duly asked, refuse and do not make the said delivery, and it be proven, let them forfeit to our lord the king the value of the said .....
Et voet le roy qe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . And the king wills that . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Appendix November 1381

3 November 1381

Westminster

1

Petition to the king and council from the officers of the Mint in the Tower of London complaining of the lack of money being coined at the Mint because of the scarcity of foreign bullion being imported and the prevalence of clipping, and claiming that if the situation is not soon remedied most of the gold and silver coin of England will be exported from the realm.

Endorsed : The warden, master and other officers of the Mint are ordered to appear before the lords in parliament to give their advice on this matter. [See (2) below].

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.126.

2

Petition to the king, lords and commons from the officers of the Mint in the Tower of London repeating the warnings given in (1) above, followed by the advice given by five named moneyers as to the root of the problem of scarcity of bullion and their suggested remedies: Richard Leicester, 'Lincoln goldsmith', 'Crantren', John Hoo and Richard Aylesbury.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.126-7.

3

Petition to the king and council from Michael de la Pole requesting payment of an annuity of 400 marks from the ancient custom in the port of Hull which Edward III granted to his father William.

Endorsed: : It is agreed in parliament that he shall have writs enabling him to be paid.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.127.

4

Petition to the king and council from Margaret, daughter of Thomas de Brotherton former earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, claiming that her husband had been promised 10,000 marks a year in lands and rents by King Edward II, of which he never received more than 7000 marks, and asking that she be granted the remainder.

No endorsement

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.127-8.

5

Petition to the king from the commons of the county of Essex complaining that oysters are being taken on the Essex coast during the breeding season, whereby the stock is being diminished, and asking that no-one be permitted to take oysters between 1 May and 30 September.

No endorsement

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.128.

6

Petition to the king and lords of parliament from Roger Sapurton, warden of the Fleet prison, complaining of the forcible rescue from his prison of John Hayward, vicar of St Pulcres without Newgate, by Sir John Wiltshire and John Chester on 22 November last [?1381], and praying remedy for this.

No endorsement

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.128.

7

Petition to the king and parliament from William Wells, esquire, whom the king has made warden of Bedlam Hospital without Bishopsgate, claiming that he is not accepted as warden by the people of the city because they say that the hospital ought to be in the charge of a knight, and asking the king to confirm and enforce his appointment.

Endorsed : This bill is to be sent to the chancery, where the parties will be summoned to appear and right will be done.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.128.

8

Petition to the king and his parliament from the collectors of the subsidy granted to the king by the clergy in the parliament at Northampton [November 1380], claiming that they have been unable to collect all the subsidy and asking that they be allowed to account and be acquitted for no more than what they have received.

Endorsed : This is to be done, of the king's grace.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.128.

9

Petition to the king and council from the master and scholars of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, asking the king to compel the mayor and bailiffs of Cambridge to make good the damage which they did to the college during the recent insurrection.

No endorsement

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.128-9.

10

Petition to the king and lords of parliament from the abbey of St Albans asking that any charters concerning franchises and liberties which they were compelled to deliver to the rebels during the insurrection last June [1381] be declared null and void.

No endorsement

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.129.

11

Petition to the king and council in parliament from the abbess and convent of Shaftesbury claiming that the abbey has been greatly impoverished by plague, murrain and other afflictions in recent years and asking that the king's escheator, sheriff and other ministers be prohibited from interfering in the affairs of the convent apart from the taking of an appropriate sum during each vacancy.

Endorsed : This petition is granted, on the advice of the council.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.129.

12

Petition to the king and council from Ralph, baron of Greystock, keeper of the castle of Roxburgh, who has been captured by the earl of the March of Scotland and put to ransom for [blank] thousand marks, because William, baron of Hilton, and various men of Northumberland seized a number of Scottish merchant ships; he asks that Hilton be obliged to compensate him for his ransom.

Endorsed : A commission is to be established to enquire into this matter.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.129.

13

Petition to the king and council in parliament from Richard Filongley, king's esquire, concerning a grant to him of the office of tronage and pesage of wools and wool-fells in London.

Endorsed : Let a commission be set up according to the form of the statute.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.129-30. See also CPR 1381-85 , 82 (Appointment of the commission, dated 6 February 1382).

14

Petition to the king and council from Sir William de Windsor asking to be put in possession of various lands [forfeited by his wife, Alice Perrers] which he had been promised in return for leading an expedition to France and Brittany at his own expense, which he has now done. He also asks that the manor of Wendover [Buckinghamshire], for which Alice paid five hundred pounds, be granted to him.

Attached schedule mentioning the manor of East Hanney and a tenement in Bermondsey.

Endorsed : 'Before the king himself and his council'.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.130.

15

Petition to the king, lords and good commons of parliament from William Skele of Kent concerning certain lands and tenements in Sevenoaks [Kent] of which he has been forcibly deprived by one James de Peckham, for which he prays remedy.

No endorsement .

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.130.

16

Petition to the king and council in parliament from Thomas de Morley asking to be granted the office of marshal of Ireland, seized into the king's hands during the time of his father William de Morley, and that he be allowed to exercise this office by deputy.

Endorsed : Enquiry is to be made by the lieutenant or governor of Ireland as to why this office was taken into the king's hands.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.130.

17

Petition to the king and council from Cecily Deumarcz, widow of Southwark, asking for payment of a rent of ten marks which she held in a tenement held by Alice Perrers in the parish of All Saints in London, in which tenement the earl of Cambridge lived for a year and a half without paying any rent apart from forty shillings, so that she is owed twelve marks.

Endorsed : Let her sue at common law.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.130.

18

Petition to the king and council from Alice Fesant asking for remedy against one John Goding, by whom she has been deprived of her rightful inheritance in the lordship of the Hospital of St John in Hackney.

Endorsed : Let her sue at common law.

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.131.

19

Petition to the king from Sir John Clifton, who claims the right of acting as butler at the king's coronation because he holds the manors of Rockingham and Wymundham, which office was usurped by the earl of Arundel at Richard II's coronation.

No endorsement .

Source : Printed in full in RP , III.131.

20

Order to the sheriffs throughout England, by counsel and assent of the prelates, nobles and lords in the last parliament, to make proclamation of the Statute of Winchester and to ensure that it is kept. By king and council in parliament. Dated 24 March 1382.

Source : CCR 1381-85 , 120.

21

Writs of supersedeas omnino to the 'guardians of the justices of the peace' in various towns, following a petition to the council in parliament, for the revocation of powers formerly granted to the mayor and bailiffs of those towns. By petition in parliament. Dated 9 December 1381.

Source : CCR 1381-85 , 104.

22

Order to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer, following the presentation of a petition to this parliament by Joan, widow of Sir Thomas Felton, to examine certain muniments of hers concerning the manors of Fordham, Wilby, Banham, Greys in Banham and Barrow (Norfolk and Suffolk). Dated 20 December 1381.

Source : CCR 1381-85 , 30, 33.

23

Pardon to Thomas de Farringdon for offences during the recent insurrection of London of which he is indicted, with the assent of divers prelates, earls and lords of parliament. Dated 25 February 1382.

Source : CPR 1381-85 , 103.

24

Protection to the following, upon petition to the king and council in parliament, in their proceedings in parliament against certain evildoers concerning the recent insurrection at Beverley (Yorkshire): Thomas de Beverlay, Adam Coppendale, John de Erghum, John Wellyng, Nicholas de Ryse, William Dudhill and John Gerveis, merchant. Dated 20 December 1381

Source : CPR 1381-85 , 66. (See also CCR 1381-85 , 38, 87).

Footnotes

  • o1381-intfoot-1. Westminster Chronicle , 20-22; St Albans Chronicle 1376-1394 , 566-78; Anonimalle Chronicle 1333-1381 , 154-6.
  • o1381-intfoot-2. For a recent account of the quarrel see K.Towson, 'Hearts warped by passion: The Percy-Gaunt dispute of 1381', Fourteenth Century England III , ed. W. M. Ormrod (Woodbridge, 2004), 143-53.
  • o1381-intfoot-3. CCR 1381-5 , 79-82.
  • o1381-intfoot-4. For general accounts of this parliament, see Tuck, Richard II and the English Nobility , 54-6; Saul, Richard II , 79-82.