Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.
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'Richard II: January 1394', in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, (Woodbridge, 2005) pp. . British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rolls-medieval/january-1394 [accessed 24 April 2024]
In this section
1394 January
Introduction January 1394
Westminster
27 January - 6 March
(C 65/54. RP , III.309-323. SR , II.87-92)
C 65/54 is a roll of eight membranes, each approximately 335mm in width, sewn together in chancery style, and numbered in a later hand. The condition of the roll is good. The text, written in the official script of several scribes, occupies the rectos of the membranes only; the dorses are blank apart from two later headings: on membrane 8, 'Parliamentum tentum apud Westm' in quindena Sancti Hillarii anno regni regis Ricardi secundi decimo septimo', and on membrane 1, 'Parliamentum de anno 17 o R. 2 di ', and later notes where the membranes are joined, 'Parliam' 17 R. 2 pars unica'. The Arabic numerals, and the marginal notes, are of a later date. The roll appears to be complete.
The Winchester parliament of January 1393 was dissolved on 10 February. By mid-March two of the king's uncles, John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, had crossed to France, where they spent much of the next three months locked in talks with the French king's uncles, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, in an attempt to devise a formula whereby the Anglo-French truce might be converted into a final and lasting treaty of peace. By 16 June, it appeared that their efforts might be rewarded, for on that day a draft treaty between the two sides was sealed. Even by this time, however, it had become apparent how much persuading still needed to be done, for during the spring a revolt had broken out in Cheshire and Lancashire, led by local knights such as Thomas Talbot and Nicholas Clifton, the main purpose of which seems to have been to protest against what they believed to be the terms of the Anglo-French treaty. (fn. J1394int-1) In fact it is possible that the rebels objected not so much to the terms of the treaty as to the simple fact that peace now seemed a real possibility, for Cheshire had consistently provided a higher proportion than most counties of the soldiers who fought in English armies during the fourteenth century, and many Cheshiremen might well have seen a lasting peace as a threat to their livelihoods. They also apparently believed that the two dukes, along with Gaunt's son Henry, earl of Derby, had in some way jeopardised the 'ancestral liberties' of the county of Cheshire, and Talbot is said to have threatened to put the three lords to death. At any rate, it took several months and considerable tact (as well as a surprising degree of leniency) on the part of Gaunt in particular to restore order in the north-west and bring the rebel leaders to heel. What the Cheshire rising had done, nevertheless, was to reveal the depth of feeling in certain quarters against any Anglo-French treaty which threatened to surrender the historic claims of the English crown in France, and it was this question, not surprisingly, which was at the top of the agenda when parliament met in January 1394.
Writs for this parliament were issued on 13 November 1393 and, since the king's quarrel with the Londoners had now been patched up, it was to Westminster once again that it was called to meet, on 27 January. (fn. J1394int-2) The names of 249 members of the commons are known: 74 knights and 175 burgesses. John Ipstones, who had been elected as one of the knights of the shire for Staffordshire, was killed on the way to the parliament, a crime for which one Roger Swinnerton was indicted and imprisoned while the parliament was still sitting. This prompted the commons to request that Swinnerton not be bailed, mainperned, or released from prison for any reason whatsoever (Item 23). Strangely, however, Ipstones was still listed among the knights of the shire to whom writs were issued on the last day of the parliament to enable them to claim their expenses for attending, though presumably this was simply an oversight. (fn. J1394int-3)
Edmund Bromfield, bishop of Llandaff, had died in June 1393 and was thus not among the spiritual peers summoned; nor was the prior of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, but otherwise the list of spiritual peers was the same as in January 1393. Among the temporal lords, there were three new summonses: Aubrey de Vere, who had been created earl of Oxford in the previous parliament; Constantine de Clifton, whose father John had been summoned until his death in 1388, but who had only come of age in 1393; and William Heron, the younger son of a Durham knight who had swiftly married Elizabeth, the widow of Sir John de Falvesle, Lord Say, following the latter's death in the previous year. Through his marriage, Heron acquired the title of Lord Say, and continued to be summoned to parliament until his death in 1404. The other peers who had died since the previous parliament had been summoned were John Lord Grey of Codnor, who was replaced by his grandson Richard, and Sir John Devereux, whose son was still a minor (and would in fact die in 1396 without reaching his majority).
Contemporary chroniclers took a considerable interest in the January 1394 parliament, and add important information to our knowledge of the proceedings. The Westminster chronicler and the continuator of the Eulogium Historiarum focused on the debate about the draft Anglo-French peace treaty; Walsingham, however, chose to concentrate on the 'notorious dispute' between John of Gaunt and Richard, earl of Arundel. Up to a point, these two issues were linked, although there is no doubt that it was not just the Anglo-French question which had alienated Arundel. Nor was this the first time that the irascible earl had used parliament to launch an attack on the government: in the Salisbury parliament of April 1384, he had delivered an ill-judged speech which provoked the king to declare that Arundel lied in his teeth and could go to the Devil. (fn. J1394int-4) In January 1394, according to Walsingham, the dispute began with Gaunt accusing Arundel of doing nothing to help to suppress the Cheshire rising during the previous summer, despite the fact that he had been nearby at the time, staying at his castle of Holt (Clwyd) with a large force of knights. In reply, the earl made a 'forceful and very plausible speech justifying his actions', which he followed by extracting from the king permission to be exempted from future attendance at either parliament or the royal council; whereupon he returned to his estates, 'happy in the possession of that liberty'. (fn. J1394int-5)
The account of the outbreak of the quarrel given on the roll of parliament is significantly different from that given by Walsingham. According to the roll (Item 11), it began with Arundel announcing to the king, in the presence of a number of senior prelates and nobles (not including Gaunt), that he had 'certain matters close to his heart' which his conscience bade him reveal. At the core of these 'matters' lay the relationship between the king and Gaunt and, by implication, its impact on English foreign policy over the previous decade or so. It was not to the king's honour, declared Arundel, that the king spent so much time in his uncle's company, or that he personally wore Gaunt's livery of the collar and allowed his own retainers to wear it. Having also accused Gaunt of being overbearing in council meetings, Arundel then went on to claim that the grant of the duchy of Gascony to the king's uncle was 'greatly damaging' to the king, as was the fact that Gaunt had been given such a large sum of money for his Spanish expedition (of 1386). Finally, Arundel raised certain 'matters touching the treaty of peace' - but what exactly these were, the roll does not specify.
Richard's response to these stinging, and very personal, criticisms was both systematic and - if the roll is to be believed - relatively temperate. To the first three charges, the gist of his reply was that it was only natural that there should be some special degree of affection between uncle and nephew, but that he was not aware of treating Gaunt differently from his other two uncles. As to the grant of the duchy of Gascony, and the decision to give Gaunt a sum of money for his Spanish campaign, these had both been made with the full assent of parliament; and as to the Anglo-French treaty, Gaunt had done nothing beyond what he had been charged with as an ambassador, and in any case nothing that had been done was as yet irrevocable.
Having thus rebutted Arundel, it was time to humiliate him. As in the parliament of November 1381 - following another very personal but also very public quarrel, this time with the earl of Northumberland - Gaunt clearly felt that his honour had been impugned and that nothing but a full and public apology would suffice. Both Arundel's complaints and the king's responses were thus brought before the lords in parliament, who agreed with the king that the earl's accusations were 'of no force nor effect', and that Gaunt's 'honour was secure in all respects'. Arundel was then asked if he wished to say anything more on the subject, an invitation which he declined. Instead, he was obliged by the king and the lords to apologise if his words had 'grieved or displeased' Gaunt, and to beseech him to 'stay your anger towards me'. With this, both Gaunt and Richard appear to have been satisfied, although of course no-one could have been left unaware of the deep divisions among the nobility which had been been exposed by Arundel's behaviour, nor is it likely that there were many present who believed that this would be the end of the matter.
Arundel's outburst and subsequent humiliation probably occurred right at the outset of the assembly: the roll speaks of it taking place 'puis le commencement de cest present parlement'. Indeed, it may have been the reason why the first plenary session of the parliament was delayed for a day, until Wednesday 28 January, for there is no suggestion that the commons were in any way involved in the affair. It was, at any rate, on 28 January that Thomas Arundel, the chancellor (and younger brother of Earl Richard), made his opening speech declaring that the parliament had been summoned for three reasons: to ensure peace and order in the realm; to make provision for the 'outlying regions' of the realm such as Calais, Gascony, Ireland and Scotland; and to consider how best to deal with the perils currently facing the realm. He then 'recalled the present peace treaty' - that is, the draft of June 1393, at least parts of which were read out - before reminding the lords and commons that it was with their assent that the war had been begun, and that it was therefore up to them, 'if there were no better outcome', to make financial provision for its continuation (Item 1).
The message could not have been clearer: if parliament did not wish to make peace, it would have to pay for the war which would inevitably follow. Having retired to consider this, the commons once again came before the king on 29 January to announce that they had elected as their speaker Sir John Bussy (or Bushy), knight of the shire for Linconshire (Item 6). Bussy was already an experienced parliamentarian, having sat in each of the previous five parliaments; as the 1390s drew on, he would come increasingly to be associated with Richard's inner circle, and it may be that even in 1394 he was regarded by the king as something of a 'fixer', a man whose influence might help to sway the commons to be more amenable to the royal will. As will be seen, the 'schedule' which Bussy read out in parliament concerning the peace proposals suggests that he had done his best to reconcile the wishes of the king with those of the commons. On the other hand, very little is known of how the commons chose their speakers at this time (indeed, we do not even know the names of any of the speakers of the commons in the parliaments which met between 1386 and 1393), and it may be that he was simply chosen by his fellows for his eloquence and experience.
The debate on the draft treaty must have followed soon after this. The major points at issue between the French and English governments over the previous few years had revolved around the status and territorial extent of the duchy of Gascony, and while the draft treaty included significant concessions by the French with regard to the size of Gascony, its status as an integral part of the kingdom of France was a question on which they were not prepared to compromise: whether it was to be held directly by Richard II or - as proposed in the draft treaty of 1393 - by John of Gaunt and his heirs, Gascony was to be held by liege homage from the king of France. For the English commons too, however, it was this question of liege homage which was the sticking point. The Westminster chronicler, despite confusing the terms of the 1393 treaty with the terms proposed two years earlier, nevertheless makes this abundantly clear. Having heard the treaty read out to them, he said, the commons declared that 'it would be ludicrous for the king of England to do homage and fealty to the French king for [Gascony] and other overseas territories and in fine become his liegeman, with the corollary that every single Englishman having the king of England as his lord would pass under the heel of the French king and be kept for the future under the yoke of slavery.... [Therefore] both the lords and the commons of England refused their consent to an agreement on such terms'. Indeed, he went on, if 'persons of modest status' had put forward such a proposal, they would immediately have been branded as traitors, 'but the duke of Lancaster does as he likes, and nobody brands him'. According to rumours the chronicler had heard, Gaunt had even bribed his brother, the duke of Gloucester, into agreeing to these terms, as a result of which Gloucester, formerly regarded as a stickler for English rights in France, now began to lose popular support. (fn. J1394int-6)
The continuator of the Eulogium Historiarum gives a very different picture of Gloucester's reaction to the peace proposals, although his account is, as so often, confused in both its chronology and its factual detail. It was Gaunt, according to this chronicler, who presented the terms of the draft treaty to parliament in person, declaring that 'there was nothing to be gained from [Richard II] bearing the French arms, and Calais cost more in expenses than the profit to be gained from it'. This was clearly a misunderstanding on the chronicler's part, for in fact one of the terms of the draft treaty was that Calais would continue to be held by the English. (fn. J1394int-7) Nevertheless, he continued, 'the duke of Gloucester and the earls of Arundel and Warwick disagreed entirely'. (fn. J1394int-8) It is, in truth, very difficult to believe that Gloucester opposed the draft treaty, for he had been one of the four English and French royal uncles who had put his seal to it on 16 June 1393 - although it is much easier to believe that Arundel did, and perhaps Warwick too.
As to the lords and commons, the Westminster chronicler was clearly right to say that they expressed severe reservations about the treaty. Their official reaction is recorded in two memoranda included on the roll (Items 16 and 17). The first stated that 'the king, lords, worthy knights and justices' consented to the treaty, but only on three conditions: firstly, that Richard II should not pay liege homage, and that his liberty and that of his subjects should not be compromised; secondly, that if the French were to break the treaty, the king of England should feel free to renew his claim to the French throne; thirdly, that such 'moderations and modifications' to the treaty should be made as to ensure that no confiscation of the duchy of Gascony by the French king (so often the trigger for war) was likely to occur in the future - which meant, in effect, that the scope of French sovereignty and resort over Gascony should be closely defined, in order to avoid potential disputes. The second memorandum was a 'schedule' recited in parliament by John Bussy which, although it was couched in the traditionally deferential language used by the Speaker in addressing the king, made fundamentally the same points. Matters such as liege homage, sovereignty and resort were, he said, too grave to be determined by persons as lowly as the commons. If, on the other hand, the king and lords thought that the homage to be performed for Gascony could be satisfactorily 'moderated', he and his fellows, 'forever obedient and complying with the royal will', were ready to consent to the treaty. He did, however, stress once again that it should still be possible in the event of French hostilities for the English king to re-assert his claim to the French throne, and that the liberties and rights of the English crown and people must be preserved.
It is hardly to be wondered at that the chroniclers misunderstood the precise terms of the peace proposals placed before parliament in January 1394, for these were decidedly complex issues. Nevertheless, there can be little doubt that they represented correctly the mood of the commons, many of the lords and quite possibly the country as a whole. Parliament did not wish to see an English king obliged to pay liege homage to a French king, nor did it wish to see the duchy of Gascony permanently separated from the English crown for the benefit of the house of Lancaster: ergo, the 1393 treaty was unacceptable. The final nail in the coffin of the draft treaty came a few weeks after the parliament ended, when a meeting of Gascon lords and townsmen announced that they would not be ruled by Gaunt, and asserted their right henceforth to be governed solely and directly by the English crown. (fn. J1394int-9) And, although this did not mark the end of either French or English attempts to make the 1393 treaty the basis of a permanent peace between the two kingdoms, such efforts now began to look increasingly forlorn. By the summer of 1396, they had in effect been abandoned, and the two sides were driven back to yet another extension of the truce, albeit on this occasion one which, so it was intended, would last for a generation.
All this was in the future though, and for the moment, as the chancellor had made clear in his opening speech, it was perfectly possible that the consequence of declining to settle for the terms on offer from the French would be a renewal of the war, and for this there would be a price to pay. Thus, while the commons did not actually grant any new subsidies in this parliament, they were prepared to relax the conditions under which the taxes which they had granted in January 1393 might be levied: regardless of the fact that Richard II had not undertaken a military expedition in person, they agreed that tunnage and poundage be restored to its customary rate of twelve pence per pound and three shillings per tun, retrospectively from 30 November 1393, and that the third of the three half fifteenths and tenths conditionally granted at the previous parliament might now be raised and 'put at the disposal of our lord the king and the council, to be spent on the business of the realm, be it peace, truce or war' - in other words, unconditionally (Item 12). For the third parliament in a row, the commons had signalled their willingness to grant direct taxation despite the fact that no war was being fought.
A number of petitions, both private and common, are also worth noting. Among those submitted by the commons, one complained of a shortage of silver halfpennies and farthings in the realm, leading to problems both in giving change for purchases and in giving alms to beggars (Item 38); another requested that patrons of parish churches present 'wise and sufficient curates' to their benefices, reiterating the oft-expressed view in post-Black Death England that the quality of parish priests was in decline (Item 43); a third reflected the continuing unease of the commons, despite the legislation of November 1391, that religious communities were still finding ways of circumventing the Statute of Mortmain and acquire for their own use lands which had previously been held by laymen (Item 32). The private petitions included three which concerned the Londoners (Items 25-27). Two of these related to the government of the city and represented a further stage in the reconciliation between the king and the city following their quarrel in the summer of 1392; the third declared that the population of Farringdon ward had grown so rapidly, both within and outside the walls, that it could no longer be governed as one ward. At the request of the mayor and aldermen, therefore, the king agreed to divide it into two wards, Farringdon Within and Farringdon Without - an indication of the level of migration into the city during the later fourteenth century.
The last private petition worth noting was submitted jointly by the dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester, and called for Thomas Talbot, the leader of the Cheshire rising, to be declared a traitor (Items 20-21). This was duly done, and in May he surrendered and was imprisoned in the Tower, but by April 1395 he had escaped, and in 1397 he was pardoned, to Gaunt's considerable annoyance. (fn. J1394int-10) Indeed, with the exception of the public apology which he had extracted from the earl of Arundel, it is difficult to see how Gaunt, despite dominating the proceedings, can have derived much comfort from the parliament of January 1394. He had failed to secure acceptance of the peace plan from which he stood to be the principal beneficiary and, if the continuator of the Eulogium Historiarum is to be believed, there was another matter too on which he was disappointed. According to this chronicler, it was in this parliament that Gaunt asked that his son Henry (the future Henry IV) be acknowledged as the heir to the throne. His request was based upon the so-called 'Crouchback legend' - that is, the myth that King Edward I had actually been the younger, rather than the elder, brother of Edmund of Lancaster, but that Edmund had been passed over for the succession because he was a hunchback - which, were it true (which it was not), would have meant that successive earls and dukes of Lancaster since 1272 should by rights have been kings of England. Gaunt's claim was contradicted by the earl of March, however, who claimed that he was the heir presumptive, but Richard II ordered both of them to discuss the matter no further. (fn. J1394int-11)
Whether there is any truth in the chronicler's assertion that Gaunt raised the question of the inheritance of the throne in this parliament is difficult to know, but there is no doubt that Richard II's failure to produce an heir, which would shortly be followed (in June 1394) by the death of his queen, Anne of Bohemia, brought the matter of the succession to the forefront of English politics during the last years of his reign, creating new and dangerous sources of conflict within the ranks of the higher nobility. For the moment, however, there were more pressing matters to be dealt with. According to Walsingham, Richard had asked parliament for money because he wished to lead an expedition to Ireland; (fn. J1394int-12) given also that some of the taxes granted by the commons during the early 1390s were specifically on the condition that he lead a campaign in person, the pressure for him to do so may well have been growing. It seems, at any rate, to have been shortly after the dissolution of parliament on Friday 6 March (Item 55) that preparations for an Irish expedition began, although Richard did not actually cross to Waterford, at the head of an army of some seven or eight thousand men, until 1 October. (fn. J1394int-13) Gaunt, meanwhile, departed for Gascony in an attempt to shore up his position there. As a result, neither the king nor his most powerful subject would be present when parliament next met, in January 1395, which meant that it would be a very different assembly from that of January 1394.
Text and translation
| [p. iii-309] | |
| [col. a] | |
| ROTULUS PARLIAMENTI TENTI APUD WESTM' IN QUINDENA SANCTI HILLARII ANNO REGNI REGIS RICARDI SECUNDI POST CONQUESTUM DECIMO SEPTIMO. | THE ROLL OF THE PARLIAMENT HELD AT WESTMINSTER ON THE QUINZAINE OF ST HILARY IN THE SEVENTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING RICHARD THE SECOND SINCE THE CONQUEST [27 January 1394]. |
| [memb. 8] | |
| 1. Fait a remembrer qe marsdy en la quinzeine de Seint Hiller', l'an du regne nostre seignour le roi dis et septisme, q'estoit le primer jour del sommons de cest present parlement, pur certeines et resonables causes moevantz nostre seignour le roi et son conseille, le parlement fuist adjourne par commandement du roi tanqe lendemayn. Et le dit lendemayn, esteant le roi present en parlement, l'ercevesqe d'Everwyk, chanceller d'Engleterre, pronuncea et declara la cause del sommons de cest parlement; et dist primerement qe le roi voloit qe seinte esglise principalment, et puis les seignours espirituels et temporels eient et enjoient lour libertees et franchises si avant come ils les avoient et enjoierent resonablement en temps de ses nobles progenitours rois d'Engleterre, et en son temps demesne. Et auxint, qe citees et burghs eient et enjoient lour libertees et franchises si avant come ils les ont resonablement eu et enjoiez sanz interrupcioun par le temps susdit. Et puis dist qe la somons de cest present parlement si estoit principalment pur trois enchesons. La primere enchesoun si est, d'ordeiner qe pees, quiete, et tranquillite soient fermement tenuz et gardez deinz le roialme. La seconde enchesoun, d'ordeiner suffiseant remede et defens encontre les perils et damages qe vraisemblablement purront avenir au roialme par les enemys dehors; en le quelle article il rehercea la treite de pees q'orest, et coment la guerre fuist comence par assent du parlement, et par tant ils sont tenuz d'eider a la dite guerre si meillour issue n'aveigne. La tierce enchesoun si est, d'ordiner pur les extremitees du roialme, c'estassavoir Guyen', Caleys, Irland, et Escoce: et coment les eides et charges busoignables celle partie purront meutz estre eu et supportez, a greindre eide et profit du roy et du roialme, et meyndre charge du poeple. Et puis dist, coment le roy avoit ordeinez et assignez certeins clercs, pur resceivre peticions des matiers appurtenantz au parlement, et certeins seignours pur trier et respondre mesmes les peticions en manere accustume: des queux clercs et seignours les nouns ensuent: | 1. Be it remembered that on Tuesday on the quinzaine of St Hilary, in the seventeenth year of our lord the king [27 January 1394], which was the first day of the summons of this present parliament, for certain good reasons moving our lord the king and his council, the parliament was adjourned at the king's order until the following day. And on the said following day [28 January 1394], the king being present in parliament, the archbishop of York, chancellor of England, announced and declared the reason for summoning the parliament; and he said first of all that the king willed that holy church principally, and then the lords spiritual and temporal, should have and enjoy their liberties and franchises as they reasonably had and enjoyed them in the time of his noble progenitors the kings of England, and in his own time. And also that the cities and boroughs should have and enjoy their liberties and franchises as they have reasonably had and enjoyed them without interruption since the aforesaid time. And then he said that the present parliament had been summoned chiefly for three reasons. The first reason was to ordain that peace, quiet, and tranquillity be firmly maintained and kept in the realm. The second reason, to ordain sufficient remedy and defence against the perils and injuries which were likely to be inflicted on the kingdom by enemies without; in which article he recalled the present peace treaty, and how the war had been begun with the assent of parliament, and therefore they were the more obliged to support the said war if there were no better outcome. The third reason was to ordain for the outlying regions of the realm, namely Guyenne, Calais, Ireland, and Scotland, and decide how the necessary assistance and charges in the matter might best be found and supported, to the great aid and profit of the king and kingdom, and the least burden to the people. And then he said that the king had ordained certain clerks to receive petitions on matters pertaining to parliament and certain lords to try and to answer the same petitions in the customary manner, the names of which clerks and lords follow: |
| [col. b] | |
| 2. Receivours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales, et Escoce: | 2. Receivers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland: |
| 3. Receivours des peticions de Gascoign', et d'autres terres et paiis depar dela la meer, et les Isles: | 3. Receivers of petitions from Gascony and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands: |
4. Et sont assignez triours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales, et Escoce:
|
4. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland:
|
| - toutz ensemble, ou sys des prelatz et seignours avantditz au meyns; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschalle, et chaumberleyn, et auxint les sergeantz le roi quant y busoignera. Et tiendront lour place en la chaumbre du chaumberleyn, pres de la chaumbre depeynte. | - to act all together, or at least six of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain, and also the king's serjeants when required. And they shall hold their session in the chamberlain's room, near the Painted Chamber. |
| [p. iii-310] | |
| [col. a] | |
| 5. Et sont assignez triours des peticions de Gascoign', et d'autres terres et paiis depar dela la meer, et des Isles: | 5. The following are assigned to be triers of petitions from Gascony and from other lands and countries overseas, and from the Channel Islands: |
| - toutz ensemble, ou sys des prelatz et seignours avauntditz; appellez a eux chanceller, tresorer, seneschalle, et chaumberleyn et auxint les sergeantz le roy quant y busoignera. Et tiendront lour place en la chaumbre marcolf. | - to act all together, or at least six of the aforesaid prelates and lords; consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain, and also the king's serjeants when required. And they shall hold their session in the Marcolf Chamber. |
| Et ceux qe voillent liverer lour peticions les baillent avant parentre cy et meskerdy proschein, le jour accompte. | And those who wish to submit petitions should hand them in between now and Wednesday next, the appointed day [4 February 1394]. |
| < Pour Monsire John Bussy. > | For Sir John Bushy. |
| 6. Joefdy ensuant, les communes presenterent au roi en plein parlement monsire Johan Bussy pur lour commune parlour, et le dit monsire Johan Bussy fist protestacioun en manere accustume: et a cause qe la dite protestacioun sembla honeste et resonable, le roi l'accepta. | 6. On the following Thursday [29 January 1394], the commons presented to the king in full parliament Sir John Bushy as their common speaker, and the said Sir John Bushy made protestation in the accustomed manner: and because the said protestation seemed genuine and reasonable, the king accepted it. |
| < Pour decani et capituli de Lichefeld. > | For the dean and chapter of Lichfield. |
| 7. Memorandum quod in presenti parliamento, pro eo quod videtur curie quod petitio decani et capituli ecclesie Sancti Cedde de Lichefeld', exhibita in parliamento tento apud Westm' anno regni domini nostri regis quintodecimo, (fn. iii-309-27-1) versus priorem de Neuport Paynel de certo errore corrigendo, sufficienti caret materia, consideratum est quod dicta peticio cassetur. | 7. Be it remembered that in the present parliament, because it seemed to the court that the petition of the dean and chapter of the church of Lichfield, shown in the parliament held at Westminster in the fifteenth year of the reign of our lord the king, against the prior of Newport Pagnell, for the correction of a certain error, (fn. iii-309-27-1) lacked sufficient substance, it was decided that the said petition should be cancelled. |
| < Pour John Shepeie, cleric. > | For John Shepeye, cleric. |
| 8. Memorandum quod in presenti parliamento, pro eo quod videtur curie quod peticio magistri Johannis Shepeye, clerici, prebendarii prebende de Nassynton' in ecclesia cathedrali beate Marie Lincoln', exhibita in parliamento tento apud Westm' anno regni domini nostri regis quintodecimo, versus Henricum, priorem de Huntyngdon' de certo errore corrigendo, (fn. iii-309-29-1) sufficienti caret materia, consideratum est quod dicta peticio cassetur. | 8. Be it remembered that in the present parliament, because it seemed to the court that the petition of Master John Shepeye, cleric, prebendary of the prebend of Nassington in the cathedral church of the blessed Mary of Lincoln, shown in the parliament held at Westminster in the fifteenth year of the reign of our lord the king, against Henry, prior of Huntingdon, for the correction of a certain error, (fn. iii-309-29-1) lacked sufficient substance, it was decided that the said petition should be cancelled. |
| < Pour Esmon' Bassett. > | For Edmund Basset. |
| 9. Item, consideratum est quod peticio Edmundi Basset, exhibita in eodem parliamento, de certo errore corrigendo, (fn. iii-309-31-1) continuetur in statu quo nunc est usque ad proximum parliamentum. | 9. Item, it was decided that the petition of Edmund Basset, shown in the same parliament, for the correction of a certain error, (fn. iii-309-31-1) should be adjourned in its present state until the next parliament. |
| [memb. 7] | |
| < Peticion Johan de Windsore. > | The petition of John Windsor. |
| 10. Johannes de Wyndesore exhibuit quandam peticionem suam in presenti parliamento in hec verba: | 10. John Windsor showed a certain petition in the present parliament in these words: |
| A nostre tresredoute et tresexcellent seignour nostre seignour le roi, et a tressages seignours de parlement, supplie Johan de Wyndesore|: qe come monsire Robert de Lisle et le dit Johan se mistrent en les ordinances, agarde et roial juggement nostre dit seignour le roy, de toutz maners debates moevez parentre eux, des manoirs de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, et autres terres et tenementz en le counte de Cantebrigg; sur quoy nostre dit seignour le roi, l'an de son regne quatorzisme, chargea et comanda son tressage conseille d'oier et examiner la debate des manoirs, terres, et tenementz susditz. Sur quoy, devant son dit conseille a Westm', et a les freres prechours [col. b] a Londres, as diverses temps, esteantz illoeqes presentz monsire William de Lisle, frere au dit monsire Robert et monsire William de Lisle, fitz au dit monsire Robert, ses attornes par lettres patentes desouz le seal d'armes le dit monsire Robert et le dit Johan en sa propre persone, la matire du dite debate des manoirs, terres, et tenementz susditz declare d'une part et d'autre, sembloit au dit conseille qe le dit monsire Robert a tort avoit ouste le dit Johan < des manoirs, > terres, et tenementz susditz. Et ceste matire pleinement reportez et monstre a nostre dit seignour le roi, par advys de son conseille ordeigna et decrea qe le dit Johan serroit pleinement restitut a son primer estat as ditz manoirs, terres, et tenementz, ensemblement ove toutes les profitz et issues ent prises puis le dit ouster. Par force des queux ordinance et decre le dit suppliant ad suy diverses briefs, sibien al viscont de Cantebrig' come au dit monsire Robert, de restorer les ditz manoirs, terres et tenementz au dit Johan, a avoir solom la fourme des ordinance et decre susditz. Pendantz quelles, monsire Richard de Scrop' ad purchace les ditz manoirs, terres, et tenementz de dit monsire Robert, a chaumpart encontre l'estatut et ordinance ent faitz, et luy sachant de toutz debates, < juggementz, > decrees, et ordinances avantditz; et les ad aliene a monsire William Scrop' son fitz: et issint null execucioun des briefs nostre dit seignour le roi unqore poet estre fait au dit suppliant, solom la fourme et effect des ditz ordinance et decre, en contempt del roiale mageste nostre dit seignour le roy, arierissement del estat le dit Johan, et desheritesoun s'il ne soit aidez et remede ent ordeinez. | To our most redoubtable and excellent lord our lord the king and the most wise lords of parliament, John Windsor prays that whereas Sir Robert Lisle and the said John submitted themselves to the ordinance, award, and royal judgment of our said lord the king in all manner of disputes moved between them, concerning the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick and other lands and tenements in the county of Cambridge; whereupon our said lord the king, in the fourteenth year of his reign [1390-91], charged and commanded his most wise council to hear and determine the dispute over the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid. Upon which, before his said council at Westminster, and at the house of the Blackfriars [col. b] in London, at various times, there being present Sir William Lisle, brother of the said Sir Robert, and Sir William Lisle, son of the said Sir Robert, his attorneys by letter patent under the seal of arms of the said Sir Robert, and the said John in person, the matter of the said dispute over the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid having been declared by both sides, it seemed to the said council that the said Sir Robert had wrongly ousted the said John from the aforesaid lands and tenements. And the matter being fully reported and explained to our said lord the king, by the advice of his council, he ordained and decreed that the said John should be fully restored to his former estate in the said manors, lands and tenements, together with all the profits and issues taken therefrom since the said ousting. By force of which ordinance and decree the said supplicant sued various writs, as well to the sheriff of Cambridge as to the said Sir Robert, to restore the said manors, lands, and tenements to the said John, to have according to the form of the aforesaid ordinance and decree. Pending which, Sir Richard Scrope purchased the said manors, lands and tenements from the said Sir Robert by champerty against the statute and ordinance thereon made, and with full knowledge of all the disputes, judgments, decrees, and ordinances aforesaid; and he alienated them to Sir William Scrope his son: and so no execution of the writs of our said lord the king can yet be made to the said supplicant, according to the form and effect of the said ordinance and decree, in contempt of the royal majesty of our said lord the king, and to the injury of the estate of the said John, and his disinheritance unless he be given aid and a remedy is ordained. |
| Qe plese au roiale mageste nostre dit seignour le roi, et as tressages discrecions des ditz seignours, d'ordeigner qe le dit suppliant purra estre restitut as ditz manoirs, [...] terres, et tenementz, solom les tresgraciouses ordinance et decre nostre seignour le roi avantditz, pur Dieu, et en oevre de charite. (fn. iii-309-35-1) | May it please the royal majesty of our said lord the king, and the most wise discretions of the said lords, to ordain that the said supplicant be restored to the said manors, lands, and tenements, according to the most gracious ordinance and decree of our aforesaid lord the king, for God and by way of charity. (fn. iii-309-35-1) |
| Et dicta peticione in presencia et audiencia prefati Ricardi in parliamento lecta, et materia in eadem contenta per prefatum Johannem plenius declarata, allegatoque per prefatum Johannem in affirmacionem submissionis hujusmodi diversa munimenta in officio privati sigilli ac eciam in cancellar' existere et residere, preceptum fuit custodi privati sigilli, ac eciam custodi rotulorum cancellarie, quod omnia et singula materiam illam tangencia et in custodia sua existencia in parliamentum deferrent indilate. Qui quidem custos privati sigilli detulit in parliamentum duo scripta sigillo prefati Roberti sigillata; quorum primum sequitur in hec verba: | And the said petition having been read in the presence and hearing of the aforementioned Richard in parliament, and the matter contained in the same having been fully declared by the said John, and the said John alleging there to be and reside in affirmation of his submission various muniments in the office of the privy seal and also in the chancery, it was ordered of the keeper of the privy seal, and also the keeper of the chancery rolls, that each and every document touching the matter and being in their custody be brought to parliament without delay. Which keeper of the privy seal brought to parliament two writings sealed with the seal of the aforementioned Robert; the first of which follows in these words: |
| A toutz yceux qe cestes lettres verront ou orront Robert de Lisle, chivaler, saluz en Dieu. Come nostre tresredoute seignour le roi ad pris en sa mayn la querelle et debate parentre Johan de Wyndesore et moi, come piert par les treshonurables lettres nostre [...] tresredoute seignour a moi ent directz; et purceo qe jeo ne puisse en nulle manere travailler a cause de tresgrant infirmite et maladie dont je su tenuz, et par long temps ay este, sachez moy avoir fait et ordeigne et en mon lieu mys, monsire Johan Worth', chivaler, monsire Robert Bardolf, monsire William Lisle mon frere, et William Lisle le puisne, et deux de eux, mes attournes d'estre devant le dit conseille nostre tresredoute seignour le roi, a jour et lieu en les ditz lettres comprises, a monstrer et declarer devant le dit conseille mon droit, et mes evidences depart moy, solom l'effect des dites treshonourables lettres touchant les dites querelle et debate, eiant ferme et estable qanqe les ditz Johan Worthe, Robert, William, et William, et deux de eux, ferront en mon noun en les choses susdites, come devant est dit. En tesmoignance de quelle chose a ycestes mes lettres patentes j'ay mays mon seal. Doun a Oundeley le septisme jour de Novembre, l'an du regne le roi Richard second puis le conquest quatorzisme. Alterum vero scriptum sequitur in hec verba: | To all those who shall see or hear these letters, Robert Lisle, knight, greeting in God. Whereas our most redoubtable lord the king has taken into his hands the quarrel and dispute between John Windsor and myself, as appears from the most honourable letters of our most redoubtable lord the king addressed to me; and since I cannot travel at all because of the very great infirmity and malady from which I suffer and have long suffered, know that I have appointed and ordained and substituted in my place Sir John Worth, knight, Sir Robert Bardolf, Sir William Lisle my brother, and William Lisle the elder, and any two of them, to be my attorneys before the said council of our most redoubtable lord the king, at the time and place contained in the said letters, to explain and declare my right and my proof before the said council on my behalf, according to the tenor of the said most honourable letters touching the said quarrel and debate, it being confirmed and established when the said John Worth, Robert, William, and William, and two of them, shall act in my name in the aforesaid matters, as was said above. In testimony whereof I have attached my seal to these my letters patent. Given at Oundle, 7 November, in the fourteenth year of the reign of King Richard the second since the conquest [1390]. And the other writing follows in these words: |
| A treshonurable et tressage conseille nostre tresredoute seignour le roy monstre Robert de Lisle, chivaler, [...] come [p. iii-311][col. a] nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi ad pris en sa mayn la querelle parentre Johan de Wyndesore et moy, come par diverses treshonurables lettres nostre dit seignour le roy a moi ent directes pluis pleinement appiert, purceo qe je ne puisse en nulle manere travailer, a cause de tresgrant infirmite et maladie dont jeo su tenuz, et ay este par long temps, supplie et plese receivoir en mon lieu monsire Johan Worthe, monsire Robert Bardolf, monsire William Lisle mon frere, et William le Lisle le puisne, chivalers, et deux de eux, mes attornes, les queux j'ay fait par un autre mon fait patent d'estre devant le dit conseille nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi, a jour et lieu en les dites lettres [...] comprisez, a monstrer et declarer devant le dit conseille mon droit, et mes evidences depart moy, solom l'effect des dites treshonurables lettres touchant la dite querelle et debate pendantz, eiant ferme et estable quanqe les ditz Johan Worthe, Robert, William, et William, et deux de eux, ferront en mon noun en les choses susdites, come devant est dit. En tesmoignance de quelle chose, a ycestes mes lettres patentes j'ay mys mon seal. Doun a Oundeley, le septisme jour de Novembre l'an du regne de nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi [Richard second] puis le conquest quatorzisme. Detulit etiam quandam cedulam de decreto predicto factam, in hec verba: | To the most honourable and most wise council of our most redoubtable lord the king, Robert Lisle, knight, shows that whereas [p. iii-311][col. a] our said most redoubtable lord the king has taken into his hands the case between John Windsor and myself, as plainly appears from various most honourable letters of our said lord the king addressed to me, since I cannot travel at all, because of the very great infirmity and malady from which I suffer and have long suffered, I pray that it please you to receive in my place Sir John Worth, Sir Robert Bardolf, Sir William Lisle, my brother, and William Lisle the elder, knights, and any two of them, as my attorneys, which, by another of my deeds patent, I caused to be before the said council of our said most redoubtable lord the king, at the time and place specified in the said letters, to explain and declare before the said council my right and my proof on my behalf according to the tenor of the said most honourable letters touching the said cause and debate pending, it being confirmed and established when the said John Worth, Robert, William, and William, and any two of them, act in my name in the aforesaid matters, as was said above. In testimony whereof, I have attached my seal to these my letters patent. Given at Oundle, 7 November in the fourteenth year of the reign of our said most redoubtable lord King Richard, the second since the conquest [1390]. He also brought a certain schedule made of the aforesaid decree, in these words: |
| Fait a remembrer qe le roi nostre seignour chargea et comanda son conseille d'oier et examiner le debat parentre monsire Robert de Lisle et Johan de Wyndesore, de les manoirs de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, et autres terres et tenementz illoeqes, en le counte de Cantebrigg', et toute la matire et les circumstances d'icelle, au fyn qe le roi ent pleinement enfourmez, et del avys du dit conseille, poet faire de ceo entre les parties susdites bon fyn et resonable, solonc ceo qe reson et bone conscience demandent. Sur quoy, devant le dit conseille a Westm', et a les freres prechours de Londres, as diverses temps, esteantz illoeqes monsire William de Lisle frere au dit monsire Robert et monsire William de Lisle fitz au dit monsire Robert, attournes le dit monsire Robert en celle partie; et le dit Johan de Wyndesore en propre persone; la matire del dite debate declare d'un part et d'autre, et les parties susdites pleinement oiez et entenduz, sembloit al dit conseille q'il n'avoit nulle defaute du part le dit Johan de Wyndesore, mesqe le dit monsire Robert avoit ouste le dit Johan des manoirs, terres, et tenementz susditz, et unqore les tient, encontre ley et resoun. Et ceste matire pleinement reportez et monstrez au roi nostre seignour a Kenyngton' par le dit conseille le roi, nostre seignour ad ent ordeignez et agardez qe le dit Johan de Wyndesore soit pleinement restitut as ditz manoirs, terres, et tenementz, a tenir en manere, en fourme, et en mesme l'estat come il les tenoit devant l'entre le dit monsire Robert, sanz empeschement ou destourbance du dit monsire Robert, et ses heirs; ensemblement ove toutz les issues et profitz ent prises puis le dit entre. Et qe le dit monsire Robert soit paie de la rente qe fuist a deriere de chescun terme tanqe a jour de restitucioun des manoirs, terres, et tenementz devantditz, faisant ent au dit Johan acquitance suffisant de la date de mesmes les termes et jours as queux ils deussent avoir este paiez. Le .viij. jour de Decembre l'an, etc., .xiiij. e , a Shene, le roi comanda le gardein de son prive seal, en presence de monsire de Guyen', pur faire lettre sur ceste matire. Et predictus custos rotulorum detulit in parliamentum quandam literam de privato sigillo, episcopo Wynton' tunc cancellario directam, de execucione dicti decreti facienda, in hec verba: | Be it remembered that the king our lord charged and ordered his council to hear and examine the dispute between Sir Robert Lisle and John Windsor over the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements there, in the county of Cambridge, and all the substance and circumstances of the same, to the end that the king might be fully informed thereon, and with the advice of the said council bring about a good and reasonable settlement thereof between the aforesaid parties, as reason and good conscience demand. Whereupon, before the said council at Westminster, and at the house of Blackfriars in London, at various times, there being there Sir William Lisle brother of the said Sir Robert, and Sir William Lisle son of the said Sir Robert, attorneys of the said Sir Robert in the matter; and the said John Windsor in person; the matter of the said debate being declared by both parties, and the aforesaid parties fully heard and understood, it seemed to the said council that there was no fault on the part of the said John Windsor, but that the said Sir Robert had ousted the said John from the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, and still held them, contrary to law and reason. And the matter having been fully reported and explained to the king our lord at Kennington by the king's said council, our lord the king ordained and decided that the said John Windsor should be fully restored to the said manors, lands, and tenements, to hold them in the manner, form and estate in which he held them before the entry of the said Sir Robert, without any accusation or hindrance from the said Sir Robert and his heirs, together with all the issues and profits taken from them since the said entry. And that the said Sir Robert be paid the rent which was in arrears from each term until the day of the restitution of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, making to the said John sufficient acquittance for the time of the same terms and days on which they ought to have been paid. On 8 December in the fourteenth year [1390], etc., at Sheen, the king ordered the keeper of his privy seal, in the presence of messire of Guyenne, to write a letter on the matter. And the aforesaid keeper of the rolls brought to parliament a certain letter of privy seal directing the bishop of Winchester, then chancellor, to cause the said decree to be executed, in these words: |
| Richard, par la grace de Dieu, roi d'Engleterre et de France, et seignour d'Irland, a l'onurable pier en Dieu l'evesqe de Wyncestre, nostre chanceller, saluz. Come nous eussions nadgairs comandez et chargez nostre conseille d'oier et examiner le debat moeuz parentre nostre cher et foial Robert de Lisle, chivaler, et nostre bien ame esquier Johan de Wyndesore, [col. b] de les manoirs de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, et autres terres et tenementz illoeqes, en counte de Canterbrigg', et toute la matire et les circumstances d'icelle, au fyn qe nous ent pleinement enfourmez, et de l'avys de nostre dit conseill, puissons faire de ceo entre les parties susdites bon fyn et resonable, solonc ceo qe reson et bone conscience demanderent ent en celle partie. Sur quoy, devant mesme nostre conseille a Westm', et a les freres prechours de nostre cite de Londres, as diverses temps, esteantz illoeqes noz chers et foialx William de Lisle, chivaler, frere au dit Robert, et William de Lisle, fitz a mesme celuy Robert, ses attournes en ce cas, et le dit Johan de Wyndesore en propre persone, la matire du dit debat declare d'une part et d'autre, et les parties susdites pleinement oiez et entenduz, sembloit a nostre dit conseille q'il n'avoit nulle defaut de la part du dit Johan, mesqe le dit Robert avoit ouste le dit Johan des manoirs, terres, et tenementz susditz, et unqore le dit Robert les tient, encontre ley et reson, a ceo qe nous sumes certeinement enfourmez. Et ceste matire pleinement reportez et monstrez a nous a Kenyngton' par nostre dit conseille, avons ent ordeinez et agardez qe le dit Johan soit pleinement restitut as ditz manoirs, terres et tenementz, a tenir en manere, fourme, et en mesme l'estat come le dit Johan les tenoit devant l'entre du dit Robert, sanz destourbance ou empeschement du dit Robert et de ses heirs; ensemblement ovesqe toutz les issues et profitz ent prisez apres le dit entre. Et qe le dit Robert soit paie de la rente qe fuist a deriere < de > chescun terme tanqe au < jour > de restitucioun des manoirs, terres, et tenementz avantditz, faisant ent au dit Johan acquitance sufficeante de la date de mesme les termes et jours as queux le dit rente deust avoir este paiez. Vos mandons qe vous facez faire < noz > briefs desouz nostre grant seal en due fourme au dit Robert, q'il face restitucioun a mesme celuy Johan des manoirs, terres, et tenementz susditz, a tenir en manere, fourme et en mesme l'estat come le dit Johan les tenoit devant l'entre du dit Robert, sanz destourbance ou empeschement de mesme celuy Robert et de ses heirs, ensemblement ovesqe toutz les issues et profitz ent prises apres l'entre susdit. Et qe le dit Robert soit paiez par le dit Johan de le rent qe fuist a deriere de chescun terme tanqe au jour de restitucioun des manoirs, terres, et tenementz avantditz, fesant ent au dit Johan acquitance sufficeante de la date de mesmes les termes et jours as queux le dit rent deust avoir este paiez, come avant est dit: et auxi a nostre viscont du dit counte de Cantebrigg', q'il soit entendant et face tantcome en luy est, qe restitucioun et due accomplissement soient faitz < par > manere desuis expressez. Doun souz nostre prive seal a Westm', le .ix. jour de Decembr' l'an de nostre regne quatorzisme. Necnon irrotulamentum cujusdam brevis prefato Roberto, de maneriis, terris, et tenementis predictis eidem Johanni restituendis; quod quidem irrotulamentum sequitur in hec verba: | Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, to the honourable father in God the bishop of Winchester, our chancellor, greeting. Whereas we lately ordered and charged our council to hear and examine the dispute moved between our dear and faithful Robert Lisle, knight, and our well beloved squire John Windsor, [col. b] over the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements there in the county of Cambridge, and all the matter and circumstances thereof, that we might be fully informed, and with the advice of our said council might bring about a good and reasonable settlement between the aforesaid parties, as reason and good conscience demand in the matter. Whereupon, before our same council at Westminster, and at the house of Blackfriars in our city of London, at various times, there being present our dear and faithful William Lisle, knight, brother to the said Robert, and William Lisle son of the same Robert, his attorneys in the case, and the said John Windsor in person, the substance of the said dispute having been declared by both parties, and the aforesaid parties having been fully heard and understood, it seemed to our said council that there was no fault on the part of the said John, but that the said Robert had ousted the said John from the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, and still the said Robert held them, contrary to law and reason, as we are reliably informed. And the matter having been fully reported and explained to us at Kennington by our said council, we have ordained and adjudged that the said John be fully restored to the said manors, lands, and tenements, to hold them in the manner, form, and same state as he held them before the entry of the said Robert, without the hindrance or accusation by the said Robert and his heirs; together with all the issues and profits taken from them after the said entry. And that the said Robert be paid for the rent which was in arrears from each term until the day of the restitution of the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements, making to the said John sufficient acquittance of the dates of those terms and days on which the said rent ought to have been paid. We order that you cause our writs to be made to the said Robert under our great seal in due form, that he restore to the same John the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, to be held in the manner, form and same state as the said John held them before the entry of the said Robert, without disturbance or accusation by the same Robert and his heirs, together with all the issues and profits taken from them after the aforesaid entry. And that the said Robert be paid by the said John for the rent which was in arrears for each term until the day of the restitution of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, making to the said John sufficient acquittance of the dates of those terms and days on which the said rent ought to have been paid, as was said above: and also to our sheriff of the said county of Cambridge, that he assist and do whatsoever he can to ensure that restitution and due execution be made in the manner described above. Given under our privy seal at Westminster, 9 December in the fourteenth year of our reign [1390]. And also he brought the enrolment of a certain writ to the aforementioned Robert concerning the restitution of the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements to the same John; which enrolment follows in these words: |
| Ricardus, Dei gracia, rex Anglie et Francie, et dominus Hibernie, dilecto et fideli suo Roberto de Lisle, chivaler, salutem. Cum nuper preceperimus et oneraverimus consilium nostrum ad audiendum et terminandum quandam debatam motam inter vos et dilectum armigerum nostrum Johannem de Wyndesore, de maneriis de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, ac aliis terris et tenementis ibidem in comitatu Cantebr', ac totam materiam et circumstancias ejusdem, ad finem quod nos inde plene informati, de avisamento dicti consilii nostri bonum et racionabilem finem inter partes predictas, juxta id quod racio et pia consciencia in hac parte exigunt, facere possemus: super quo, tam dilectis et fidelibus nostris Willelmo de Lisle, chivaler, fratre vestro, et Willelmo de Lisle filio vestro, attornatis vestris in hac parte, quam prefato Johanne de Wyndesore, coram dicto consilio nostro apud Westm', et apud domum fratrum predicatorum in [p. iii-312][col. a] civitate nostra London', in propriis personis suis comparentibus, ac materia hujusmodi debate hinc inde declarata, auditisque eisdem partibus plenius et intellectis, videbatur dicto consilio nostro quod [nulla] ex parte ipsius Johannis habebatur defalta, set quod vos prefatum Johannem de maneriis, terris, et tenementis predictis expulistis et amovistis, et ea contra legem et racionem adhuc detinetis, prout certitudinaliter informati sumus. Ac materia illa nobis apud Kenyngton' par consilium nostrum monstrata et reportata, ordinavimus et decrevimus quod idem Johannes ad maneria, terras, et tenementa predicta plene restituatur, tenenda modo, forma, et in eodem statu quo predictus Johannes ea ante ingressum vestrum tenuit, absque perturbacione vel impeticione vestri < et > heredum vestrorum, una cum omnibus exitibus et proficuis inde post dictum ingressum [...] perceptis, et quod vobis solvatur de redditu qui a retro fuit de quolibet termino usque diem restitucionis maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum supradictorum; faciendo inde eidem Johanni sufficientem acquietanciam, de data terminorum et dierum predictorum ad quos dictus redditus solvi debuisset. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Johanni maneria, terras et tenementa predicta restitui facietis; habenda modo, forma, et in eodem statu quo predictus Johannes ea ante ingressum vestrum tenuit, absque perturbacione vel impeticione vestri, et heredum vestrorum, una cum omnibus exitibus et proficuis inde post hujusmodi ingressum perceptis. Volumus tamen quod vobis solvatur per prefatum Johannem, de redditu qui a retro fuit de quolibet termino usque ad diem restitucionis maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum predictorum: et quod vos inde facietis eidem Johanni sufficientem acquietanciam, de data terminorum et dierum predictorum ad quos dictus redditus solvi deberet, ut predictum est. Teste meipso apud Westm' .viij. die Decembris, anno regni nostri quartodecimo. Ac etiam irrotulamentum cujusdam alterius brevis vicecomiti Cantebr' de intendendo in hac parte directi, quod sequitur in hec verba: | Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to his beloved and faithful Robert Lisle, knight, greeting. Whereas lately we ordered and charged our council to hear and determine a certain dispute moved between you and our beloved squire John Windsor over the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements of the same in the county of Cambridge, and all the matter and circumstances of the same, that we might be fully informed thereon, and with the advice of our said council bring about a good and reasonable settlement between the aforesaid parties, as reason and good conscience demand: whereupon, our beloved and faithful William Lisle, knight, your brother, and William Lisle, your son, your attorneys in the matter, as well as the aforementioned John Windsor, before our said council at Westminster, and at the house of Blackfriars in [p. iii-312][col. a] our city of London, having appeared in person, and the substance of the dispute having been declared by both parties, and the same parties having been fully heard and understood, it seemed to our said council that there was no fault on the part of the said John, but that you expelled and removed the aforementioned John from the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, and detain them still contrary to law and reason, as we have been reliably informed. And the matter having been explained and reported to us at Kennington by our council, we ordained and decreed that the same John be restored to the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements, holding them in the same manner, form and state in which he held them before your entry, without disturbance or hindrance from you and your heirs, together with all the issues and profits received from them since the said entry, and that you be paid for the rent which was in arrears from that time until the day of the restitution of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid; making to the same John sufficient acquittance for the dates of the aforesaid terms and days on which the said rent ought to be have been paid. And so we order that you cause the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements to be restored to the same John, to be held in the manner, form and the same state in which he held them before your entry, without hindrance or accusation from you or your heirs, together with all issues and profits received therefrom since that entry. We will, nevertheless, that you be paid by the aforementioned John for the rent which was in arrears from that time until the day of the restitution of the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements: and that you make to the same John sufficient acquittance of the dates of the terms and days aforesaid on which the said rent ought to have been paid, as said above. Witness myself at Westminster, 8 December in the fourteenth year of our reign [1390]. And he brought also a certain enrolment of another writ de intendendo addressed to the sheriff of Cambridge regarding the matter, which follows in these words: |
| Ricardus, Dei gracia, rex Anglie et Francie, et dominus Hibernie, vicecomiti Cantebr', salutem. Cum nuper preceperimus et oneraverimus consilium nostrum ad audiendum et terminandum quandam debatam motam inter dilectum et fidelem nostrum Robertum de Lisle, chivalerum, et dilectum amigerum nostrum Johannem de Wyndesore, de maneriis de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, ac aliis terris et tenementis ibidem in comitatu tuo, ac totam materiam et circumstancias ejusdem, ad finem quod nos inde plene informati, de avisamento dicti consilii nostri bonum et racionabilem < finem > inter partes predictas, juxta id quod racio et pia consciencia in hac parte exigunt, facere possemus. Super quo, tam dilectis et fidelibus nostris Willelmo de Lisle, chivaler, fratre predicti Roberti, et Willelmo de Lisle, filio ejusdem Roberti, attornatis suis in hac parte, quam prefato Johanne de Wyndesore, coram dicto consilio nostro apud Westm', et apud domum fratrum predicatorum in civitate nostra London', in propriis personis suis comparentibus, ac materia hujusmodi debate hinc inde declarata, auditisque partibus eisdem plenius et intellectis, videbatur dicto consilio nostro quod nulla ex parte ipsius Johannis habebatur defalta, set quod predictus Robertus prefatum Johannem de maneriis, terris et tenementis predictis expulit et ammovit, et ea contra legem et racionem adhuc detinet, prout certitudinaliter informati sumus. Ac materia illa nobis apud Kenyngton' per consilium nostrum monstrata et reportata, ordinavimus et decrevimus quod idem Johannes ad maneria, terras et tenementa predicta plene restituatur, tenend' modo, forma, et in eodem statu, quo predictus Johannes ea ante ingressum ipsius Roberti tenuit, absque perturbacione vel impeticione predicti Roberti et heredum suorum, una cum omnibus exitibus et proficuis inde post dictum ingressum perceptis, et quod eidem Roberto solvatur de redditu qui a retro fuit de quolibet termino usque diem [col. b] restitucionis maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum supradictorum; faciendo inde eidem Johanni sufficientem acquietanciam, de data terminorum et dierum predictorum ad quos dictus redditus solvi debuisset. Et ideo tibi precipimus quod circa restitucionem maneriorum, terrarum et tenementorum predictorum, ac debitum justicie complementum eidem Johanni juxta vim, formam, et effectum ordinacionis et decreti predictorum faciendum, quantum in te est intendens sis in omnibus, prout decet. Teste me ipso apud Westm', .viij. die Decembris, anno regni nostri quarto decimo. | Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to the sheriff of Cambridge, greeting. Whereas lately we ordered and charged our council to hear and determine a certain dispute moved between our beloved and faithful Robert Lisle, knight, and our beloved squire John Windsor, over the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements of the same in your county, and all the matter and circumstances of the same, that we might be fully informed, and with the advice of our said council bring about a good and reasonable settlement between the aforesaid parties, as reason and good conscience require. Whereupon, our beloved and faithful William Lisle, knight, brother of the aforesaid Robert, and William Lisle, son of the same Robert, his attorneys in the matter, as well as the aforementioned John Windsor, before our said council at Westminster, and at the house of Blackfriars in our city of London, appearing in person, and the substance of the debate having been declared by both parties, and the same parties having been fully heard and understood, it seemed to our said council that there was no fault on the part of the same John, but that the aforesaid Robert had expelled and removed the aforementioned John from the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, and detained them still against law and reason, as we have been reliably informed. And the matter having been explained and reported to us at Kennington by our council, we ordained and decreed that the same John be fully restored to the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements, holding them in the same manner, form, and state in which he held them before the entry of the same Robert, without disturbance or hindrance from the aforesaid Robert and his heirs, together with all the issues and profits received therefrom since the said entry, and that the same Robert be paid for the rent which was in arrears from that time until the day [col. b] of the restitution of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid; making to the same John sufficient acquittance of the dates of the aforesaid terms and days on which the said rent ought to have been paid. And therefore we order that you strive in all ways and as best you can to restore the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements, and do full justice due to the same John according to the force, form, and effect of the aforesaid ordinance and decree, as ought to be done. Witness myself at Westminster, 8 December in the fourteenth year of our reign [1390]. |
| Ac lectis et auditis scriptis, cedula, litera, et irrotulamentis predictis, predictus Ricardus dicit quod predictus Robertus postmodum exhibuit quandam peticionem suam domino regi, humiliter supplicando, quatinus dignaretur eidem domino regi permittere, quod dicta clameum et debata inter ipsum Johannem et prefatum Robertum sic pendencia, secundum legem et consuetudinem regni Anglie discuti possent et terminari, aliqua ordinacione sive decreto per ipsum dominum regem in contrarium facta vel facto non obstante. Et quod idem dominus rex misit peticionem < illam > in quadam litera de privato sigillo suo inclusam prefato episcopo Wynton' tunc cancellar', ut premittitur, volendo, et per eandem literam eidem cancellario demandando quod literas patentes sub magno sigillo ipsius domini regis, juxta tenorem supplicacionis ipsius Roberti in hac parte, fieri faceret indilate. Quodque dominus rex, per literas suas patentes in hac parte factas, voluit et concessit quod clameum et debata inter prefatos Johannem et Robertum in hac parte pendencia, secundum legem et consuetudinem regni Anglie discuterentur et terminarentur, aliqua ordinacione seu decreto per ipsum dominum regem in contrarium facta vel facto non obstante. Et super hoc vocat rotulos et filacias cancellarii ad warantum. Et predictus < custos > rotulorum de precepto regis, ut premittitur, sibi facto, detulit in parliamentum dictam peticionem ipsius Roberti, que sequitur in hec verba: | And the aforesaid writings, schedule, letter, and enrolments having been read and heard, the aforesaid Richard said that the aforesaid Robert later showed a certain petition to the lord king, humbly requesting that the king might deign to allow the said claim and dispute between that John and the aforementioned Robert thus pending to be discussed and settled according to the law and custom of the kingdom of England, notwithstanding any ordinance or decree made or to be made by the lord king to the contrary. And that the same lord king sent that petition enclosed in a certain letter of privy seal to the aforementioned bishop of Winchester, then chancellor, as said above, willing, and by the same letter to the same chancellor requiring, that he cause a letter patent under the great seal of the lord king to be made without delay, according to the tenor of the request of this Robert in that matter. And that the lord king, by his letters patent made in the matter, willed and granted that the claim and dispute pending between the aforementioned John and Robert should be discussed and settled according to the law and custom of the kingdom of England, notwithstanding any ordinance or decree made or to be made by the lord king to the contrary. And thereupon he called the rolls and files of chancery to warrant. And the aforesaid keeper of the rolls, by order of the king made to him, brought to parliament the said petition of this Robert, which follows in these words: |
| A tresexcellent et tresredoute seignour nostre seignour le roi supplie humblement Robert de Lisle, chivaler, qe come vous nadgairs avoiastes pris en vostre mayn les claym et debate pendantz parentre Johan de Wyndesore, esquier, demandant, et le dit Robert tenant, touchant les manoirs de Rampton', Cotenham, et Westwyk, et d'autres terres et tenementz en le counte de Cantebr', les queux cleym et debate touchent la commune ley de vostre roialme, et sanz due proces de ceo ne purront bonement estre finez ne terminez. | To the most excellent and most redoubtable lord our lord the king. Robert Lisle, knight, humbly prays that whereas of late you have taken into your hands the claim and dispute pending between John Windsor, esquire, demandant, and the said Robert tenant, touching the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements in the county of Cambridge, which claim and dispute touch the common law of your kingdom, and may not be well ended and determined without due process. |
| Qe plese a vostre roiale mageste de soeffrer les ditz cleym et debate issy pendantz entre les parties susdites estre discussez et terminez par la cours de commune ley de vostre dit roialme, et solonc les usages d'icelle, siqe droit purra estre fait a mesmes les parties tochant les cleym et debate des manoirs, terres, et tenementz avantditz, ascune ordinance ou decre par vous fait a contraire nient obstantz. Et outre ce, de vostre grace especiale, et pur la greindre surete du dit Robert, granter a luy par voz lettres patentes q'il ne soit empesche, moleste, ne greve ascunement enapres, par vous, voz heirs, ou par ascun autre en vostre noun, par enchesoun q'il ne fesoit restitucioun au dit Johan des manoirs, terres et tenementz susditz, solonc l'ordinance et decre avantditz, et solonc le tenour de vostre brief tochantz les ditz ordinance et decre au dit Robert ent directz. Et qe le dit suppliant ne soit molestez ne grevez en temps avenir, a cause de sa noun venue devant vous a vostre chastelle de Wyndesore, a le fest de Seint George darrein passe, de ceo q'il avoit en mandement par vostre brief, pur y respondre devant vous a certeines choses vous adonqes moevantz, sur la peine de cynk centz livers. A quel jour il ne venoit, ne ne purroit venir, a cause de grant infirmite en la quelle fuist, et est unqore tenuz, pur Dieu et en oevre de charite. Ac dictam literam de privato sigillo, [p. iii-313][col. a] que sequitur in hec verba: | May it please your royal majesty to allow the said claim and dispute thus pending between the aforesaid parties to be discussed and determined by the course of the common law of your said realm, and according to the usages of the same, so that right may be done to the same parties touching the claim and dispute over the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements, notwithstanding any ordinance or decree made by you to the contrary. And furthermore, of your special grace, and for the greater surety of the said Robert, may it please you to grant him by your letters patent that he be not accused, harassed, nor injured in any way hereafter by you, your heirs, or by any other in your name, because he did not restore to the said John the manors, lands and tenements aforesaid, according to the aforesaid ordinance and decree, and according to the tenor of your writ touching the said ordinance and decree directed to the said Robert. And that the said supplicant not be molested or injured in time to come because of his failure to come before you at your castle of Windsor on the feast of St George last [23 April 1391], for that he had a mandate by your writ to answer there before you to certain things then moving you, on pain of five hundred pounds. On which day he did not come, nor could he come, because of a serious infirmity from which he suffered and still suffers, for God and by way of charity. And he also brought the said letter of privy seal, [p. iii-313][col. a] which follows in these words: |
| Richard, par la grace de Dieu, roi d'Engleterre et de France, et seignour d'Irland, a l'onurable pier en Dieu l'evesqe de Wyncestre, nostre chanceller, saluz. Nous vous envoions clos deinz cestes, une supplicacioun a nous baillez par nostre cher et foial Robert de Lisle, chivaler, tochant la debate pendant parentre luy et Johan de Wyndesore, esquier, pur les manoirs de Rampton, Cotenham, et Westwyk, et d'autres terres et tenementz en counte de Cantebr', sicome en la dite supplicacioun est contenuz pluis au plein. Si volons et vous mandons qe veue et entendue mesme la supplicacioun, et la matire comprise en ycelle, facez faire noz lettres patentes desouz nostre grant seal en due fourme au dit Robert, solonc la contenue de la supplication avantdite. Doun souz nostre prive seal, a Westm', le .xxvij. jour de Juyll l'an de nostre regne quinzisme. Necnon irrotulamentum dictarum literarum patencium, quod quidem irrotulamentum sequitur in hec verba: | Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to the honourable father in God the bishop of Winchester, our chancellor, greeting. We send you enclosed in these a supplication submitted to us by our dear and faithful Robert Lisle, knight, touching the dispute pending between him and John Windsor, squire, over the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements in the county of Cambridge, as is contained more fully in the said request. So we will and order that having seen and understood the same supplication, and the matter contained in the same, you cause to be made our letters patent under our great seal in due form to the said Robert, according to the content of the aforesaid supplication. Given under our privy seal at Westminster, on 27 July in the fifteenth year of our reign [1391]. And he also brought the enrolment of the said letters patent, which enrolment follows in these words: |
| Ricardus, Dei gracia, rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibernie, omnibus ad quos presentes litere pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod cum nuper cepimus in manum nostram clameum et debatam pendencia inter Johannem de Wyndesore, armigerum, et dilectum et fidelem nostrum Robertum de Lisle, chivaler, tangencia maneria de < Rampton, > Cotenham, et Westwyk, ac alia terras et tenementa in comitatu Cantebr': que quidem clameum et debata tangunt communem legem regni nostri, et absque debito processu legis ejusdem regni bene non poterunt [memb. 6] finiri neque terminari: nos, de gratia nostra speciali, ad supplicacionem ipsius Roberti, volumus et concedimus quod dicta clameum et debata inter partes predictas sic pendencia, per cursum legis communis regni nostri predicti, et secundum consuetudines ejusdem, discuciantur et terminentur: ita quod justicia tangens clameum et debatam maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum predictorum dictis partibus fieri poterit, aliqua ordinacione seu decreto per nos in contrarium factis non obstantibus. | Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France and lord of Ireland, to all those to whom these present letters may come, greeting. Know that whereas lately we took into our hands the claim and dispute pending between John Windsor, squire, and our beloved and faithful Robert Lisle, knight, touching the manors of Rampton, Cottenham, and Westwick, and other lands and tenements in the county of Cambridge: which claim and dispute touch the common law of our realm, and cannot be settled nor well determined without the due process of law of the same kingdom: [memb. 6] we, of our special grace, at Robert's own supplication, will and grant that the said claim and dispute between the aforesaid parties thus pending be discussed and determined by the course of the common law of our aforesaid kingdom, and according to the customs of the same: so that justice may be done to the said parties touching the claim and dispute over the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid, notwithstanding any ordinance or decree made by us to the contrary. |
| Volumus eciam, pro majori securitate ipsius Robert, et tenore presencium concedimus quod ipse per nos vel heredes nostros, seu per aliquem alium nomine nostro, eo quod ipse < eidem Johanni > restitucionem maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum non fecit, juxta ordinacionem et decretum supradicta, ac secundum tenorem brevis nostri dicta ordinacionem < et decretum > tangentis, eidem Roberto inde directi, seu occasione non adventus sui coram nobis apud castrum nostrum de Wyndesore ad festum Sancti Georgii proxime preteritum, sicut per breve nostrum habuit in mandatis, ad respondendum ibidem coram nobis sub pena quingentarum librarum, super quibusdam ei tunc ex parte nostra objiciendum, quo die occasione magne infirmitatis venire non potuit, ut dicit, futuris temporibus non impetatur, molestetur in aliquo, seu gravetur. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westm' .xxvij. die Julii anno regni nostri quintodecimo. | We also will, for the greater surety of Robert, and do grant by the tenor of the present, that he shall not in future be accused, harassed, or in any way injured by us or our heirs, nor by anyone in our name, because he did not make restitution of the aforesaid manors, lands, and tenements to the same John, according to the ordinance and decree aforesaid, and according to the tenor of our writ touching the said ordinance and decree thus directed to the same Robert, nor on the grounds of his failure to appear before us at our castle at Windsor on the feast of St George last [23 April 1391], as he was ordered by our writ, to answer there before us on pain of five hundred pounds, on a certain matter to be put to him on our behalf, on which day he could not come because of a great infirmity, as he said. In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness myself at Westminster on 27 July in the fifteenth year of our reign [1391]. |
| Et ulterius predictus Ricardus, in excusacionem suam de cambipartia hujusmodi, plane declaravit et exposuit coram domino rege et dominis in parliamento, modum et formam adquisicionis maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum predictorum. Et omnibus predictis scriptis, cedulis, peticionibus, literis, et irrotulamentis in parliamento lectis et auditis; ac eciam audita declaracione ipsius Ricardi de modo et forma adquisicionis maneriorum, terrarum, et tenementorum predictorum, ut premittitur, quesitum est a prefato Johanne de Wyndesore, si aliquid aliud velit vel sciat dicere vel monstrare quod submissionem prefati Roberti in hac parte poterit approbare, quam superius < declaratur. > Qui quidem Johannes nichil aliud in effectu < ibidem > de submissione predicta allegavit nec monstravit. Et premissis omnibus et singulis [...] auditis et diligenter examinatis, ac plenius < intellectis, videtur > domino regi, et dominis in parliamento, et per ipsos declaratur quod non [col. b] fuit nec habebatur aliqua cambipartia in adquisicione predicta, nec aliqua submissio prefati Roberti in materia antedicta. Ideo per prefatum dominum regem et dominos in parliamento tam spirituales quam temporales, consideratum est quod predictus Johannes nichil capiat per peticionem suam predictam, et quod predictus Ricardus eat inde quietus. Ac quod predictus Johannes prosequatur ad communem legem in hac parte, si sibi viderit expedire; prout alias ad supplicationem predicti Roberti per ipsum dominum regem ordinatum extitit et concessum. | And further the aforesaid Richard, in excusing himself of such champerty, clearly declared and explained before the lord king and lords in parliament the manner and form of the acquisition of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid. And all the aforesaid writings, schedules, petitions, letters, and enrolments having been read and heard in parliament; and also the declaration of that Richard on the manner and form of the acquisition of the manors, lands, and tenements aforesaid having been heard, as said above, the aforementioned John Windsor was asked whether he wished or knew of anything to say or show that might corroborate the submission of the aforementioned Robert in the matter, as is declared above. Which John did not allege nor show anything else to that effect concerning the aforesaid submission. And each and every one of the aforesaid things having been heard and diligently examined, and fully understood, it seemed to the lord king, and the lords in parliament, and was declared by them that there neither was [col. b] nor had been had any champerty in the aforesaid acquisition, nor any submission of the said Robert in the aforesaid matter. Therefore by the aforementioned lord king and the lords in parliament both spiritual and temporal it was decided that the aforesaid John should take nothing by his aforesaid petition, and that the aforesaid Richard should be quit thereof. And that the aforesaid John should prosecute at common law in the matter, if it seemed expedient to him, as otherwise at the request of the aforesaid Robert by this lord king was ordained and granted. |
| < Richard, count d'Arundell. > | Richard, earl of Arundel. |
| 11. Fait a remembrer qe Richard count d' Arundell' puis le comencement de cest present parlement disoit au roy, en presence des archevesqes de Canterbirs et d'Everwyk, le duc de Gloucestr', les evesqes de Wyncestre et Saresbirs, le count de Warrewyk, et autres, q'il avoit certeines matires qe luy gisoient si pres al coer, q'il ne les purroit en null manere celer de conscience, pur honour et profit nostre dit seignour le roy et son roialme: queux matires alors il monstra a nostre dit seignour le roi et declara en especial come ensuit. Primerement, q'il sembla au dit count q'il fuist encontre l'onour nostre dit seignour le roi qe son uncle le duc de Guyene et de Lancastre alast sovent en mayne et brace du roi. Item, qe le roy deust porter la livere de coler le duc de Guyene et de Lancastr'. Item, qe gentz de retenue de roi portent mesme la livere. Item, qe le dit duc de Guyene sovent en conseille et parlementz parle si grosses paroles et aspres, qe le dit count et autres n'oserent < sovent > dire pleinement lour entente. Item, qe ce fuist grantment encontre le roi q'il avoit done a mesme le duc la duche de Guyene. Item, qe le roy avoit done a mesme le duc si grande somme de monoie pur la viage d'Espaigne. Item, touchant la treitee de paix. | 11. Be it remembered that after the beginning of this present parliament Richard earl of Arundel said to the king, in the presence of the archbishops of Canterbury and York, the duke of Gloucester, the bishops of Winchester and Salisbury, the earl of Warwick and others, that he had certain matters close to his heart which he could by no means for the honour and profit of our said lord king and his realm conceal from his conscience: which matters he then expounded to our said lord the king and made a special declaration as follows. First, that it seemed to the said earl that it was against the honour of our said lord the king that his uncle the duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster should be so often in the close company of the king. Also, that the king should wear the livery of the collar of the duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster. Also, that the men of the king's retinue should wear the same livery. Also, that the said duke of Guyenne often spoke such harsh and overbearing words in council and parliaments that the said earl and others often dared not declare their full intent. Also, that it was greatly damaging to the king that he had given the duchy of Guyenne to the same duke. Also, that the king had given to the same duke so large a sum of money for the expedition to Spain. And also, matters touching the treaty of peace. |
| A qei nostre seignour le roi alors respondi au dit count, quant a primer article qe nostre seignour le roi mesmes fist et fait mesme son uncle, come il fait en absence de mesme son uncle ses autres uncles, aler en sa mayn ou brace. Item, quant al secunde article, nostre dit seignour le roi disoit qe bien tost apres la venue son dit uncle de Guyene quant il vient d'Espaigne darrein en Engleterre, qe mesme nostre seignour le roi prist le coler du cool mesme son uncle, et mist a son cool demesne; et dist q'il vorroit porter et user en signe de bon amour et d'entier coer entre eux, auxi come il fait des liveres ses autres uncles. Item, quant au tierce, < nostre > seignour le roi disoit qe ceo fuist de counge de luy, et de sa volunte, qe gentz de sa retenue portent et usent mesme la livere de coler. Item, quant a quarte article, nostre seignour le roi disoit qe le dit count, et toutz autres, purroient bien dire < pleinement lour entente > pur rien q'il avoit oie de son dit uncle en conseille, ou en parlement. Item, quant a quint article touchant le doun de la duche de Guyene, responduz fuist qe mesme le doun estoit fait par assent de toutz estatz en plein parlement. Item, quant al sisme article touchant la somme de monoie pur le viage d'Espaigne, respondu fuist qe la moite de mesme la somme, c'estassavoir .xx. mille marcz, furent donez et grantez par assent de toutz estatz en parlement: et l'autre moite apreste. Apres quelle temps le dit duc de Guyene fuist en service le roi, et auxint rescua le chastelle de Brest, siqe le roy luy devoit pur mesme le service molt plus grant somme qe les ditz .xx. mille marcz aprestez, sur quei il fuist prest, et profra d'avoir accompte. Mes purce q'il fuist bien conuz a nostre seignour le roi et a son conseille qe mesme nostre seignour le roi demurroit en dette au dit duc outre la dite somme appreste; mesme la somme, pur profit du roi, par assent du parlement, fuist pardonez, et le dit duc renouncea ceo qe luy fuist due pur son service avantdit. Item, quant au septisme touchant la [p. iii-314][col. a] treitee de paix, responduz fuist qe rien fuist fait, n'en autre manere, qe le dit duc n'avoit en charge par le roi, et qe ne fuist assentu par le roi et son conseille des queux le dit count fuist un. Et qe rien n'est fait unqore touchant mesme la treitee, qe le roi ne poet eslire de prendre ou lesser auxi franchement come il poast a comencement. | To which our lord the king then replied to the said earl that as for the first article our lord the king himself made his same uncle attend closely upon him, as he did his other uncles in the absence of his same uncle. Also, as for the second article, our said lord the king said that soon after the arrival of his said uncle of Guyenne, when last he came from Spain to England, our same lord the king took the collar from the neck of his same uncle and put it on his own neck, and said that he would wear it as a sign of the great love and whole-heartedness between them, as he had done with the liveries of his other uncles. Also, as for the third, our lord the king said that it had been with his permission and at his wish that the men of his retinue wore and used the same livery of collar. Also, as for the fourth article, our lord the king said that the said earl, and all others, should fully disclose anything no matter what they had heard of his said uncle in council, or in parliament. Also, as for the fifth article touching the gift of the duchy of Guyenne, it was replied that that same gift had been made by the assent of all the estates in full parliament. Also, as for the sixth article touching the sum of money for the expedition to Spain, it was replied that half the same sum, namely twenty thousand marks, had been given and granted with the assent of all the estates in parliament, and the other half lent. After which time the said duke of Guyenne was in the king's service, and also rescued the castle of Brest, so that the king owed him for the same service a much larger sum than the said twenty thousand marks lent, with which he was charged, and offered to make account. But because it was well known to our lord the king and his council that our same lord the king remained in debt to the said duke for more than the sum lent, the same sum, for the profit of the king, was pardoned by the assent of parliament, and the said duke renounced that which was owed him for his aforesaid service. Also, as to the seventh touching the [p. iii-314][col. a] treaty of peace, it was replied that nothing had been done with which the said duke had not been charged by the king, and which had not been agreed by the king and his council, of whom the earl was one. And that nothing had yet been done touching the same treaty, which the king could not choose to accept or abandon as freely as he might have at the beginning thereof. |
| Queux articles et responces monstrez et declarez en presence de nostre seignour le roi, et des seignours en parlement, et par eux bien examinez et considerez, sembla et fuist avys a mesme nostre seignour le roi, et as autres seignours en parlement, qe les dites matires ne furent de null force ne d'effect, et qe le dit duc de Guyene et de Lancastre ne doit, ne poet, avoir [...] reproche ne vilanie a cause des dites paroles; ne qe y n'y ad en ycelles ascune cause d'empeschement, et qe son honour est gardez en toutz pointz. Sur quei demande fuist du dit count, en mesme la presence en parlement, s'il savoit ou voleit pluis dire touchant le dit duc de Guyene et de Lancastre. Et le dit count respondi qe noun. Par quoi agarde fuist par nostre seignour le roi, par advys des seignours en mesme le parlement, qe le dit count deveroit dire a dit duc illoeqes les paroles q'ensuent: 'Sire, sith that hit semeth to the kyng and to the other lordes, and eke that yhe ben so mychel greved and displesid be my wordes, hit forthynketh me, and byseche yowe of your gode lordship to remyt me your mautalent.' Queux paroles le dit count dist au dit duc de Guyene et de Lancastre, en presence du roy et seignours en parlement. | Which articles and answers having been shown and declared in the presence of our lord the king and the lords of parliament, and examined and well considered by them, it seemed to and was the opinion of our same lord the king and the other lords in parliament that the said matters were of no force nor effect, and that the said duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster ought not nor should suffer reproach or disrepute by reason of the said words; nor that they should provide any ground for impeachment, and that his honour was secure in all respects. Whereupon it was asked of the said earl, in the same presence in parliament, whether he knew or wished to say anything more concerning the said duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster. And the said earl replied that he did not. Wherefore it was decided by our lord the king, by the advice of the lords in the same parliament, that the said earl should say the following words to the said duke there: 'Sir, inasmuch as it seems to the king and to the other lords, and each of them, that you are much grieved and displeased by my words, it beseems me to beseech you, of your good lordship, to stay your anger towards me.' Which words that earl said to the said duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster, in the presence of the king and lords in parliament. |
| < Certein subsidies. > | Certain subsidies. |
| 12. Fait a remembrer, coment les seignours et communes granterent a nostre seignour le roi, en le darrein parlement tenuz a Wyncestre en les oeptaves de Seint Hiller l'an du regne nostre seignour le roi seszisme, dusze deniers de la livere de chescune manere marchandise, et trois soldz de le tonelle de vyn venantz deinz le roialme et passantz hors d'icelle, pur estre leve en le meillour manere, de le fest de Seint Andreu adonqes proschein avenir en trois ans alors proschein ensuantz. (fn. iii-309-55-1) Et en cas qe trieves, pees, ou suffrance de guerre serroit parentre nostre seignour le roi et son adversair de France, et le roi nostre seignour ne irroit mesmes en sa propre persone en Irland, Escoce, ou autre partie outre le meer pur la guerre, qe sys deniers de la livere, et dys et oept deniers de le tonelle de le dit subside de dusze deniers de la livere et trois soldz del tonelle serroit rebatuz par le temps susdit, et en nulle manere levez. Et puis, pur difficulte de certeines paroles contenuz en la dite grant, les ditz sys deniers de la livere, et dys et oept deniers de le tonelle, ne furent mye levez de le dit fest de Seint Andreu tanqe a cest present parlement, einz surete pris pur ycelles: et ore les ditz seignours et communes eiantz consideracioun a les grantz charges et costages qe covendra nostre seignour le roi sustenir et supporter en diverses maneres, ont grantez a nostre dit seignour le roi en cest present parlement les ditz sys deniers de la livere de toutes maneres marchandises venantz deinz le roialme et passantz hors d'icelle, et auxint les ditz dys et oept deniers de chescun tonelle de vyn venant deinz le roialme et passant hors d'icelle, a lever et prendre sibien des aliens come de deinzeins, del dit fest de Seint Andreu tanqe al fyn de trois ans alors proschein ensuantz; sur condicioun qe si la pees soit pris et pleinement affermez parentre le roi et son adversaire de France qe mayntenant apres quinsze jours apres la dite affermance, les ditz sys deniers del livere, et dys et oept deniers del tonelle, cessent outrement, et ne soient levez en ascune manere. Et enoutre, les ditz seignours et communes ont grantez et assentuz qe la dimy quinszisme darrein leve soit mys en disposicioun de nostre seignour le roi et de son conseille, pur [col. b] estre despenduz sur les busoigns du roialme, soit il pees, trieves, ou guerre. | 12. Be it remembered that the lords and commons granted to our lord the king, in the last parliament held at Winchester on the octave of St Hilary in the sixteenth year of the reign of our lord the king, twelve pence in the pound on every type of merchandise and three shillings upon the tun of wine coming into the realm and leaving the same, to be levied in the best manner, for three years following the feast of St Andrew then next coming [30 November 1393]. (fn. iii-309-55-1) And if a truce, peace, or armistice should be agreed between our lord the king and his adversary of France, and the king our lord should not go in person to Ireland, Scotland, nor elsewhere overseas for the purpose of war, that six pence in the pound and eighteen pence upon the tun should be deducted from the said subsidy of twelve pence in the pound and three shillings upon the tun for the aforesaid time, and in no way levied. And later, because of a difficulty over certain words contained in the said grant, the said six pence in the pound and eighteen pence per tun were not levied from the said feast of St Andrew [30 November 1393] until the present parliament, but surety was taken for the same: and now the said lords and commons, considering the great charges and costs which our lord the king must necessarily sustain and support in various ways, have granted to our said lord the king in this present parliament the said six pence in the pound on all types of merchandise coming into the kingdom and leaving the same, and also the said eighteen pence per tun of wine coming into the kingdom and leaving the same, to be levied and taken as well from aliens as denizens from the said feast of St Andrew [30 November 1393] for the following three years; on condition that if peace be arranged and fully confirmed between the king and his adversary of France then immediately, within fifteen days of the said confirmation, the said six pence in the pound and eighteen pence upon the tun shall cease entirely and not be levied in any way. And further, the said lords and commons have granted and agreed that the half-fifteenth last levied be put at the disposal of our lord the king and his council, to [col. b] be spent on the business of the realm, be it peace, truce, or war. |
| < Peticion Willelmi Leygrane. > | The petition of William Leygrane. |
| 13. Willelmus Leygrane de Bristuyt exhibuit quandam peticionem suam in presenti parliamento in hec verba: | 13. William Leygrane of Bristol showed a certain petition in the present parliament in these words: |
| A nostre tresexcellent et tresredoute seignour le roi, et a toutz les treshonurables seignours de cest present parlement, supplie treshumblement William Leygrane de Bristuyt qe come le dit William, l'an qatorzisme nostre dit seignour le roi, pursuist une assise de fresh force devant Elys Spelly, mair de la dite ville de Bristuyt, Robert Dudbrok, et Johan Selewode, baillifs de la dite ville, envers Johan Carleton' et Maude sa femme, Hugh' Carleton' et Edithe sa femme, solonc la custume du dite ville; en pleignant d'estre disseise d'un mees et sys shopes ove lour appurtenances el dite ville, proces sur ceo continue devaunt les ditz mair et baillifs solonc la custume, qe la dite assise de fressh force fuist pris par bones et loialx gentz triez et jurrez deinz la dite ville sur certeins pointz, come en le record du dite assise pleinement est contenuz. Et trove fuist par la dite assise pur le dit suppliant en toutz pointz, et sa seisine et la disseisine a luy fait par les ditz Johan et Maude, as damages de .xl. d. Sur quoy fuist considerez et juggement renduz par les ditz mair et baillifs qe le dit suppliant recoverist sa seisine des tenementz susditz envers les ditz Johan et Maude, come en le record susdit pleinement appiert. Par force de quelle juggement le dit suppliant fuist seise et mys en plein possessioun des tenementz susditz par les ditz mair et baillifs, et par les bones gentz del enqueste, et demoert seise tanqe puis l'an quinzisme nostre dit seignour le roi, qe les ditz Johan et Maude sueront brief d'errour, direct as mair et baillifs de la dite ville de Bristuyt; a quelle temps Thomas Knapp' fuist mair, Johan Bourton' et Richard Hanceford adonqes baillifs: eux comandantz par le dit brief de faire venir en bank nostre dit seignour le roi les record et proces du dite assise de fressh force qe sommonez fuist et pris devaunt eux en lour court de Bristuyt, sanz brief le roi solonc la custume de la dite ville, d'un mees et sys shopes ove lour appurtenances en Bristuyt. A force de quelle brief les ditz Thomas Knapp', Johan Bourton', et Richard manderont un record d'assise de fressh force en le dit bank qe fuist pris devaunt Elys Spelly, mair, Robert Dudbroke et Johan Selewode, baillifs. Et apres le dit record issint mandez en le dit bank, sanz garrant el fourme suisdite, sur diverses pointz pur errours par les ditz Johan et Maude en le dit record erroignousement encontre ley assignez, les justices nostre dit seignour le roy du dit bank, sur les ditz pointz issint erroignousement encontre ley assignez, reverseront, adnulleront, et anienteront le dit record d'assise de fressh force sur les ditz pointz issint erroignousement encontre ley assignez, come de record appiert: nient eiant regard qe le dit record fuist venuz devaunt eux sanz garrant, come avant est dit. Et les ditz justices agarderont qe les ditz Johan et Maud serroient restitutz as ditz tenementz ove lour appurtenantz, ensemble ove lour damages avaunt perduz, et les issues en le meen temps; a grant disheritesoun du dit suppliant. | To our most excellent and most redoubtable lord the king, and to all the most honourable lords of this present parliament, William Leygrane of Bristol prays most humbly that whereas the said William, in the fourteenth year of our said lord the king, sued an assize of fresh force before Elias Spelly, mayor of the said town of Bristol, and Robert Dudbrok and John Selwood, bailiffs of the said town, against John Carlton and Maud his wife, and Hugh Carlton and Edith his wife, according to the custom of the said town, for disseisin of a house and six shops with their appurtenances in the said town, the process on which was adjourned before the said mayor and bailiffs according to the custom, that the said assize of fresh force was held by good and true men tried and sworn in the said town on certain points, as is fully contained in the record of the said assize. And it was found by the said assize for the said supplicant in all respects, and his seisin and the disseisin made upon him by the said John and Maud, to the damage of 40 d. Whereupon it was decided and judgment was rendered by the said mayor and bailiffs that the said supplicant should recover his seisin of the aforesaid tenements against the said John and Maud, as plainly appears in the aforesaid record. By force of which judgment the said supplicant was seised and put in full possession of the aforesaid tenements by the said mayor and bailiffs and the good men of the inquest, and he remained seised until later in the fifteenth year of our said lord the king [1391-2], when the said John and Maud sued a writ of error addressed to the mayor and bailiffs of the said town of Bristol - at which time Thomas Knappe was mayor, and John Bourton and Richard Hanceford the bailiffs - ordering them by the said writ to cause to be brought to the Bench of our said lord the king the record and process of the said assize of fresh force which was summoned and held before them in their court of Bristol, without writ of the king according to the custom of the said town, concerning a house and six shops with their appurtenances in Bristol. By force of which writ the said Thomas Knappe, John Bourton, and Richard sent a record of the assize de fresh force to the said Bench, which was held before Elias Spelly, mayor, Robert Dudbroke and John Selwood, bailiffs. And after the said record thus sent to the said Bench in the aforesaid form without warrant, on various points erroneously assigned as errors by the said John and Maud in the said record against the law, the justices of our said lord the king of the said Bench, on the said points thus erroneously assigned against the law, reversed, annulled, and repealed the said record of assize of fresh force, as appears from the record, having no regard for the fact that the said record had come before them without warrant, as was said above. And the said justices decided that the said John and Maud should be restored to the said tenements with their appurtenances, together with their damages previously lost, and the issues in the meantime; to the great disinheritance of the said supplicant. |
| Plese a nostre tresexcellent et tresredoute seignour le roi, et as honurables seignours, de faire venir devant < vous > en cest present parlement les ditz justices, ove le record du dite assise de fressh force, ensemblement ove toutz les circumstances et causes del reverser et adnullementz d'icelle, et surce d'oier les pointz des errours faitz en le reverser et adnullementz avantditz, et les ditz errours redresser et ent faire restitucioun et droiture a dit suppliant solom la ley, pur Dieu et en oevre de charite, considerant qe le dit suppliant est autrement sanz remedie a toutz jours. (fn. iii-309-58a-1) | May it please our most excellent and most redoubtable lord the king and the honourable lords to cause the said justices to come before you in this present parliament with the record of the said assize of fresh force and all the circumstances and causes of the reversal and annulments of the same, and thereupon to hear the points of error made in the aforesaid reversal and annulments, and redress the said errors and make restitution and do right to the said supplicant according to the law, for God and by way of charity, considering that the said supplicant will otherwise remain without a remedy forever. (fn. iii-309-58a-1) |
| Et dicta peticione in parliamento lecta, consideratum [p. iii-315][col. a] est quod predictus Willelmus habeat breve de scire facias factum in suo casu, retornabile in proximo parliamento, ad scire faciendum prefatis Johanni Carleton, Matill', Hugoni, et Edithe essendi ad dictum proximum parliamentum, in quocumque loco infra regnum Anglie teneri contigerit, ad audiendum errores quos per prefatum Willelmum in recordo et processu predictis < assignari sive > allegari contigerit; et ad faciendum ulterius et recipiendum quod curia parliamenti consideraverit in hac parte. Et quod recordum et processus predicta, cum omnibus ea tangentibus, sint in dicto proximo parliamento ex causa supradicta. | And, the said petition having been read in parliament, it was decided [p. iii-315][col. a] that the aforesaid William should have a writ of scire facias founded on his case, returnable in the next parliament, to instruct the aforementioned John Carlton, Matilda, Hugh, and Edith to be at the said next parliament, wheresoever it might happen to be held in the kingdom of England, to hear the errors which might happen to be assigned or alleged by the said William to be in the aforesaid record and process; and also to do and receive whatever the court of parliament should decide in the matter. And that the aforesaid record and process, with all things touching them, should be in the said next parliament for the aforesaid purpose. |
| [memb. 5] | |
| < Johannes Shepeie, clericus. > | John Sheppey, clerk. |
| 14. Johannes de Shepeye, prebendarius prebende de Nassyngton' in ecclesia cathedrali beate Marie Lincoln', exhibuit quandam peticionem suam in presenti parliamento, in hec verba: | 14. John Sheppey, prebendary of the prebend of Nassington in the cathedral church of the Blessed Mary of Lincoln, showed a certain petition in the present parliament, in these words: |
| A nostre tresredoute et tresgracious seignour le roi, et as nobles seignours en cest present parlement, supplie humblement meistre Johan de Shepeye, prebender del prebende de Nassyngton en l'esglise cathedrale de Seinte Marie de Nicole: qe come en le record et proces, et en le rendre de juggement de plee qe fuist devaunt les justices de bank le roy par briefs d'errour, parentre Henry priour de Huntyngdon' pleignant, et le dit meistre Johan defendant, sur le record et proces, et le rendre de juggement de plee qe nadgairs fuist devant les justices de commune bank, parentre le dit meistre Johan pleignant, et le dit priour defendant, par un brief d'annuite; de ceo qe le dit priour rendroit a dit meistre Johan < dys > [...] livers des arrerages d'un annuel rent de < .x. > s. queux < areres > luy furent, et queux arrerages et annuel rent le dit meistre Johan nadgairs recovery vers le dit priour, come en le record et proces d'icell pleinement est contenuz; errours y sont apertement, as grevouses damages de dit meistre Johan. | To our most redoubtable and most gracious lord the king, and to the noble lords of this present parliament, master John Shepeye, prebendary of the prebend of Nassington in the cathedral church of St Mary of Lincoln, humbly prays that whereas in the record and process, and in the render of judgment of the plea which was before the justices of the King's Bench by writs of error between Henry prior of Huntingdon, plaintiff, and the said master John, defendant, on the record and process, and render of judgment of the plea which was lately before the justices of the Common Bench between the said master John, plaintiff, and the said prior, defendant, by a writ of annuity; for that the said prior should pay the said master John ten pounds in arrears from an annual rent of 10s., which arrears were his, and which arrears and annual rent the said John lately recovered against the said prior, as is clearly contained in the record and process of the same; errors are apparent, to the grievous injury of the said master John. |
| Qe plese a nostre dit tresdoute seignour le roi, et as nobles seignours avantditz, de faire venir devant vous en cest present parlement les ditz record et proces de dit brief d'errour, ove toutes choses touchantz et appendantz a ycelles, et les ditz errours corriger et redresser, et de garnir le dit priour d'estre a proschein parlement apres cest present parlement, d'oier les errours avantditz, et de faire et receivre ceo q'ent serra agardez. Et outre faire droit as dites parties en la matire susdite, pur Dieu et en oevre de charite. (fn. iii-309-63-1) | May it please our said most redoubtable lord the king and the noble lords aforesaid to cause to be brought before you in this present parliament the said record and process of the said writ of error, with all things touching and concerning the same, and to correct and redress the said errors and instruct the said prior to be at the next parliament after the present parliament, to hear the aforesaid errors and do and receive whatever may be decided. And also to do right to the said parties in the aforesaid matter, for God and by way of charity. (fn. iii-309-63-1) |
| Et dicta peticione in parliamento lecta, consideratum est quod predictus Johannes habeat breve de scire facias factum in suo casu, retornabile in proximo parliamento, ad scire faciendum prefato priori de Huntyngdon essendi ad dictum proximum parliamentum, in quocumque loco infra regnum Anglie teneri contigerit, ad audiendum errores quos per prefatum Johannem in recordo et processu predictis assignari sive allegari contigerit; et ad faciendum ulterius et recipiendum quod curia parliamenti consideraverit in hac parte. Et quod recordum et processus predicta, cum omnibus ea tangentibus, sint in dicto proximo parliamento, ex causa supradicta. | And, the said petition having been read in parliament, it was decided that the aforesaid John should have a writ of scire facias founded on his case, returnable in the next parliament, to instruct the aforementioned prior of Huntingdon to be at the said next parliament, wheresoever it might happen to be held in the kingdom of England, to hear the errors which the aforementioned John might assign or allege in the aforesaid record and process; and also to do and receive what the court of parliament shall have decided in this matter. And that the aforesaid record and process, with all things touching them, should be in the said next parliament, for the aforesaid purpose. |
| < Decanus et capitulum de Lichesfeld. > | The dean and chapter of Lichfield. |
| 15. Decanus et capitulum ecclesie Sancti Cedde de Lychefeld exhibuerunt quandam peticionem suam in presenti parliamento in hec verba: | 15. The dean and chapter of the church of St Chad of Lichfield showed a certain petition in the present parliament in these words: |
| A nostre tresredoute seignour le roi, et a les nobles seignours de cest present parlement, supplient le dean et chapitre del esglise de Seint Cedde de Lichefeld: qe come en le record et proces, et en le rendre de juggement de plee qe fuist devant nostre seignour le roi en le banc le roy par brief d'errour, parentre le priour de Neuport Paynell, pleynant, et le nadgairs dean, predecessour de dean q'orest, et chapitre de mesme l'esglise, defendantz, sur le record et proces, et rendre de juggement de plee qe fuist devaunt les nadgairs justices nostre dit seignour le roi de commune bank, sur un brief de scire facias sue par le dit nadgairs dean et chapitre du dite esglise vers le dit [col. b] priour, d'avoir execucioun de cent marcz des arrerages d'un annuel rent de vynt marcz, le quell annuell rent un nadgairs dean et chapitre de dite esglise recovereront en la court seignour Edward [III] nadgairs roi d'Engleterre, aiel nostre dit seignour le roi q'orest, devant ses justices de commune bank, par brief d'annuite de dit aiel vers le priour de Neuport Paynell q'adonqes fuist, predecessour le dit priour q'orest, errours y sont apertement, as greves damages des ditz suppliantz. | To our most redoubtable lord the king and the noble lords of this present parliament, the dean and chapter of the church of St Chad of Lichfield pray that whereas in the record and process, and in the render of judgment of the plea which was before our lord the king in the King's Bench, by writ of error, between the prior of Newport Pagnell, plaintiff, and the late dean, predecessor of the present dean, and the chapter of the same church, defendants, on the record and process, and render of judgment of the plea which was before the former justices of our said lord the king of the Common Bench, on a writ of scire facias sued by the said former dean and chapter of the said church against the said [col. b] prior, to have execution of a hundred marks in arrears from an annual rent of twenty marks, which annual rent a former dean and chapter of the said church recovered in the court of lord Edward [III] late king of England, grandfather of our said lord the present king, before his justices of the Common Bench, by a writ of annuity of the said grandfather against the then prior of Newport Pagnell, predecessor of the said present prior; there are clear errors, to the grievous injury of the said supplicants. |
| Qe plese a nostre tresredoute seignour le roi et a les seignours avantditz, de faire venir devant eux les record et proces du dit brief d'errour, ove toutes choses touchantz et dependantz d'icelles, en cest present parlement, et corriger les errours avauntditz. Et auxint faire garnir le dit priour q'orest par agarde de mesme le parlement d'estre a proschein parlement d'oier les errours avantditz, et receivre ceo < qe ent > serra agarde. Et outre de faire droit as dites parties en la matire avantdite; et ceo pur Dieu et en oevre de charite. (fn. iii-309-68-1) | May it please our most redoubtable lord the king and the aforesaid lords to cause to be brought before them the record and process of the said writ of error, with all things touching and concerning the same, in the present parliament, and to correct the aforesaid errors. And also to instruct the said present prior by judgment of the same parliament to be at the next parliament to hear the aforesaid errors and receive whatever might be decided. And further to do right to the said parties in the aforesaid matter; and this for God and by way of charity. (fn. iii-309-68-1) |
| Et dicta peticione in parliamento lecta, consideratum est quod predicti decanus et capitulum habeant breve de scire facias factum in suo casu, retornabile in proximo parliamento, ad scire faciendum prefato nunc priori essendi ad dictum proximum parliamentum, in quocumque loco infra regnum Anglie teneri contigerit, ad audiendum errores quos per prefatos decanum et capitulum in recordo et processu predictis assignari sive allegari contigerit, et ad faciendum ulterius et recipiendum quod curia parliamenti consideraverit in hac parte. Et quod recordum et processus predicta, cum omnibus ea tangentibus, sint in dicto proximo parliamento ex causa supradicta. | And, the said petition having been read in parliament, it was decided that the aforesaid dean and chapter should have a writ of scire facias founded on their cause, returnable at the next parliament, to instruct the aforementioned present prior to be at the said next parliament, wheresoever it might happen to be held within the kingdom of England, to hear the errors which would happen to be assigned or alleged in the said record and process by the aforementioned dean and chapter, and also to do and receive whatever the court of parliament might decide in the matter. And that the aforesaid record and process, with all things touching them, should be in the said next parliament for the aforesaid purpose. |
| 16. Fait a remembrer qe le roy, seignours, vaillantz chivalers, et justices assenterent en cest present parlement a la pees; parensy qe nostre dit seignour le roi ne face hommage lige: et sauvant aussint toutdys la liberte de la persone nostre seignour le roi et de son roialme d'Engleterre, et de ses liges du dit roialme; et qe nostre seignour le roi et ses heirs purront resorter et avoir regresse al noun, title, et droit de la corone et roialme de France, si la pees soit enfreinte par la partie de son adversaire, ou de ses heirs. Et ensement, qe tielx moderaciouns et modificacions soient faites qe nulle confiscacioun purra vraisemblablement avenir. | 16. Be it remembered that the king, lords, worthy knights, and justices agreed in this present parliament to the peace; provided that our said lord the king did not pay liege homage: and saving always the liberty of the person of our lord the king and his kingdom of England and his lieges of the said realm; and that our lord the king and his heirs might resort and have right of recourse to the name, title and right of the crown and kingdom of France, if peace should be breached by his adversary or his heirs. And similarly, that such moderations and modifications be made that no confiscation is likely to occur. |
| < Monsire John Bussy, commune parlour pour pees susdite. > | Sir John Bushy, common speaker, for the aforesaid peace. |
| 17. Et les communes chargez depar nostre seignour le roy en plein parlement de luy dire et doner lour conseille et avys sur ceste matire, baillerent avant en plein parlement, par les mayns monsire Johan Bussy lour commune parlour, une cedule de lour commune assent du dite matire, en les paroles q'ensuent: | 17. And the commons having been charged on behalf of our lord the king in full parliament to utter and give him their counsel and advice on this matter, submitted in full parliament, by the hands of Sir John Bushy their common speaker, a schedule of their common assent in the said matter, in the following words: |
| Les communes chargez depar nostre seignour le roi sur lour foy et ligeance de luy conseiller, a son parlement tenuz a Westm' a la quinzisme de Seint Hiller l'an du regne nostre dit seignour le roy dys et septisme, sur les articles comprises en une endenture fait parentre nostre dit seignour le roy et son adversaire de France; les queux lieuz, et en partie entenduz, sont considerez par toute la commune trois pointz, si chargeantz, c'estassavoir hommage lige, sovereignete, et resort, dont les ditz communes unqes ne oserunt emprendre de conseiller ne treiter de si haute et chargeante matire: des queux trois pointz les ditz communes sont outrement deschargez, a cause qe nulle moderacioun d'icelles est unqore faite, ne les seignours ount nulle conissance quelle moderacioun y serra. Dont nostre dit seignour le roi eiant avys, sibien par les seignours espirituels et temporels, chivalers, justices, et autres nobles, ent duement examinez en cest present parlement, considerantz < l'estat > de son roialme, sont condescenduz, qe homage serra fait, par bone moderacioun affaire, pur les terres en Guyen'. Toutzfoitz reservez qe nostre dit [p. iii-316][col. a] seignour le roi, sa corone, son roialme, et ses liges d'Engleterre, biens et chateux, ne soient chargez ne abaundonez par ascune manere qeconqe a cause des ditz homage, soveraignete, resort, service, ou title fait ou affaire par ascune voie. Mes qe le roy et ses heirs, son roialme et ses liges, et lour biens et chateux, soient auxi franks come ils ont este en temps d'ascun de ses nobles progenitours. Et sont auxi purveuz et assentuz par nostre dit seignour le roy, les seignours, et autres avantditz, q'en cas qe la pees et les contractz faitz, ou affaire, parentre nostre dit seignour le roi et son adversaire de France soient enfreintz par la partie du dit adversaire, ou ses heirs, par ascune manere qeconqe, q'adonqes nostre dit seignour le roi et ses heirs resorteront a lour primer estat, droit, et title, nient contresteant les contractz, reles, ou services ent faitz ou affaire. Et depuis qe nostre tresdoute seignour le roi, les seignours et autres avantditz, considerantz si tendrement l'estat du dit roialme, et son poeple voillant et considerant qe les contractz de pees avant especifiez soient pur le mielx, les communes avantditz toutz jours come obeisantz et suantz sibien la volunte du roi come de toutz les seignours espirituels et temporels, chivalers de honour, et justices, ent duement examinez come devant, eiantz consideracioun a le consentement du nostre dit seignour le roy, les seignours espirituels et temporels, chivalers, justices, et autres avantditz, consentont, pur bone pees avoir, a les contractz de pees avant especifiez, a le bon avys nostre dit seignour le roi, les seignours, et autres avantditz ent faitz en cest present parlement. | The commons having been charged on behalf of our lord the king on their faith and allegiance to advise him, at his parliament held at Westminster on the quinzaine of St Hilary in the seventeenth year of the reign of our said lord the king [27 January 1394], upon the articles contained in an indenture made between our said lord the king and his adversary of France; which having been read, and in part heard, were considered by all the commons to deal with three matters so grave, that is, liege homage, sovereignty, and resort, that the said commons had never dared to undertake to counsel or deal with such high and important matters: of which three points the said commons were altogether discharged, because no moderation of the same was yet made, nor had the lords any knowledge of what moderation there would be. Concerning which our said lord the king receiving advice both from the lords spiritual and temporal, knights, justices, and other nobles, duly questioned hereon in the present parliament, considering the estate of his realm, agreed that homage should be done, by good moderation to be made, for the lands in Guyenne. Provided always that our said [p. iii-316][col. a] lord the king, his crown and his lieges of England, goods and chattels, were not charged or abandoned in any way by reason of the said homage, sovereignty, resort, service, or title made or to be made by any means. But that the king and his heirs, his realm and his lieges, and their goods and chattels, shall be as free as they have been in the time of any of his noble progenitors. And it was also provided and assented by our said lord the king, the lords, and others aforesaid, that if the peace and the contracts made, or to be made, between our said lord the king and his adversary of France shall be infringed by the party of the said adversary, or his heirs, or in any way whatever, that then our said lord the king and his heirs would have recourse to their former estate, right, and title, notwithstanding the contracts, releases, or services made or to be made thereon. And for that our most redoubtable lord the king, the lords, and others aforesaid, considering so tenderly the estate of the said realm, and his people willing and considering that the contracts of peace specified above be for the best, the aforesaid commons, forever obedient and complying with the will of the king and that of all the lords spiritual and temporal, knights of honour, and justices, being duly questioned as above, considering the consent of our said lord the king, the lords spiritual and temporal, knights, justices, and others aforesaid agreed, to have true peace, to the contracts of peace specified above, upon the good advice of our said lord the king, the lords, and others aforesaid made thereon in this present parliament. |
| < Justices qe demourent bannyz en Ireland. > | The judges who remain exiled in Ireland. |
| 18. En ycest parlement, plusours seignours sibien espiritels come temporels et plusours autres gentils, assenteront qe le roi face grace, si luy pleest, as nadgairs justices qe demurront banniz en Irland, touchant lour revenue en Engleterre. Et les communes ent requis disoient auxint en plein parlement q'ils furent bien contentz qe le roi ferroit grace as dites persones, si luy pleest, par advys des seignours; sauvant l'estatut ent fait, et lour consciences pur le serement, et q'ils n'encourgent la peine du dit estatut en temps avenir. | 18. In this parliament many lords both spiritual and temporal, and many other nobles, agreed that the king should do grace, if it pleased him, to the former judges who remained banished in Ireland, concerning their revenue in England. And the commons thereon questioned said also in full parliament that they were well content for the king to do grace to the said persons if it pleased him, by the advice of the lords; saving the statute made thereon, and their consciences for the oath, and that they would not incur the penalty of the said statute in time to come. |
| < Peticion Willelmi de Culwen, chivaler. > | The petition of William Culwen, knight. |
| 19. Willelmus de Culwen, chivaler, exhibuit quandam peticionem suam in presenti parliamento, in hec verba: | 19. William Culwen, knight, submitted a certain petition to the present parliament in these words: |
| A nostre tresredoute et tresexcellent seignour le roi et tressages seignours de cest present parlement, supplie humblement William de Culwen', chivaler: qe come en le record, proces, et promulgacioun de utlagarie pronuncie en le dit William, a la suite de Robert de Louthe, en un appelle qe fuist en bank le roi par brief nostre dit seignour le roi, devant Johan de Cavendissh' et ses compaignons nadgairs justices nostre seignour le roi de dit bank, de la mort Johan de Louthe frere le dit Robert dont il appella le dit suppliant, errours y sont apertement, a greve damage de mesme le suppliant. | To our most redoubtable and most excellent lord the king and the most wise lords of the present parliament, William Culwen, knight, prays: whereas in the record, process, and promulgation of outlawry pronounced against the said William at the suit of Robert de Louth, in an appeal which was in the King's Bench by writ of our said lord the king, before John Cavendish and his companions, late justices of our lord the king of the said Bench, concerning the death of John de Louth, brother of the said Robert, of which he accused the said supplicant, there are manifest errors, to the grievous injury of the same supplicant. |
| Qe plese a nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi et seignours avantditz, de faire venir devant eux le record, proces, et utlagarie suisditz en cest present parlement, et de faire garnir le dit Robert de Louthe, et les chiefs seignours des queux le dit suppliant tient ses terres et tenementz, si nulles y soient puis la mort le dit Johan tanqe en cea, d'estre en mesme cest parlement, d'oier les errours avantditz et mesmes les record, proces et utlagarie examiner, et corriger les errours en ycelles, solonc ley et resoun. Et outre de luy faire droit pur Dieu, et en oevre de charite. (fn. iii-309-79-1) | May it please our said most redoubtable lord the king and the lords aforesaid to cause to have the aforesaid record, process, and outlawry brought before them in the present parliament, and to instruct the said Robert de Louth and the lords-in-chief from whom the said supplicant holds his lands and tenements, if any there be from the death of the said John until now, to be in the same parliament, to hear the errors aforesaid and examine the same record, process and outlawry and correct the errors in the same, according to law and reason. And further to do him right, for God and by way of charity. (fn. iii-309-79-1) |
| Et dicta peticione in parliamento lecta, consideratum est quod predictus Willelmus habeat breve de scire facias, factum in suo casu, retornabile in proximo parliamento, ad scire faciendum prefato Roberto ac capitalibus dominis supradictis essendi ad dictum proximum parliamentum, in quocumque loco infra regnum Anglie teneri contigerit, ad audiendum [col. b] errores quos per prefatum Willelmum in recordo et processu predictis assignari sive allegari contigerit, et ad faciendum ulterius et recipiendum quod curia parliamenti consideraverit in hac parte. Et quod recordum et processus predicta, cum omnibus ea tangentibus, sint in dicto proximo parliamento, ex causa supradicta. | And, the said petition having been read in parliament, it was considered that the aforesaid William should have a writ of scire facias upon his cause, returnable at the next parliament, to notify the aforementioned Robert and the aforesaid lords-in-chief to be at the said next parliament, wheresoever it should be held in England, to hear [col. b] the errors which the aforementioned William might happen to assign or allege to be in the aforesaid record and process, and further to do and receive whatsoever the court of parliament considered in this matter. And that the aforesaid record and process, with all things touching them, should be in the said next parliament, for the aforesaid purpose. |
| [memb. 4] | |
| < Peticions de les ducs d'Aquitaign' et Gloucester. > | Petitions from the dukes of Aquitaine and Gloucester. |
| 20. Ricardus, Dei gracia, rex Anglie et Francie, et dominus Hibernie, vicecomiti Derb', salutem. Cum Johannes dux Aquit' et Lancastr', et Thomas dux Gloucestr', avunculi nostri carissimi, quandam billam nobis et magnatibus in presenti parliamento nostro apud Westm' in quindena Sancti Hillar' anno regni nostri Anglie decimo septimo, convocato existentibus, directam < exhibuerunt > in forma que sequitur. | 20. Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to the sheriff of Derby, greeting. Whereas John duke of Aquitaine and Lancaster, and Thomas duke of Gloucester, our most beloved uncles, submitted a certain petition addressed to us and the magnates being in our present parliament gathered at Westminster on the quinzaine of St Hilary in the seventeenth year of our reign over England [27 January 1394], in the form which follows. |
| A lour tresexcellent et tresredoute seignour nostre seignour le roy et a tressages seignours en cest present parlement, monstrent Johan duc de Guyene et de Lancastre, et Thomas duc de Gloucestre, voz humbles lieges, tresredoute seignour le roy, qe come Thomas Talbot, chivaler, et autres ses aerdantz et de sa covyne, par faux confederacie et covyn entre eux ew en les countees de Cestre et de Lancastre, et aillours deins vostre roialme d'Engleterre, fauxcement conspirerent pur tuer les ditz ducs voz uncles, tresredoute seignour, le dit duc de Guyene seneschalle, et le duc de Gloucestre conestable, de vostre dit roialme, et autres persones grantz de mesme vostre roialme. Et pur acomplier le malice susdit, le dit Thomas Talbot et les autres mistrent tout lour pouair, come notoriement est conuz, et come le dit Thomas Talbot ad en grant partie confesse, en presence de conte de Derby, et Johan Sire de Lovelle, et autres sufficeants persones, en anyntisment de les estatz et de loys de vostre dit roialme; et sur ceo firent diverses gentz lever armez et arraiez a feire de guerre, en assemblees et congregacions, a tresgrant et horrible nombre, en diverses parties en le dit counte de Cestre. | To their most excellent and most redoubtable lord our lord the king and the most wise lords in the present parliament, John duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster, and Thomas duke of Gloucester, your humble lieges, most redoubtable lord the king, do show that whereas Thomas Talbot, knight, and others of his adherents and of his persuasion, by false confederacy and conspiracy amongst themselves in Cheshire and Lancashire and elsewhere in your kingdom of England, falsely conspired to kill the said dukes your uncles, most redoubtable lord, the said duke of Guyenne the steward, and the duke of Gloucester the constable, of your said realm, and other great persons of your same kingdom. And to accomplish the aforesaid malice, the said Thomas Talbot and the others tried as best they could, as is well known, and as the said Thomas Talbot largely confessed in the presence of the earl of Derby and John Lord Lovell and other worthy persons, to the injury of the estates and laws of your said realm; and thereupon raised numerous men armed and equipped for war in assemblies and gatherings, to a truly great and terrible number, in various parts of the said Cheshire. |
| Plese a vostre treshaute et tresgracieux seignourie, et as ditz seignours en ceste present parlement, de si haute et horrible offense declarer en cest present parlement la nature, payne, et juggement qe tiel horrible mesfet demande, et ent ordeiner covenable et hasty remedie, pur eschuer peril qe ent purroit vresemblament sourder en temps avenir. | May it please your most high and most gracious lordship and the said lords in the present parliament, concerning so high and terrible an offence, to declare in the present parliament the nature, penalty, and judgment which so terrible an offence demands, and to ordain thereon a suitable and swift remedy, to avoid the peril which is likely to arise in time to come.' |
| Sur qoi, veuez et entenduz la dite bille, ordine est d'icelle en manere qe s'ensuyt. Et avys au roy et a les seignours de mesme cest parlement en droit de mesme la bille touchant Thomas Talbot, chivaler, qe la matere contenuz en la dite bille est overt et haut tresoun, et touche la persone du roy et tout son roialme; et pur tresoun le roy et toutz les seignours susditz le adjuggent et declaront. Et pur ceo qe la matere contenuz deins la dit bille est si notorie, et overtement conuz au roy et as seignours et as touz les estatz du parlement, et par tout < le > roialme; le roy et les seignours susditz adjuggont et ordinont, par agarde du dit parlement, qe deux briefs issent severalment, l'un a viscount d'Everwyk, l'autre a viscount de Derby, retornables en bank le roy al moys de Pasqe, de prendre le corps du dit Thomas Talbot, s'il purra estre trovez. Et qe en le mesne temps les ditz viscounts, chescune deins sa baille, a un counte tenuz devant le dit moys, facent overt proclamacioun en pleyn counte qe le dit Thomas Talbot apperge et soy rende en le dit bank illeqes, < pur ester a la ley. Et > semblablement soit fait proclamacioun en la grant sale de Westm' durant cest present parlement. Et si le dit Thomas Talbot ne soit pris par nulle des ditz viscountz devant le dit moys, ne apperge a mesme le moys en le dit bank et illoqes soy rende pur ester a la ley: et la proclamacioun retorne et tesmoigne par les viscounts susditz en forme avantdite, q'adonqes < le > dit Thomas Talbot soit tenuz pur convict et atteint de tresoun susdite, par agard de cest present parlement. Et qe toutz ses biens et chateux, terres et tenementz, [p. iii-317][col. a] queux il avoit, ovesqe les biens et chateux, terres et tenements qe autres avoient, a les optaves de Seint Hiller l'an de nostre regne seszime ou puis, al oeps de dit Thomas Talbot, de doun, graunt, ou feffement mesme celuy Thomas Talbot, soient forfaitz a roy, sibien en les countez de Cestre et Lancastre come aillours; nientcontresteant conte de Paleys, ou autre fraunchise qeconqe. Et si le dit Thomas Talbot au dit moys soi rende en le dit bank, ou autrement soit pris et mande en le < dit bank > par ascuns des viscounts susditz, adonqes demurge son corps en seure prisone, sanz estre lesse en baille ou par mainprise, tanqe autrement soit ordeine par avys du roy et soun conseille. Et qe touts ceux qe apres les proclamacions avantditz faitz et le dit moys passe, recettent le dit Thomas Talbot en Gales, les countes de Cestre et Lancastre, ou aillours deins le roialme d'Engleterre, encourgent mesme la forfaiture et peyne come desus, en caas qe ils soient ent atteintz. | Whereupon, the said bill having been seen and heard, an order was made in the following manner. And the advice to the king and the lords of the same parliament with regard to that bill touching Thomas Talbot, knight, was that the matter contained in the said bill was open and high treason, and touched the person of the king and all his realm; and the king and all the aforesaid lords should adjudge and declare it treason. And because the matter contained in the said bill was so well known, and openly known to the king and lords and all the estates of parliament, and throughout the realm; the king and the aforesaid lords adjudged and ordained, by decision of the said parliament, that two writs should be issued severally, one to the sheriff of York, and the other to the sheriff of Derby, returnable in the King's Bench within a month of Easter [19 April 1394], to seize the person of the said Thomas Talbot, if he could be found. And that in the meantime the said sheriffs, each in his own bailiwick, at a county court held before the said month, should make open proclamation in full county court that the said Thomas Talbot appear and surrender himself in the said Bench, to be tried. And likewise that proclamation be made in the great hall of Westminster during the present parliament. And if the said Thomas Talbot should be not arrested by either of the said sheriffs before the said month, nor appear during the same month in the said Bench and there surrender himself to be tried by law, and the proclamation be returned and witnessed by the aforesaid sheriffs in the said form, that then the said Thomas Talbot should be considered convicted and attainted of the aforesaid treason by judgment of the present parliament. And that all his goods and chattels, lands, and tenements [p. iii-317][col. a] which he had, with the goods and chattels, lands, and tenements which others held, on the octave of St Hilary in the sixteenth year of our reign [27 January 1393] or later, to the use of the said Thomas Talbot, by the gift, grant, or enfeoffment of the same Thomas Talbot, both in Cheshire and Lancashire, and elsewhere, be forfeited to the king; notwithstanding county palatine, or any other franchise. And if the said Thomas Talbot, during the said month, should surrender himself in the said Bench, or else be taken and sent to the said Bench by either of the aforesaid sheriffs, then his person should remain in a secure prison, without being released on bail or by mainprise, until it be ordained otherwise by the advice of the king and his council. And that all those who, after the aforesaid proclamations have been made and the said month has passed, receive the said Thomas Talbot in Wales, Cheshire and Lancashire or elsewhere in the kingdom of England, shall incur the same forfeiture and penalty as above if they be so convicted. |
| 21. Tibi precipimus quod avisamentum, judicium, ordinacionem, et declaracionem predicta in pleno comitatu tuo citra mensem Pasche proximo futuro ibidem tenendo publice proclamari facias, et prefatum Thomam Talbot interim capias, ita quod eum habeas coram nobis a die Pasche in unum mensem ubicumque tunc fuerimus in Anglie, ad respondendum et standum recto in premissis in forma predicta. Et habeas ibi hoc breve, nos de die quo dictam proclamacionem sic feceris sub sigillo tuo distincte et aperte tunc certificans, cum hoc brevi. Teste meipso apud Westm' .xxviij. die Februarii anno regni nostri decimo septimo. | 21. We command you to cause the aforesaid advice, judgment, ordinance, and declaration to be publicly proclaimed in your full county court to be held within the month of Easter next, and that you arrest Thomas Talbot in the meantime, so that you have him before us within one month of Easter day [19 April 1394] wheresoever we shall be in England, to answer and stand to right in the aforesaid, in the said form. And you shall have there this writ, notifying us of the day on which you shall have made the said proclamation under your seal distinctly and openly, with this writ. Witness myself at Westminster on 28 February in the seventeenth year of our reign [1394]. |
| < Abbe de Beaulieu. > | The abbot of Beaulieu. |
| 22. Fait a remembrer q'en ycest parlement, le roy, seignours et communes accorderent et assenterent en plein parlement qe Tydeman, nadgairs abbe de Beaulieu, elit de Landaf, a qi nostre seint pier le pape ad fait provision de l'eveschee de Landaf, purra accepter, avoir, et enjoier le dit eveschee: nientcontresteantz ascunes estatutz ou ordeignances faitz au contrair. Purveuz toutfoiz qe cestes accorde et assent ne soient traitz en ensample n'en consequencie en temps avenir. | 22. Be it remembered that in this parliament the king, lords and commons agreed and assented in full parliament that Tideman, heretofore abbot of Beaulieu, the elect of Llandaff, to whom our holy father the pope has made provision of the bishopric of Llandaff, might accept, have and enjoy the said bishopric: notwithstanding any statutes or ordinances made to the contrary. Provided always that this agreement and assent be not treated as an example or precedent in time to come. |
| < Roger Swynerton. > | Roger Swinnerton. |
| 23. Item, accorde est al request de la commune q'un Roger Swynerton', q'est endite de la mort un lour compaignoun Johan de Ipstones, chivaler du dit parlement, occis envenant envers mesme le parlement pur le countee de Staff', q'il ne soit deliverez hors du prisone en quele il est par celle cause detenuz, par baille, mainprise, n'en autre manere, tanqe il eit a ce soun responce, et il soit ent delivers par la ley. | 23. Also, it was agreed at the request of the commons that one Roger Swinnerton, who was indicted of the death of one of their fellows, John Ipstones, knight of the said parliament, slain while travelling to the same parliament for the county of Stafford, should not be freed from the prison in which he was detained for that reason, by bail, mainprise, or in any other way, until he has answered thereto, and is freed therefrom by the law. |
| < Larons, etc. > | Thieves, etc. |
| 24. Item, pur ceo qe larons notoirement defamez et autres prises ove mainoevere, par lour longe demure en < prisone > apres ceo qe ils sont arestuz sont deliverez par chartres et favorables enquestes procurez, a graunt anientissement de people: acordez est et assentuz q'en chescun commissioun de la pees parmy la roialme, ou y bosoignera, soient assignez deux hommes de ley de mesme le conte ou tiel commission se fra, d'aler et proceder a deliverance dez tieux larons et felons, tant et si sovent come bon lour semblera. (fn. iii-309-93-1) | 24. Also, because notorious thieves and others taken in the act, by their long stay in prison following arrest, are freed by charters and favourable inquests procured, to the great injury of the people: it was agreed and assented that in every commission of the peace throughout the realm, wheresoever there be need, there shall be assigned two men of law from the same county where such commission is made, to go and proceed to the deliverance of such thieves and felons, as much and as often as shall seem to them best. (fn. iii-309-93-1) |
| < Loundres. > | London. |
| 25. Combien qe ordeine et grante fuist par le roy Edward [II] besaielle, et auxint par le roy Edward [III] aiel nostre seignour le roi q'orest, qe les aldermen de la cite de Londres cesseroient et serroient remuez de lour dit office chescun an a le fest de Seint Gregore, et q'ils ne serroient [col. b] mye reesluz l'an proschein ensuant, einz qe autres sufficeantes persones du dite cite serroient chescun an de novelle esluz et mys en l'offices avantditz: nientmeyns, nostre dit seignour le roy, pur certeines causes luy especialment moevantz, et mesment pur meillour governance de sa dite cite en temps avenir, voet et ad ordeine, par advys et assent de son conseille en cest present parlement, qe desore enavant les aldermen de la dite cite ne soient oustez ne remuez du dit office de aldermanrie a le dit fest de Seint Gregore, ne nulle autre temps del an, sanz honeste et resonable cause; ne nulles autres esluz ne mys en lour lieux; einz demurgent avant d'an en an en lour dit office, tanqe ils soient remuez pur jouste et resonable cause, [...] come desuis: nient contresteantz l'ordinances susdites. (fn. iii-309-95-1) | 25. Although it was ordained and granted by King Edward [II], the great-grandfather, and also by King Edward [III], the grandfather of our present lord the king, that the aldermen of the city of London should complete and be removed from their said office each year at the feast of St Gregory [12 March], and that they should not be [col. b] re-elected the following year, but that other worthy persons of the said city should be newly elected each year and placed in the aforesaid offices: nevertheless, our said lord the king, for certain reasons especially moving him, and in particular for the better governance of his said city in time to come, has willed and ordained, by the advice and assent of his council in the present parliament, that henceforth the aldermen of the said city shall be not ousted or removed from the said office of alderman on the said feast of St Gregory [12 March], or at any other time in the year, without honest and reasonable cause; nor any others elected nor put in their places; but that they shall remain from year to year in their said office until they are removed for some just and reasonable cause, as above: notwithstanding the aforesaid ordinances. (fn. iii-309-95-1) |
| < Loundres. > | London. |
| 26. Come par estatut fait en temps le roy Edward [III], aiel nostre seignour le roy q'orest, l'an de son regne vynt oeptisme, soit ordine et establi qe le meir, viscontz, et aldermen de la cite de Londres q'ont le governement du dite cite, facent redresser et corriger les errours, defautes, et mesprisions, qe sont notoirement usez en la dite cite, pur defaute de bon governement des ditz meir, viscontz, et aldermen, et les duement punir de temps en temps; sur certeine peine: c'estassavoir, au primer defaut, mille marcz au roy; et a la second defaut, deux mille marcz; et a la tierce defaute, qe la franchise du dite cite soit pris en la mayn le roi: et qe chescun des ditz meir, viscontz et aldermen, qe vendra devant les justices le roi en manere et fourme q'est ordeine par le dit estatut, respoigne singulerment pur luy mesmes, sibien as peril des autres qe sont absentz come de luy mesmes. Et qe ceste ordinance soit tenu ferme et estable, nientcontresteant franchises, privileges ou custumes qeconqes, sicome en le dit estatut est contenuz pluis au plein. (fn. iii-309-97-1) Et ore, nostre seignour le roy eiant consideracioun a la generalte des ditz paroles; c'estassavoir, errours, defautes, et mesprisions, et as diverses entendementz q'ent purront estre conceuz, si ad, a la supplicacioun de les meir, viscontz, et aldermen de la dite cite, declare et grante, par advys et assent des seignours espirituels et temporels en cest present parlement, q'il n'est pas sa volunte ne son entent, ne l'entent du dit estatut, qe le meir, viscontz, et aldermen du dite cite, q'ore sont ou ont estez devant ces hures, ou enapres serront, n'encourgent ne portont la peine du dit estatut, pur ascun juggement erroigne renduz ou a rendre en la dite cite. (fn. iii-309-97-2) | 26. Whereas by a statute made in the time of King Edward [III], grandfather of our lord the present king, in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, it was ordained and decreed that the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of the city of London who had the government of the said city should cause the errors, faults, and offences notoriously practised in the said city, for want of good government by the said mayor, sheriffs and aldermen, to be redressed and corrected, and to punish them duly from time to time; on pain of a certain penalty: namely, on the first offence, a thousand marks to the king; on the second offence, two thousand marks; and on the third offence, that the franchise of the said city be taken into the king's hands: and that everyone of the said mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen who should come before the king's justices in the manner and form ordained by the said statute should answer individually for himself, as well at the peril of others absent as of himself. And that this ordinance be considered confirmed and established, notwithstanding franchises, privileges or customs whatsoever, as is more fully contained in the said statute. (fn. iii-309-97-1) And now our lord the king, considering the general nature of the said words - namely, errors, faults, and offences - and the various meanings which might be put upon them, has declared and granted, at the request of the mayor, sheriffs and aldermen of the said city, and by the advice and assent of the lords spiritual and temporal in the present parliament, that it is neither his will nor intent, nor the intent of the said statute, that the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of the said city, of the present, past, or future, should incur or suffer the penalty of the said statute for any judgment erroneously rendered or to be rendered in the said city. (fn. iii-309-97-2) |
| < Loundres. > | London. |
| 27. Item, come la garde de Farndon' dedeins et dehors de la citee de Loundres est taunt encresceez des possessions et enhabitantz en icelle en poi des ans passez, qe la governance d'icelle est trope laborouse et grevouse pur une persone de le occupier et duement governer; nostre seignour le roi, par assent de soun conseil en cest present parlement, a la prier del mair, aldermans, et la communalte du dite citee, ad ordeinez et grantez qe parentre cy et le fest de Seint Gregoire proschein avenir, les gentz de la dite garde de Farndon dedeins [col. b] puissent eslire un alderman, sage, sufficeant et able, pur governer mesme la garde dedeins, et estre nome l'alderman de la garde de Farndon' dedeins. Et qe parentre cy et le dit fest de Seint Gregoire les gentz de la garde de Farndon' dehors puissent eslire un autre alderman, sage, sufficeant et able, pur governer mesme la garde dehors, et estre nomez l'alderman de la garde de Farndon dehors. Et qe les ditz deux aldermans issint esluz puissent estre establiz, et nemye remoez sinoun par cause resonable, come ordeinez est et grantez par nostre dit seignour le roi en cest parlement des autres aldermans du dite citee. (fn. iii-309-105-1) | 27. Also, whereas the ward of Farringdon within and without the city of London has so grown in property and inhabitants in recent years that the governance of the same has become too laborious and grievous for one person to undertake; our lord the king, by the assent of his council in the present parliament, at the prayer of the mayor, aldermen and community of the said city, has ordained and granted that between now and the feast of St Gregory next [12 March 1394], the people of the said ward of Farringdon within [col. b] may elect an alderman, wise, sufficient, and able to govern the same ward within, and to be named alderman of the ward of Farringdon Within. And that between now and the said feast of St Gregory [12 March 1394] the people of the ward of Farringdon without may elect another alderman, wise, sufficient, and able to govern the same ward without, and to be named alderman of the ward of Farringdon Without. And that the said two aldermen thus elected shall be established, and not removed unless for reasonable cause, as was ordained and granted by our said lord the king in the present parliament in respect of the other aldermen of the said city. (fn. iii-309-105-1) |
| [memb. 3] | |
| A TRESREDOUTE ET TRESPUISSANT SEIGNOUR NOSTRE SEIGNOUR LE ROI SUPPLIENT LES POVERES COMMUNES, QE PLESE A SA ROIALE MAGESTE, GRACIOUSEMENT GRANTER LES PETICIONS SOUZESCRIPTZ. | TO THE MOST REDOUBTABLE AND MOST POTENT LORD OUR LORD THE KING, THE POOR COMMONS PRAY THAT IT MAY PLEASE HIS ROYAL MAJESTY GRACIOUSLY TO GRANT THE FOLLOWING PETITIONS. |
| [col. a] | |
| [Confirmation of the liberties of the church, and of the statutes.] | [Confirmation of the liberties of the church, and of the statutes.] |
| 28. < Liberties, etc. > Primerement, qe seinte esglise eit ses libertees et franchises, et qe toutz les bones estatutz avant ces heures faitz, nient repellez, soient fermement tenuz et gardez, et executz en toutz pointz. | 28. Liberties, etc. First, that holy church shall have its liberties and franchises, and that all the good statutes made in the past, and not repealed, shall be firmly kept and upheld, and executed in all respects. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi le voet. | The king wills it. |
| [Allegations of conspiracy to be tried locally.] | [Allegations of conspiracy to be tried locally.] |
| 29. < Malfesours, etc. > Item, priont les communes: qe la ou plusours malfesours et felons duement sont enditez par sufficeantz enquestes, devant justices et autres officers nostre seignour le roi en countees, et mairs et baillifs des citees et villes enfranchises, et puis par favorables enquestes acquitez; mesmes les ditz felons et malfesours pursuent lour enditours et autres par briefs de conspiracie en autres countees, citees, et villes, pur trier la conspiracie par enquestes procurez et de lour affinitez hors des countees, citees et villes en queux ils furont enditez a devaunt. Quelle chose si longement soit suffert, n'osera nulle enqueste enditer nulles tiels mesfesours ne felons, siqe les ditz mesfesours et felons seront dispuniz. | 29. Malefactors, etc. Also, the commons pray that whereas many malefactors and felons are duly indicted by sufficient inquests, before justices and other officers of our lord the king in the counties, and mayors and bailiffs of the cities and towns enfranchised, and then acquitted by favourable inquests; the same said felons and malefactors sue their accusers and others by writs of conspiracy in other counties, cities, and towns, to try the conspiracy by inquests procured and of their affinities outside the counties, cities, and towns in which they were previously indicted. Which thing has been suffered so long that no inquest dare indict such malefactors and felons, so that the said malefactors and felons go unpunished. |
| Qe plese establier en cest present parlement qe si ascun brief de conspiracie en temps avenir soit purchace vers ascun homme, ou jurrours des enquestes, hors des countees, citees, et villes enfranchisez ou les ditz felons et mesfesours furent enditez ou acquitez, qe meyntenant le dit brief soit abatuz devaunt les jugges. | May it please you to decree in the present parliament that if any writ of conspiracy be purchased in future against anyone, or the jurors of inquests, outside the counties, cities, and towns enfranchised in which the said felons and malefactors were indicted or acquitted, that the said writ be abated at once before the judges. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Si ascun soi sente grevez, sue en especial a chanceller, et il en ordeignera remede par 'supersedeas', ou autrement, solonc sa discrecioun, tanq'a proschein parlement. | If any feel aggrieved, let him sue individually to the chancellor, and he will ordain a remedy thereon by supersedeas or otherwise at his discretion, until the next parliament. |
| [Tithes of woodland.] | [Tithes of woodland.] |
| 30. < Dismes de bois. > Item, priont les communes: coment plusours plees et grevances sont moevez et pendantz parentre les parsons des esglises et lour parochiens en diverses paiis pur dismes de boys, a cause qe la exposicioun de silva cedua n'est pas declare ne mys en certein; nomement purce q'il n'est pas limite de quelle age le boys serra dismable; qe plese ordeiner q'il poet estre determine par advys des seignours la final declaracioun de silva cedua, et de quelle age le boys serra dismable; eiantz consideracioun qe a le darrein parlement tenuz a [col. b] Wyncestre, les prelatz a mesme le parlement pur au tielle bille ont eu avisement tanq'al parlement q'orest a dire lour avys a la matire avantdite. | 30. Tithes of woodland. Also, the commons pray that since many pleas and grievances are moved and pending between parsons of churches and their parishioners in various regions for tithes on wood, because the meaning of coppice wood has not been established; and especially because the age at which woods shall be titheable has not been defined; that it may please you to ordain that the precise meaning of coppice wood, and the age at which woods shall be titheable, shall be determined by the advice of the lords; considering that at the last parliament held at [col. b] Winchester, the prelates at the same parliament for another such bill were given until the present parliament to consider their advice on the aforesaid matter. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit use come ad este usez devant ces hures. | Let it be done as it has been done in the past. |
| [Serjeants-at-arms.] | [Serjeants-at-arms.] |
| 31. < Sargeaunts d'armes. > Item, priont les communes: qe come a la grevouse compleint de la commune fait a vous, en vostre parlement tenuz a Westm' l'an de vostre regne treszisme, del excessive et outrageouse nombre des sergeantz d'armes, et de plusours grantz extorsions et oppressions par eux faitz a vostre poeple, (fn. iii-309-126-1) ordeine fuist et assentuz q'ils deussent trestoutz estre deschargez, et qe de eux et d'autres serroient reprises bones et sufficeantz persones tanq'al nombre de trent, sanz pluis. Et enoutre estoit defenduz q'ils soi mellent de riens qe ne touche lour office, et q'ils ne facent nulle extorsioun ne oppressioun al poeple, sur peyne de perdre lour office, et de faire fyn et ranceoun a vostre volunte, et plein gree al partie. (fn. iii-309-126-2) | 31. Serjeants-at-arms. Also, the commons pray that whereas at the grievous complaint of the commons made to you in your parliament held at Westminster in the thirteenth year of your reign, concerning the excessive and outrageous number of serjeants-at-arms and the many great extortions and oppressions inflicted by them on your people, (fn. iii-309-126-1) it was ordained and assented that all of them should be discharged, and that from those and from others good and sufficient persons should be reappointed to the number of thirty and no more. Moreover, it was forbidden that they should interfere in any matter touching their office, and that they should inflict no extortion or oppression on the people, on pain of losing their office, and paying a fine and ransom at your will and full compensation to the party. (fn. iii-309-126-2) |
| Plese a vostre roiale mageste de faire mettre la dite ordinance en plein et due execucioun en cest present parlement, ou autrement d'assigner voz chanceller et tresorer par auctorite de mesme le parlement pur ycelle ordinance mettre en execucioun: et ce deinz un certein temps a limiter par mesme cest parlement. Et qe nulle soit fait sergeant d'armes enapres, sinoun par voidance de ceux qe serront esluz par virtue de mesme l'ordinance: et qe les nouns de ceux qe ferront issint esluz, et l'ordinance susdite, soient de record en la chancellarie. Et auxint d'ordiner qe nulle sergeant de Londres, ne d'autres citees ne burghes deinz vostre roialme, porte sa mace hors de la franchise de lieu dont il est, sur peyne de forfaire lour office, et de faire fyn et raunceon a nostre seignour le roi pur profit de roialme. Considerantz, tresredoute seignour, qe tielx maners sergeantz de tielx citees et villes font sovent foitz, par colour de lour office, arestes en diverses lieux des hommes, et extorsions, et autres malveys faitz hors de lour franchises, sanz garrant, qe tournent en prejudice de vostre haute persone, et en esclandre de voz ditz sergeantz d'armes. Et qe nulle alien neez soit sergeant d'armes; et si ascun fuist, q'il soit ouste de son office, par cause qe le conseille de roialme ne soit par eux descoveriz. | May it please your royal majesty to cause the said ordinance to be executed fully and duly in the present parliament, or else to assign your chancellor and treasurer by the authority of the same parliament to carry out the same ordinance: and that within a certain time to be appointed by the same parliament. And that no one be made a serjeant-at-arms from now on unless upon a vacancy amongst those who shall be elected by virtue of the same ordinance: and that the names of those thus elected, and the aforesaid ordinance, shall be placed on record in the chancery. And also to ordain that no serjeant of London, or of other city or borough within your kingdom, shall carry his mace outside the franchise of that place where he is from, on pain of forfeiting his office and paying a fine and ransom to our lord the king for the profit of the realm. Considering, most redoubtable lord, that such manner of serjeant from such cities and towns, by virtue of their office, often arrest men in various places for extortions and other offences committed outside their franchises, without warrant, which turns to the prejudice of your high person and to the slander of your said serjeants-at-arms. And that no alien born shall be appointed a serjeant-at-arms; and if anyone has, that he shall be removed from office, so that the king's counsel shall not be revealed by him. |
| [p. iii-319] | |
| [col. a] | |
| [Mortmain.] | [Mortmain.] |
| 32. < Religiouses. > Item, priont les communes, pur < le > commune profit du roy, seignours, et communes de cest present parlement: qe come nadgairs estoit ordeine par estatut qe nulles religiouses < ne > deussent purchacer, par eux, ne par autres en lour noun, par null manere, colour, ne engyn, ascuns terres, tenementz, ne rentes, par quoi a mort mayn puissent devenir, sanz licence du roi et des seignours de queux les tenements sont tenuz: (fn. iii-309-129-1) et nient contresteant le dit estatut, les gentz de religioun ont encroche plusours terres et franks tenementz, sibien en fee d'autres seignouries come deinz lour seignouries, par voie des mariages de frank femmes mariez a lour vilains, paront les franke terres descendont as fitz ou files des vilains; et si font les religiouses maintenant mesmes les terres et tenementz seiser, paront plusours terres et tenementz deveynont en mort mayn sanz licence du roy ou d'autres seignours des fees. En quell cas, par proces du temps si remede ne soit ent ordeine, par consequence ils purront encrocher la greindre partie de ceste terre, ensemblement ove lour governaille. Qe plese granter q'en cest present parlement remede ent soit ordeine. | 32. Religious. Also, the commons pray, for the common profit of the king, lords, and commons of the present parliament, that whereas it was lately ordained by statute that no religious should purchase, either themselves or by others in their name, by any means, colour, or device, any lands, tenements, or rents which might thereby fall into mortmain, without the licence of the king and the lords of whom the tenements were held: (fn. iii-309-129-1) and notwithstanding the said statute, men of religion have encroached upon many lands and free tenements, in fee of other lordships as well as within their lordships, by way of the marriage of free women married to their villeins, whereby the free lands descend to the sons and daughters of the villeins; and so the religious at once cause the same lands and tenements to be seized, whereby many lands and tenements fall into mortmain without the licence of the king or other lords of the fees. Wherefore in the course of time, if remedy be not ordained, they could encroach upon the greater part of this land, together with their governance. May it please you to grant that in the present parliament a remedy for this be ordained. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Il y ad remede sufficeant ent ordeine par estatutz, les queux le roi voet q'ils soient tenuz et gardez. | A sufficient remedy has been ordained by statutes, which the king wills be upheld and kept. |
| [Forfeitures of 1388.] | [Forfeitures of 1388.]. |
| 33. < Forfaitour. > Item, prie la commune: qe come il feust ordeine en l'estatut fait l'an .xi. e le roi q'orest, qe si ascun des ajuggez en le parlement tenuz a Westm' mesme l'an estoit feffe d'ascuns terres, tenementz, ou possessions qeconqes, al oeps et profit d'ascun autre qe al oeps et profit d'ascun des ditz ajuggez, qe ceux terres, tenementz, et possessions ne soient forfaitz en nulle manere, ne l'ordinance de la dite forfaiture des ditz ajuggez ne soi extende a ycelles; come en la dite ordinance pluis pleinement appiert: (fn. iii-309-134-1) qe semblable ordinance purra estre fait d'estatutz marchandes, reconisances, obligacions, et autres suretees qeconqes, a ascunes des ditz ajuggez faitz al oeps et profit d'ascun autre qe al oeps et profit des ditz ajuggez, ou ascun de eux. | 33. Forfeiter. Item, the commons pray that whereas it was ordained in the statute made in the eleventh year of the present king that if any of those adjudged in the parliament held at Westminster in the same year was enfeoffed of any lands, tenements, or possessions whatsoever, to the use and profit of any other than those so adjudged, that those lands, tenements, and possessions should not be forfeited in any way, nor the ordinance of the said forfeiture of the said adjudged extend to the same; as plainly appears in the said ordinance: (fn. iii-309-134-1) that a similar ordinance might be made for statutes-merchant, recognizances, obligations, and other sureties whatosever granted to any of the said adjudged for the use and profit of any other than themselves, or any of them. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roy s'advisera. | The king will consider it further. |
| [The staple for tin.] | [The staple for tin.] |
| 34. < Communes de Cornwaill. > Item, priont les communes del counte de Cornwaill: qe come toute la commodite del dit counte depent sur l'esteyme, et par la ou les marchantz de dit esteyme soleient eskipper lour esteym a Lostuthiel en le dit counte, et illoeqes paier a nostre seignour le roi toutz maners de custumes a luy ent dues, et d'illoeqes aler as queux parties q'ils vodroient ovesqe lour dit esteyme, tanqe par le parlement tenuz a Westm', l'an nostre seignour le roi q'orest quinzisme, fuist ordeine qe les marchantz d'esteyme repairent a Caleys dementiers qe l'estaple des leyns serroit illoeqes, a tresgrant perde de nostre seignour le roi, et anientissement de toutz les communes du dit counte, et marchantz suisditz. (fn. iii-309-139-1) | 34. The commons of Cornwall. Also, the commons of Cornwall pray that whereas all the wealth of the said county depends on tin, and the merchants of the said tin used to ship their tin to Lostwithiel in the said county, and there paid our lord the king all manner of customs owed to him, and from there went wheresoever they chose with their said tin, until by the parliament held at Westminster, in the fifteenth year of the reign of our lord the king, it was ordained that the merchants of tin should repair to Calais as long as the staple of wool was there, to the very great loss of our lord the king and destruction of all the commons of the said county and aforesaid merchants. (fn. iii-309-139-1) |
| Qe plese ordeiner qe l'estaple et esteyme soit desore enavant en la ville de Lostwythiell' susdite, come il soleit, en avantage de nostre seignour le roi, et de toutz les communes susditz. | May it please you to ordain that the staple and stannery be henceforth in the aforesaid town of Lostwithiel, as it used to be, to the advantage of our lord the king and all the aforesaid commons. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit la repair d'esteyme a Caleys, come l'ordinance voet. Nientmeyns le roi voet qe son conseille purra granter especiale licence, quant lour semblera affaire, as marchantz d'asmesner esteyme as queux parties qe lour plerra, paiantz les subsides, custumes et devoirs ent dues. | Let the return of tin be at Calais, as the ordinance wills. Nevertheless, the king wills that his council may grant special licence, when it seems to them good, to merchants to take tin to such parts as they please, paying the subsidies, customs and dues owed thereon. |
| [Cheminage in the forest.] | [Cheminage in the forest.] |
| 35. < Chartre de foreste. > Item, priont les communes: qe come contenuz soit en la chartre de foreste, qe nulle chimynage soit pris deinz foreste sinoun par forester du fee, qe rende ferme au roy par an pur son baillie; et q'il ne < la > prendra sinoun en manere q'ensuit, c'estassavoir d'une charette par dimy an .ij. d. et pur autre dimy an .ij. d.; et pur un chival portant charge pur dimy an obole, et pur autre [col. b] dimy an obole; et de ce nulle charette ne chival fors soulement de ceux dehors foreste, sicome marchantz venantz par licence de tielle forester deinz son baillie pur achatre buche, maeresme, cortice, ou carbons pur les carier a vendre ou ils voillent. Et de null autre charette ou chival charge soit chimynage pris; et q'il ne soit pris sinoun es lieux ou chimynage soleit et deust estre pris d'auncien temps. Et ore est ensy q'en plusours forestes parmy le roialme, foresters qe ne sont mye de fee, et autres, parnont chimynage, sibien de ceux deinz foreste et dehors, qe font tiel cariage noun pas pur vendre, mes a lour oeps demesne a despendre en lour mesons; et ceo atant de foitz come ils venont, et es plusours autres lieux ou chimynage ne soleit ne deust estre pris, come de ceux qe font tielle cariage pur vendre, come devaunt est dit, a tresgrant oppressioun et empoverissement du poeple, et contre la fourme del chartre de foreste susdite. Dont ils priont remede. | 35. The charter of the forest. Also, the commons pray that whereas it is contained in the charter of the forest that no cheminage shall be taken in the forest unless by a forester in fee, who pays a farm to the king each year for his office; and that he shall not take it except in the following manner, that is to say 2d. per cart for half a year, and 2d. for another half year; and a halfpenny for half a year per horse carrying a load, and for another [col. b] half year, a halfpenny; and from no cart or horse except only from those outside the forest, such as merchants coming by licence of such a forester into his bailiwick to buy logs, timber, bark, or coal, to carry them off to sell where they will. And from no other cart nor laden horse should cheminage be taken; and that it should not be taken except in places where cheminage used to be taken of old. Yet now it happens that in many forests throughout the realm, foresters who are not in fee and others take cheminage as well from those within the forest as those without, who make such carriage not to sell, but for their own use to use in their homes; and that so often as they come, and in many other places where cheminage never used to be taken, as from those who carry it to sell, as is said above, to the very great oppression and impoverishment of the people, and contrary to the form of the aforesaid charter of the forest. Wherefore they seek a remedy. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soient les estatutz ent faitz fermement tenuz et gardez; et si ascun soi sente grevez, sue en especial et remede luy serra fait. (fn. iii-309-148-1) | Let the statutes made on this be firmly upheld and kept; and if any feel aggrieved, let him sue individually and he shall have remedy. (fn. iii-309-148-1) |
| [Customs duties on split cargoes.] | [Customs duties on split cargoes.] |
| 36. < Niefs, carricks, etc. > Item, priont les communes: qe come avant ces hures et unqore est use qe chescun nief, carryk, et autre vesselle portant ascunes marchandises deinz ascuns portz d'Engleterre, en cas qe le marchant, ou marchantz, d'icelle vende, ou vendont, parcelle de lour marchandises, paiera, ou paieront, illoeqes l'entiere somme de custume de toute la marchandise esteant deinz le dit vesselle. Paront, nulle marchant eiant biens es ditz vesselx n'ose vendre parcelle del marchandise deinz ascun port d'Engleterre, sinoun en les portz en quelles ils soient deschargez de toutz lour marchandises, a grant anientissement de toutz les gentils et autres demurantz par les costes d'Engleterre. | 36. Ships, carracks, etc. Also, the commons pray that whereas it was and still is the practice of every ship, carrack, and other vessel carrying any merchandise into any ports of England, that if the merchant or merchants of the same sells or sell part of their merchandise, he or they should pay there the whole sum of the custom on all the merchandise being in the said vessel. And so no merchant having goods in the said vessels dare sell part of the merchandise in any port of England, except in the ports in which they discharge all their merchandise, to the great loss of all the nobles and others dwelling near the coasts of England. |
| Qe plese ordeiner qe chescun marchant puisse franchement vendre en gros et en retaille, paiant les duetees a nostre seignour le roi pur la quantite ensy venduz en chescun port ou ville d'Engleterre, sanz estre empesche, greve ou en ascune manere moleste, pur la custume susdite. | May it please you to ordain that every merchant may freely sell in gross and in retail, paying the duties to our lord the king for the quantity thus sold in each port or town of England, without being accused, harmed, or harassed in any way for the aforesaid custom. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roy s'advysera. | The king will consider it further. |
| [memb. 2] | |
| [Imprisonment without due process.] | [Imprisonment without due process.] |
| 37. < La graund chartre. > Item, prient les communes: depuis q'il est contenuz en la grant chartre, qe nulle serra arestu, n'enprisone, sanz responce ou due proces de la ley; et a ceo sont jurrez le roy, les seignours et prelatz, et conferme en chescun parlement. Et ore ils supplient qe si ascun soit arestuz ou emprisonez encontre la fourme del chartre avantdite, q'il viegne et appiere a sa responce, et preigne son juggement sicome la ley demande, issint qe nulle tielle arest, n'emprisonement, soit treit en custume en destruccioun de la ley du roy. | 37. The Great Charter. Also, the commons pray that it is contained in the Great Charter that none shall be arrested nor imprisoned without answer or due process of the law; and thereto are sworn the king, the lords, and the prelates, and it has been confirmed in every parliament. And now they pray that if any be arrested or imprisoned contrary to the form of the aforesaid charter, that he shall come and appear to his answer and receive judgment as the law demands, so that no such arrest or imprisonment shall be treated as custom to the destruction of the king's law. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roy voet qe si ascun soit arestuz ou emprisonez encontre la fourme du dite chartre, q'il viegne a son respons, et qe droit luy soit fait. | The king wills that if anyone be arrested or imprisoned contrary to the form of the said statute, that he shall come to his answer and right shall be done him. |
| [The coinage.] | [The coinage.] |
| 38. < Mailles et ferlyngs. > Item, priont les communes: qe come y ad grant escarcete deinz le roialme des mailles et ferlynges d'argent, dont les povres sont sovent malement serviz; en ce qe quant homme povere achatera ses vitailles et autres necessairs a luy busoignables, et n'ad q'un denier quelle luy coviendra changer pur un maille, plusours foitz pur faute d'un maille il perdra son denier. Et auxi, la ou plusours gentz dignes du communalte, de lour devocions vorroient doner lour almoignes as poveres mendinantz, q'ils se retrehont de lour almoigne faire pur cause de l'escarcete des mailles et ferlynges, a tresgrant retractioun del sustenance des poveres mendinantz. Qe plese ent ordeiner remede. | 38. Halfpennies and farthings. Also, the commons pray: whereas there is a great scarcity in the realm of halfpennies and farthings of silver, by which the poor are often badly served; for that when a poor man buys his victuals and other goods necessary to him, and has nothing but a penny which he wishes to change for a halfpenny, he often loses his penny through lack of a halfpenny. And also, although many worthy people of the community in their devotions wish to give alms to poor mendicants, they abstain from giving alms because of the scarcity of halfpennies and farthings, to the great reduction in the sustenance of poor mendicants. May it please you to ordain a remedy for this. |
| [p. iii-320] | |
| [col. a] | |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi voet qe mailles et ferlynges soient faitz. Et enoutre le roi voet qe l'ordinance faite de la monoye l'an disme de son aiel, c'estassavoir, qe nulle esterlyng, maille, ne ferlyng soit fonduz pur vesselle n'autre chose ent affaire, par orfevrs, n'autres, sur peine de forfaiture de la monoye fondu, et emprisonement del foundour tanq'il auera renduz au roi la moite de ceo q'il auera issint foundu, nient contresteant chartre ou franchise grantez ou usez a contraire, soit tenuz et gardez; (fn. iii-309-164-1) adjouste a ycelle grot, et dimy grot. Et qe nulle monoie d'or ne d'argent d'Escoce, ne des autres terres dela la meer, courge en nulle manere paiement deinz le roialme d'Engleterre, mes soit portez a la bullioun pur y estre tournez en la coigne d'Engleterre, sur peine de forfaiture d'icelle, et d'emprisonement et fyn et ranceoun de celuy qe face le contraire. Et qe nully porte n'envoie ascune monoie d'Engleterre en Escoce pur < le > changier en monoye, ou pur monoie d'Escoce, sur la peine proschein avantdite. (fn. iii-309-164-2) | The king wills that halfpennies and farthings be made. Moreover, the king wills that the ordinance made concerning money in the tenth year of his grandfather, namely that no silver penny, halfpenny, nor farthing should be melted for a vessel or to make anything else, by goldsmiths, or others, on pain of forfeiting the money melted, and the imprisonment of the melter until he shall have paid the king half that which he thus melted, notwithstanding any charter or franchise granted or used to the contrary, be upheld and kept; (fn. iii-309-164-1) adding to the same the groat and half-groat. And that no gold or silver money of Scotland, nor of other lands overseas, shall circulate in any manner as payment within the kingdom of England, but shall be converted to bullion to be turned into the coin of England, on pain of the forfeiture of the same, and the imprisonment, fine, and ransom of whomsoever acts to the contrary. And that no one shall carry nor send any money of England to Scotland to change it into or for the money of Scotland, on pain of the aforesaid penalty. (fn. iii-309-164-2) |
| [Export of grain.] | [Export of grain.] |
| 39. < Bledes caries hors du roialm. > Item, prient les communes qe come defenduz soit qe nulle doit carier ne eskipper nulles maners bledz hors du roialme, sanz especiale licence nostre seignour le roi, paront voz ditz communes vendont lour bledz a si grant vilete q'ils ne poiont paier lour rentz n'autres charges qe gisont sur lour terres. | 39. Corn taken out of the kingdom. Also, the commons pray that whereas it is forbidden for anyone to carry or ship any manner of corn out of the kingdom without special licence of our lord the king, and as a result your said commons sell their corn so cheaply that they cannot pay their rents or other charges which are incumbent on their lands. |
| Qe plese granter commune passage a toutz voz ditz liges ovesqe lour bledz en qeconqes parties q'ils voilont, forspris as enemys, paiant les duitees. | May it please you to grant common passage to all your said lieges with their corn wheresoever they will, paying duties, except to enemies. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi le voet a present, parensy qe bien lise a son conseille de restreindre le dit passage quant lour semblera busoignable. (fn. iii-309-170-1) | The king wills it at present, provided that it shall be permissible for his council to restrict the said passage whenever it seems necessary. (fn. iii-309-170-1) |
| [Lay subsidies in Kent.] | [Lay subsidies in Kent.] |
| 40. < Collectours de quinzisme el counte de Kent. > Item, supplient treshumblement voz poveres liges et collectours de dimy quinzisme el counte de Kent: qe come le usage del dit counte devant ces hures ad este, d'accompter par les hundreds d'icelle; et a present les barons del escheqer nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi ne voillent accepter l'accompt des ditz collectours sinoun par toutz les nouns du dit counte, le quelle serra grant costage en fesant lour accompt, par le quelle purroit engendrer grant rumour et rankure en le dit counte. | 40. Collectors of the fifteenth in Kent. Also, your poor lieges and collectors of the half-fifteenth in Kent request most humbly that whereas the usage of the said county before this time has been to account by the hundreds of the same; and at present the barons of the exchequer of our most redoubtable lord the king will not accept the account of the said collectors unless by all the names of the said county, which shall result in great cost in making their account, because of which great discontent and rancour may be engendered in the said county. |
| Qe plese ordeiner qe les ditz collectours et toutz lour successours enapres, purront accompter par les hundredes come il fuist primerement assesse, et nemye par les nouns; eiantz regarde q'il ad este coille et leve a nostre dit seignour le roi a tant des ditz hundreds come unqes fuist ou serra des ditz nouns. | May it please you to ordain that the said collectors and all their successors hereafter may account by the hundreds as it was originally assessed, and not by names; considering that as much has been collected and levied by our said lord the king from the said hundreds as ever was or will be collected from the said names. |
| [editorial note: Responsio. ] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi voet q'ils et toutz lour successours accomptent en l'escheqer par les nouns des hundredes, et nemy par les nouns des persones ne des villes; parensi qe le roi soit respoundu de tant par les nouns des hundredes come soun aiel fuist par nouns des persones; nientcontresteant ascun accompte rendu en l'escheqer devaunt ses heures par nouns des persones ou des villes. | The king wills that they and all their successors shall account in the exchequer by the names of the hundreds, and not by the names of the persons or places; provided that the king is answered for as much by the names of the hundreds as his grandfather was by the names of persons; notwithstanding any account rendered in the exchequer before this time by the names of persons or places. |
| [Dimensions of cloths.] | [Dimensions of cloths.] |
| 41. < Communes d'Essex et ailliours. > Item, suppliont les communes des countees d'Essex', Suff' et Norff': qe vous plese ordeiner q'ils eient licence q'ils purront faire lour draps en manere come ils ont usez de faire devaunt cest temps; issint qe chescun piece soit del longure d'une duszeine et de laeure d'une verge de quatre quarters. Et qe mesmes les draps paient de custume au roi solonc lour quantite, ensy come paient toutz autres draps du paiis d'Engleterre, noun obstant ascun estatut ou ordinance faitz a l'encontraire. Et vous plese a entendre qe les ditz draps sont faitz de pluis < pejours > leynes qe ne sont faitz l'autres draps, et la pluis greindre partie des leynes dont mesmes les draps sont faitz ne sont pas [col. b] ables de passer le meer pur ent faire autres draps. Nepurtant les ditz suppliantz vous prient q'ils ne soient en pejour degree qe toutz les autres gentz du paiis; considerantz qe la substance et greindre partie des gentz des ditz paiis d'Essex', Suff', et partie de Norff' ne savont autre chose faire sinoun de laborer sur la dite mestiere; et sont menuz gentz, qe serroit grant pite pur destruire lour vivre. | 41. The commons of Essex and elsewhere. Also, the commons of Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk request: that it may please you to ordain that they shall have licence to make their cloths as they used to in the past; so that each piece is of a length of twelve yards and a width of one yard of four quarters, and that the same cloths pay custom to the king according to their size, as all other cloths in the country of England pay, notwithstanding any statute or ordinance made to the contrary. And may it please you to understand that the said cloths are made of wool of a far worse quality than that of other cloths, and most of the wool from which the same cloths are made could not [col. b] be exported overseas for the making of other cloths. Nevertheless the said supplicants pray of you that they be not in a worse degree than all the other people of the land; considering that the bulk and majority of people from the said lands of Essex, Suffolk, and part of Norfolk do not know how to do anything else except work in the said craft; and they are lesser people, so that it would be a great pity to destroy their livelihood. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi voet qe chescun homme du roialme purra faire draps, sibien kerseyes come autres, de tiel longure et laeure come luy plerra, paiant l'aunage, subside, et autres devoirs; c'estassavoir, de chescun piece de drape solonc l'afferant; nient contresteant ascun estatut, ordinance, proclamation, restreint, ou defense fait a contraire. Et qe nully vende ne mette a vendre ascuns draps avant q'ils soient aunez par l'auneour du roi, et ensealez de seal a ceo ordeine, sur les peines contenuz en l'estatutz ent faitz. Et qe nully mette ne melle cauce ne face autre fraude en les draps de kerseyes, sur peine de forfaiture d'icelles. (fn. iii-309-181-1) | The king wills that every man of the kingdom may make cloths, both kerseys and others, of such a length and width as he chooses, paying ulnage, subsidies, and other dues; namely, on each piece of cloth proportionately; notwithstanding any statute, ordinance, proclamation, restraint, or prohibition made to the contrary. And no one shall sell or put on sale any cloths before they have been measured by the king's ulnager and sealed with the seal so ordained, on pain of the penalties contained in the statutes thereon. And that no one shall add or mix lime or commit any other fraud in the cloths of kersey, on pain of forfeiting the same. (fn. iii-309-181-1) |
| [Export of worsteds.] | [Export of worsteds.] |
| 42. < Marcaunts. > Item, priont les communes pur voz poveres liges, les marchantz et overours des draps appellez single worstedes, et toutz voz autres liges del counte de Norff': qe come nostre seignour le roi, de sa grace especiale, a la supplicacioun des ditz marchantz et overours, et auxint des communes de son roialme, a luy faite en son parlement tenuz a Westm' l'an de son roialme treszisme, del avys et assent de son conseille el dit parlement, granta [...] par ses lettres patentes as ditz marchantz, overours, q'ils purroient amesner draps de single worsted, faitz et affairs el dit counte, a quelles parties < de > dela qe lour plerroit, sinoun as enemys: nient contresteantz ascunes ordinances, proclamacions, inhibicions, mandementz, chartres, libertees, ou privileges grantez a les burgeys de Caleys, ou a les marchantz de l'estaple de Caleys, ou a ascun autre a contraire faitz ou grantez; paiant les custumes et subsides ent dues, sicome es dites lettres est contenuz pluis au plein. Et puis apres, noun obstant la dit grant issint fait en plein parlement, lettre du prive seal fuist direct as coillours des custumes et subsides des leyns, quirs, et peaux lanutz el port de Jernemuth, q'ils prendroient seurete de ceux qe ferroient eskipper ascuns draps el dit port, qe les ditz draps ne deussent estre amesnez aillours sinoun a l'estaple de Caleys. Apres quelle lettre du prive seal, autres lettres patentes nostre seignour le roi furent grantez as ditz marchantz et overours, q'ils purroient amesner boltes de single worstedes faitz et affairs el dit counte, hors de roialme a quelles parties qe lour plerroit forspris as enemys, paiant custumes, subsides, et autres devoirs ent dues, sibien a Caleys come aillours. A cause de quelles lettres, les ditz marchantz depuis encea n'eskipperent, ne ne purroient eskipper, nules tielx draps al dit port s'ils ne trovent surete pur paier les devoirs de Caleys pur les ditz draps issint eskippez al dit port; le quelle charge, s'il serroit soeffre, qe Dieu ne voille, s'estendroit deinz brief temps en final destruccioun et anientissement des ditz marchantz et overours, et auxint grant damage, perde et empoverissement de toute la communalte el counte avantdit. | 42. Merchants. Also, the commons pray for your poor lieges, the merchants and workers of cloths called single worsteds, and all your other lieges of Norfolk: whereas our lord the king, of his special grace, at the request of the said merchants and workers and also the commons of his realm made to him at his parliament held at Westminster in the thirteenth year of his reign, with the advice and assent of his council in the said parliament, granted by his letters patent to the said merchants, workers, that they might take cloths of single worsted made and to be made in the said county to whatsoever parts overseas they pleased, except to enemies: notwithstanding any ordinances, proclamations, inhibitions, mandates, charters, liberties, or privileges granted to the burgesses of Calais, or to the merchants of the staple of Calais, or to any others made or granted to the contrary; paying the customs and subsidies due thereon, as is contained more fully in the said letters. And later, notwithstanding the said grant thus made in full parliament, a letter of privy seal was sent to the collectors of customs and subsidies on wool, hides, and woolfells in the port of Yarmouth, instructing them to take surety from those who caused any cloths to be shipped in the said port, that the said cloths would not be taken anywhere other than to the staple of Calais. After which letter of privy seal, other letters patent of our lord the king were granted to the said merchants and workers that they might take bolts of single worsteds made and to be made in the said county out of the realm to whatsoever parts pleased them except the enemies, paying customs, subsidies, and other duties due on them as well at Calais as elsewhere. Because of which letters, the said merchants from then until now do not, nor can, ship any such cloths at the said port if they cannot find surety to pay the duties of Calais for the said cloths thus shipped to the said port; which charge - if it is allowed, which God forbid - will soon result in the final destruction and ruin of the said merchants and workers, and also the great damage, loss and impoverishment of all the commons in the aforesaid county. |
| Qe plese a nostre dit seignour le roi considerer l'emportable charge et meschief avauntditz, et surce granter a voz ditz marchantz et overours q'ils purront amesner les ditz draps a quelles parties qe lour plerra, sinoun as enemys, paiant tantsoulement les custumes et subsides ent dues, et nemye tielx devoirs, solonc l'effect et purport de les primers lettres patentes issint grantez par advys du parlement, come desuis est dit: et qe voz ditz marchantz et overours soient outrement quitz et deschargez de les suretees prises pur les devoirs avauntditz, nient contresteantz ascunes ordinances, proclamacions, inhibicions, lettres, [p. iii-321][col. a] ou mandementz, ou chartres, libertees, usages, ou privileges grantez ou a granters a les burgeys de Caleys, ou a les marchantz de l'estaple de Caleys, ou ascun autre, faitz ou affairs a contraire. Et ceo en salvacioun del povere estat de voz ditz marchantz et overours, et pur commune profit, sustenance et relevation de toutz < voz > liges del counte avauntdit. | May it please our said lord the king to consider the insupportable charge and mischief aforesaid, and thereupon to grant to your said merchants and workers that they might take the said cloths wherever they choose, except to enemies, paying only the customs and subsidies due on them, and not such duties, according to the tenor and purport of the original letters patent thus granted by the advice of parliament, as was said above: and that your said merchants and workers be completely quit and discharged of all the sureties taken for the aforesaid duties, notwithstanding any ordinances, proclamations, inhibitions, letters, [p. iii-321][col. a] or mandates, or charters, liberties, usages, or privileges granted or to be granted to the burgesses of Calais, or to the merchants of the staple of Calais, or to any other, made or to be made to the contrary. And this for the salvation of the poor estate of your said merchants and workers, and for the common profit, sustenance and relief of all you lieges of the aforesaid county. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi voet qe les ditz marchantz et overours purront amesner boltes de single worstede as queux parties qe lour plerra, forspris as enemys du roi, paiant les custumes et subsides ent dues, sanz paier les devoirs de Caleys: parensy qe desouz colour des ditz boltes de single worstedes ils n'asmesnent ascuns doubles worstedes, ne dymy doubles, ne worstedes raiez ne motlez, sur peine de forfaiture d'icels: nient contresteant ascun estatut, ordinance, proclamacioun, inhibicioun, lettres, mandementz ou chartres, libertees, usages ou privileges, grantez ou a granters a les burgeys de Caleys, ou a les marchantz de l'estaple de Caleys, ou a ascun autre faitz ou affairs a contraire. Et qe les obligacions et suretees prises devant ces hures pur les devoirs de Caleys soient restitutz et deliverez. (fn. iii-309-187-1) | The king wills that the said merchants and workers may take bolts of single worsteds to whichever parts it pleases them, except to the king's enemies, paying the customs and subsidies due on them, without paying the duties of Calais: provided that under colour of the said bolts of single worsteds they do not take any double worsteds, or half worsteds, or striped or motley worsteds, on pain of forfeiting the same: notwithstanding any statute, ordinance, proclamation, inhibition, letters, mandates, or charters, liberties, usages, or privileges granted or to be granted to the burgesses of Calais, or to the merchants of the staple of Calais, or to any other made or to be made to the contrary. And that the obligations and sureties taken in the past for the duties of Calais shall be restored and delivered to them. (fn. iii-309-187-1) |
| [Parish priests.] | [Parish priests.] |
| 43. < Patrons. > Item, prie la commune: qe plese ordeiner en cest present parlement qe toutz maners patrons des esglises presentent sufficeantz et sages curatours pur demurrer sur lour benefices, pur enfourmer et enseigner lour parochiens, siqe par defaut de tielx curates et lour demurer sur lour benefices les parochiens ne soient periz pur defaute de bone doctrine. | 43. Patrons. Also, the commons pray: that it may please you to ordain in the present parliament that all manner of patrons of churches present sufficient and wise curates to dwell in their benefices, to inform and instruct their parishioners, so that through a lack of such curates and their dwelling in their benefices the parishioners shall not perish for want of good doctrine. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Il appertient as offices des evesqes; et le roi voet q'ils facent duement lour office. | It appertains to the offices of bishops; and the king wills that they shall duly perform their duties. |
| [Wording of bequests.] | [Wording of bequests.] |
| 44. < Leies. > Item, priont les communes: qe toutz les bones leyes q'ont estez en vostre temps, et en les temps de voz tresnobles progenitours, soient tenuz et gardez, nient eiant regard a nulle especiale querelle. Et come deux chapelleins qe se pretendont d'estre en une chanterie en l'esglise de aldermarichirche en Londres, ont pursue une bille en les nouns des communes devant nostre seignour le roi et les seignours de cest parlement, pur faire diverses testamentz et divises de tenementz en Londres par tielx paroles, Lego ad sustentacionem duorum capellanorum, vel unius capellani, divina pro anima mea, etc., in ecclesia tali celebratu duo mesuagia, etc., - estre effectuelx par estatut en cest present parlement affaire, ou tielx divises tout temps devaunt ces hures ont estez adjuggez voides et de nulle value par vostre ley, a cause qe a temps des ditz divisours y n'avoit nulle persone en estre, nomez en les ditz testamentz, en qi tiel manere divise poet vester et prendre effect. Par quoi les heirs de tielx testatours de plusours tenementz sovent ont entrez et devye sanz heir, par quoi les tenementz sont devenuz en vostre mayn: et ascuns des heirs tiegnont les tenementz en lour mayns, come la ley demande. | 44. Laws. Also, the commons pray: that all the good laws which there have been in your time, and in the time of your most noble progenitors, be upheld and kept, showing no favour to any particular cause. And whereas two chaplains who pretend to be in a chantry in the church of Aldermary church in London have sued a bill in the names of the commons before our lord the king and the lords of this parliament to make various testaments and wills of the tenements in London by these words - I bequeath for the sustenance of two chaplains, or of one chaplain, to celebrate divine service for my soul in such a church, two messuages, etc., - to be effectual by statute to be made in the present parliament, whereas such wills have always in the past been adjudged void and or no value by your law, because at the time of the said bequeathers there was no one in existence, named in the said testaments, in whom such a manner of devise might be vested and take effect. As a result whereof the heirs of such testators of many tenements have often entered upon devise without an heir, whereby the tenements fall into your hands: and some of the heirs hold the tenements in their hands, as the law demands. |
| Qe plese a vostre treshaute seignourie considerer les damages qe purront avenir a vous et as terres-tenantz en tielx cas, nient ordeiner nulle tiel estatut come les ditz chapelleins pursuent, et nomement de nulle tiel divise devaunt ces hures fait, devant ceo qe vostre tressage conseill soit pleinement apris quelles damages viendront a vous, et ne changerez vostre tresnoble ley faite et usez devant ces hures par vous et par voz tresnobles progenitours. | May it please your most high lordship to consider the damages which might arise for you and the tenants of lands in such case, and not to ordain any such statute as the said chaplains seek, and especially of no such will made in the past, before your most wise council is fully informed of the injuries which might befall you, and not to change your most noble law made and used in the past by you and your most noble progenitors. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit la commune ley use come devant. | Let the common law be used as before. |
| [Prises of livestock at Smithfield.] | [Prises of livestock at Smithfield.] |
| 45. < Vitaillers. > Item, prient les communes: qe par la ou vitaillers et drovers amesnent boefs, bovettes, vaches, berbys, et porkes a Smythfeld en les suburbes de Londres, pur y vendre, les officers illoeqes preignent le tierce meillour beste a lour oeps, coment qe le nombre [col. b] de ceux bestes ne attiegne qe a trois, par colour d'une custume en la cite de Londres et parmy le counte de Midd' ore de novelle acru, en grant oppressioun de vostre poeple. | 45. Victuallers. Also, the commons pray that whereas victuallers and drovers take oxen, young oxen, cows, sheep, and pigs to Smithfield in the suburbs of London to sell them there, the officers there take the third best beast for their use, even though the number [col. b] of those beasts may but reach three, by colour of a custom newly arisen in the city of London and throughout Middlesex, to the great oppression of your people. |
| Qe plese ent ordeiner remede, < et > qe la dite prise soit de tout ouste. | May it please you to ordain a remedy therefor, and that the said prise be altogether abandoned. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit envoie pur les meir et viscontz de Londres d'estre devant le conseille du roi, pur y declarer la cause de tielle prise; et outre soit droit fait par advys de conseille par auctorite de parlement. | Let the mayor and sheriffs of London be sent for to appear before the king's council to declare the reason for such a prise; and further let right be done by the advice of the council and the authority of parliament. |
| [memb. 1] | |
| [Sanctuary.] | [Sanctuary.] |
| 46. < Communes de Essex. > Item, supplient voz liges et humbles communes de counte d'Essex': qe come l'abbe de Seint Johan de Colcestre, et auxi l'abbe de Abyndon' en sa ville de Culneham en le counte d'Oxenford, clament et usont ore de novelle, ou nulle de ses predecessours clameront ne useront autiel jurisdiccioun, franchise, privilege, et immunite, de toutz maners gentz venantz et fuantz dedeins la purceinte du dite abbacie, pur dette, detenue, trespas, et toutz autres actions personels, come use l'esglise de Westm', si avant q'ils ne soeffrent baillifs, coroners, ne nulle autre officer ne ministre nostre seignour le roi, faire lour office ne execution de la ley en nulle cas dedeins la dite purceinte, einz les destourbent par forte mayn, grant manace, et autrement, de faire lour office illoeqes, en grant prejudice de vostre regalie, tresgrant damage, perde, et destruction de voz ditz communes, et autrement qe ses predecessours firent ou useront en lour temps. | 46. The commons of Essex. Also, your lieges and humble commons of Essex pray that whereas the abbot of St John of Colchester, and also the abbot of Abingdon in his town of Culham in the county of Oxford, newly claim and practise, where none of their predecessors claimed or used, such a jurisdiction, franchise, privilege, and immunity of all manner of people coming and fleeing within the precinct of the said abbey, because of debt, detinue, trespass, and all other personal actions, as is used by the church of Westminster, so that they do not allow bailiffs, coroners, nor any other officer or minister of our lord the king to perform their duties nor execute the law in any cause within the said precinct, but hinder them by force, great menace, and otherwise from performing their duties there, to the great prejudice of your regality, very great damage, loss, and destruction of your said commons, and otherwise than their predecessors did or used in their time. |
| Qe pleise a vostre roiale mageste avoir consideracioun a les grantz prejudices et meschiefs queux purront avenir, sibien a vostre dite regalie, come de voz ditz communes, de la novelrie et usurpacioun susditz, et sur ceo ordeiner hastive remede. | May it please your royal majesty to consider the great prejudices and mischief which could arise, as well for your said regality as for your said commons, from the aforesaid novelty and usurpation, and thereon to ordain a swift remedy. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit envoie pur les abbes d'estre devant le conseille, a y monstrer et declarer lour privileges et immunitees si nulles y eient, et surceo le dit conseille ordinera covenable remede par auctorite de parlement. | Let the abbots be sent for to appear before the council, to explain and declare their privileges and immunities if any they have, and thereupon the said council will ordain a suitable remedy by the authority of parliament. |
| [Farm of Essex and Hertfordshire.] | [Farm of Essex and Hertfordshire.] |
| 47. < Communes d'Essex et aillours. > Item, prie la commune des countees d'Essex' et de Hertford: qe la ou les viscontz de mesmes les countees sont annuelment chargez en l'escheqer nostre seignour le roi sur lour accomptz de .cclviij.li. .xviij. s. de fermes, profitz, sergeanties, et purprestures des ditz countees, et de quelle somme chescun viscont perderoit pitousement .ciiij. .xx. .i.li. .xi. s. .iij. d. a cause de les encres des fermes, profitz, sergeanties, et purprestures susditz, et a cause qe nostre tresredoute seignour le roi et ses nobles progenitours ont grantez diverses hundredes, vieues de frank plegge, et autres libertees appurtenantz en auncien temps as corps des ditz countees, as diverses seignours; et la ou en le dit counte d'Essex' sont .xvij. hundredes, des queux ne sont es mayns le roi forsqe sys, et ceo de petite value: et de tout le counte de Hertford' forsqe quatre hundredes es mayns le roi; en grant empoverissement et destruccioun de chescun viscont des ditz countees. | 47. The commons of Essex and elsewhere. Also, the commons of Essex and Hertfordshire pray that whereas the sheriffs of the same counties are annually charged in the exchequer of our lord the king on their accounts £258 18s. from the farms, profits, serjeanties, and purprestures of the said counties, of which sum each sheriff piteously lose £181 11s. 3d. because of the increase of the aforesaid farms, profits, serjeanties, and purprestures, because our most redoubtable lord the king and his noble progenitors have granted various hundreds, views of frankpledge, and other liberties pertaining in ancient times to the body of the said counties to various lords, and because in the said Essex there are seventeen hundreds, of which none save six are in the king's hands, and those of small value: and of all those in the county of Hertford only four hundreds are in the king's hands; to the great impoverishment and destruction of every sheriff of the said counties. |
| Qe plese a nostre dit tresredoute seignour le roi, de sa especiale grace, ordeiner en cest present parlement qe les ditz countees puissent estre extenduz de novelle par l'avys de son tressage conseille, ou qe les viscontz des ditz countees puissent rendre lour accomptz et estre chargez et deschargez par lour serementz, come les viscontz de Bedf' et Buk' facent, en salvacioun des estatz des poveres gentz en mesmes les countees. | May it please our said most redoubtable lord the king, of his special grace, to ordain in the present parliament that the said counties be newly assessed by the advice of his most wise council, or that the sheriffs of the said counties may render their accounts and be charged and discharged by their oaths, as do the sheriffs of Bedford and Buckingham, to the salvation of the estates of the poor people in the same counties. |
| [Farm of Norfolk and Suffolk.] | [Farm of Norfolk and Suffolk.] |
| 48. Item, supplient humblement les communes de Norff' et Suff' qe come le viscont des ditz countees qe pur le temps serra soit charge annuelment de .c.li. appelle de veteri incremento, la ou homme ne sceit ou ascun denier serra levez des ditz .c.li.: et auxi le dit viscont serra mys a perde de la ferme de certeines hundredes, c'estassavoir del hundred de Fleg' .liiij. s. [p. iii-322][col. a] .iij. d. obole; des hundredes de Taverham, Blofeld et Walsham, .xlvi.li. .viij. d.; del hundred < de > Humlierd' .ix.li. .x. s.; del hundred de Saumford .iiij.li. .vi. d.; del hundred de Henstede .iiij.li. .xij. d.; del hundred de Happyng .liij. s. .iiij. d.. Item, de diverses parcelles appellez minute particule serjant, et aliarum minutarum firmarum, .vi.li. .xviij. s. .vi. d. Item, nient contresteant qe diverses places entour les fosses del chastelle de Norwiz grantez as citeins de Norwiz et lour successours pur .liiij. s. .iiij. d. par an, et les queux furent jadys appurtenantz as ditz countees, le dit viscont n'ad nulle allouance des ditz .liiij. s. .iiij. d. Item, la ou les hundredes de Hertesmere, Stowe, Bosmere et Cleydon', qe sont grantez a nostre treshonure dame la royne, qe sont lessez a ferme pur .l.li. a le viscont ne sont allouez en l'escheqer pluis qe .xl.li. Et auxi de < les > honours et fees de Richemond', et del chastelle de Eye, et le hundred de Lodynglond', qe sont auxi grantez a nostre dite dame, et des hundredes de North Erpyngham, South Erpyngham, North Grenowe, Smethedon', qe sont grantez a monsire de Lancastr', les ditz viscontz des ditz countees qe pur le temps ont estez ne preignont nulle profit de tournes, attachementz, ne plees; les queux hundredes, honours, et fees soleient estre jointz as ditz countees et a profit de viscont qe pur le temps serra; a damage de dit viscont entour .xl.li. | 48. Also, the commons of Norfolk and Suffolk humbly pray that whereas the sheriff of the said counties in office is charged annually £100 called de veteri incremento, although no one knows where a penny of the said £100 should be levied: and also the said sheriff will be at a loss from the farm of certain hundreds, namely from the hundred of Fleg' 54s. [p. iii-322][col. a] 3d.and a halfpenny; from the hundreds of Taverham, Blofield and Walsham, £46, 8d.; from the hundred of Hambleyard £9 10s.; from the hundred of Samford £4 6d.; from the hundred of Henstead £4 12d.; from the hundred of Happing 53s., 4d. Also, from various parcels called minute particule serjant, and other small farms £6, 18s., 6d. Also, notwithstanding that for various places around the ditches of the castle of Norwich granted to the citizens of Norwich and their successors for 54s. 4d. a year, and which once appertained to the said counties, the said sheriff has no allowance for the said 54s. 4d. Also, whereas the hundreds of Hartsmere, Stowe, Bosmere, and Claydon, which were granted to our most honoured lady the queen, and which were leased at farm for £50 to the sheriff, are not allowed in the exchequer more than £40. And also, from the honours and fees of Richmond, and of the castle of Eye, and the hundred of Lothingland, which were granted to our said lady, and from the hundreds of North Erpingham, South Erpingham, North Greenhoe, Smethden, which were granted to messire of Lancaster, the said sheriffs of the said counties in the past took no profit from the tourns, attachments, nor pleas; which hundreds, honours, and fees used to be joined to the said counties and to the profit of the sheriff of the time; to the injury of the said sheriff of around £40. |
| Plese a vostre treshaute seignourie granter qe le viscont de ditz countees qe pur le temps serra purra estre descharge des ditz .c.li. par an, et de les autres perdes susditz, et q'il puisse accompter par son serement, et estre charge et descharge par son dit serement, considerant, tressoveraign seignour, qe chescun an est un homme par le dit office destruit, et serra pur le temps avenir s'il ne soit graciousement eide. | May it please your most high lordship to grant that the sheriff of the said counties then in office may be relieved of the said £100 a year, and of the other losses aforesaid, and that he may account by his oath and be charged and discharged by his said oath; considering, most sovereign lord, that every year one man is ruined by the said office, and will be in future unless he be graciously aided. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roy voet qe son conseille eit poair de faire grace et mitigacioun as tielx viscontz de temps en temps solonc lour discrecioun; considerantz le port des ditz viscontz en lour offices, sicome ordeinez et grantez fuist au darrein parlement. | The king wills that his council shall have the power to grant grace and allowance to such sheriffs from time to time at their discretion; considering the bearing of the said sheriffs in their offices, as was ordained and granted at the last parliament. |
| [Courts of admiralty.] | [Courts of admiralty.] |
| 49. < Burgeis de Bristuit, Brigewater, et aillours. > Item, suppliont treshumblement voz poveres liges burgeys de les villes de Bristuyt, Briggewater, Excestre, Barnestaple, et Welles: qe come nadgairs plusours plees estoient pendantz en la court d'admiralte es parties de South et West, nient appurtenantz al jurisdiccioun de la dite court; come plees de mesons debrusez, biens emportez, bateries, et autres trespasses et contractz qeconqes, furent issint qe a cause de tielx plees plusours des liges nostre seignour le roi ont grant destruccioun de lour biens et de lour estat. Par quoi, toutz les seignours et communes de le darrein parlement tenuz a Westm' devaunt cest present parlement, eiantz consideracioun a le grant meschief venant as liges nostre dit seignour le roi en plusours paiis a cause de les plees avantditz, ordinerent establement del dit court qe chescun deust avoir son accioun a la commune ley de toutz tielx maners plees, et nient en la dite court d'admiralte: et ne purquant, devant qe la dite court fuist establi, plusours erroignes juggementz furent renduz par les officers del dite court, encontre voz ditz liges de les villes susditz, de tielx plees, come de mesons debrusez, biens emportez, et autres plees nient appurtenantz al jurisdiccioun de la dite court, des < queux > erroignes juggementz issint renduz en les villes susditz plusours esteront appellez al audience nostre seignour le roi, et ont estez pendantz devant les commissairs nostre seignour le roi a ceo assignez par trois ans et pluis nient discus, pur diverses delaies de la ley de civille et subtille ymaginacioun de les parties pleintifs, issint qe plusours des ditz liges nostre seignour le roi en les villes susdites, pur les tresgrantz coustages q'ils ont fait devant les ditz commissairs a causes de tielx erroignes juggementz, [col. b] sont tout outrement destruitz et anientisez, et ont lessez lour femmes et lour enfantz en les dites villes mendinantz, et sont alez lour mesmes a demurer en Gales, < et > autres terres hors de la terre d'Engleterre. | 49. Burgesses of Bristol, Bridgwater and elsewhere. Also, your poor lieges the burgesses of the towns of Bristol, Bridgwater, Exeter, Barnstaple, and Wells humbly pray that whereas lately many pleas were pending in the court of the admiralty in the parts of the south and west, not pertaining to the jurisdiction of the said court; such as pleas of houses broken into, goods carried off, assaults, and other trespasses and contracts whatsoever, so that because of such pleas many of the lieges of our lord the king suffer great destruction of their goods and their estate. Wherefore all the lords and commons of the last parliament held at Westminster before the present parliament, considering the great trouble befalling the lieges of our said lord the king in many parts because of the aforesaid pleas, ordained a decree of the said court that everyone should have his action at the common law concerning all such manner of pleas, and not in the said court of the admiralty: and nevertheless, before the said court was established, many erroneous judgments were rendered by the officers of the said court against the said lieges of the aforesaid towns concerning such pleas, such as houses broken into, goods carried off, and other pleas not pertaining to the jurisdiction of the said court, upon which erroneous judgments thus rendered in the aforesaid towns many were summoned to the hearing of our lord the king, and have been pending before the commissaries of our lord the king thereto assigned for three years and discussed no further, because of various delays in the civil law and the crafty scheming of the plaintiffs, so that many of the said lieges of our lord the king in the aforesaid towns, because of the very great costs they have incurred before the said commissaries because of such erroneous judgments, [col. b] have been utterly destroyed and ruined, and have left their wives and children to beg in the said towns, and have gone by themselves to live in Wales and other lands outside England. |
| Qe plese a vostre tresgraciouse seignourie ordeiner grace et remede en cest present parlement qe toutz tielx maners erroignes juggementz issint renduz en la dite court d'admiralte, a cause de mesons debrusez ou autre trespas, devant qe la dite court estoit establi, et unqore pendantz en discusse devant les commissairs nostre seignour le roi, puissent estre adnullez et pur null reputez. Et qe les parties pleintifs eient lour accioun a la commune ley, pur le profit nostre seignour le roi et en salvacioun del povere estat de ses ditz liges, eiantz consideracioun a les grantz delaies de la ley de civile, et les grantz coustages et expenses qe a ceo appertient, as queux les ditz poveres liges ne purront atteindre. | May it please your most gracious lordship to ordain grace and a remedy in the present parliament so that all such erroneous judgments thus rendered in the said court of the admiralty, upon houses broken into or any other trespass, before the said court was established, and still pending discussion before the commissaries of our lord the king, might be annulled and held invalid. And that the plaintiffs shall have their action at common law, for the profit of our lord the king and in salvation of the poor estate of his said lieges, considering the great delays in the civil law and the great costs and expenses pertaining thereto, which the said poor lieges cannot meet. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit la matire declarez en especiale devant le chanceller, et si luy semble par advys des justices q'il n'appertient mye a l'office, court, ou conissance de l'admirall, soient les parties adjournez a la commune ley, et prohibitions busoignables faitz en le cas. | Let the matter be explained in detail before the chancellor, and if it seems to him by the advice of the justices that it does not pertain to the office, court, or cognizance of the admiral, let the parties be adjourned at the common law, and the necessary prohibitions made in the case. |
| [Fines of green wax.] | [Fines of green wax.] |
| 50. < Viscounts. > Item, monstrent les communes en cest present parlement: coment a plusours diverses foitz ils sont constreintz par viscontz et autres ministres pur paier pur la verte cere, et ils ne savent pur quelle cause pur ceo qe le cause n'est mye monstre en l'estretes de vert cere, ne ceux qe le portent ne savent eux la declarer, si q'il poet auxibien estre leve pur nulle cause come pur ascune cause, et ascun temps deux foitz leve, a grant damage et oppressioun de voz ditz communes. | 50. Sheriffs. Also, the commons show in the present parliament that on many and various occasions they are constrained by sheriffs and other ministers to pay for the green wax, and they know not for what reason because the reason is not explained in the estreats of green wax, nor do those who bear it know to explain it to them, so that it may as well be levied for no reason as for any reason, and sometimes levied twice, to the great injury and oppression of your said commons. |
| Qe plese a vostre roiale mageste, en eide et relevacioun des ditz communes, ordeiner en cest present parlement qe la dite verte cere ne soit desore enavant leve sur voz ditz communes, sinoun qe la cause de ycelle soit expressement escript en l'estretes susditz qe vendront en temps avenir hors de vostre escheqer, qe voz ditz communes purront ent avoir vraie conissance. | May it please your royal majesty, to the aid and relief of the said commons, to ordain in the present parliament that the said green wax be not levied henceforth on your said commons unless the reason for the same be expressly written in the aforesaid estreats which shall come in future from your exchequer, that your said commons may have true knowledge thereof. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Soit l'estatut ent fait tenuz et gardez. | Let the statute made thereon be upheld and kept. |
| [Trade in light wools.] | [Trade in light wools.] |
| 51. < Communes de Hampshire. > Item, priont les liges communes des countees de Hamptshire, Wiltes', Somers', Dors', et Berk': qe come ils portent les taxes, charges, et taillages devers nostre seignour le roi, quant busoigne y soit et ordeine par le parlement, come les autres paiis font, et la principal substance provenant en le roialme d'Engleterre pur sustenir les ditz charges du roi sont les leynes, dont les leyns cressantz es ditz countees sont unes maneres des leyns appellez sleghtwolle, dont les communes des avauntditz countees ne poient avoir vende ne deliverance de lour ditz leyns durant l'estaple a Caleys, a cause de long passage, et grantz coustages, et petit valer quant ils serront arrivez a Caleys; dont les leyns des autres countees qe ont les bones leyns purront venir al dit estaple ove meillours leyns et meyndres costages: par quelle cause vrai et resonable, les leyns des susditz countees de Hamptshire, Wiltes', Somers', Dors' et Berk, ne lour vaillent geirs. | 51. The commons of Hampshire. Also, the liege commons of Hampshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, and Berkshire pray that whereas they bear the taxes, charges, and tallages towards our lord the king whenever need be and whenever it is so ordained by parliament, as other counties do, and the chief commodity produced in the kingdom of England to sustain the said charges of the king is wool, of which the wool produced in the said counties is of a type called slight wool, whereof the commons of the aforesaid counties cannot have sale or deliverance while the staple is at Calais, because of the long passage and great expense, and its small worth when it has arrived at Calais; whilst the wool of other counties which have the good wool may come to the said staple with better wool and less expense: for which true and reasonable cause the wool of the aforesaid Hampshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, and Berkshire, is worth little to them. |
| Pur quoi vous plese, en eide des ditz communes des ditz countees de Hamptshire, Wiltes', Somers', Dors', et Berk, alarger l'estatut fait a Glouc' anno primo qe si come les marchantz de Jene, Venys, Cateloyne et Arragon' puissent descharger lour marchandises a Hampton', et recharger ove les leyns et autres marchandises de l'estaple, qe les ditz countees de Hamptshire, Wiltes', Somers', Dors' et Berk puissent avoir passage ove lour leyns en Normandie q'est devers le South; et auxi qe les ditz Normantz quant ils viegnent puissent recharger illoeqes ove leyns come font les ditz Jeneveys et Arragoneys; [p. iii-323][col. a] issint qe les custumes du roi soient loialment paiez, et q'ils ne passent mye devers le est, come est contenuz en l'estatut de Gloucestre. (fn. iii-309-233a-1) | Wherefore may it please you, in aid of the said commons of the said Hampshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, and Berkshire, to extend the statute made at Gloucester in the first year so that just as the merchants of Genoa, Venice, Catalonia and Aragon may unload their merchandise at Southhampton and reload with wool and other merchandise of the staple, that the said Hampshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset and Berkshire may have passage with their wool into Normandy which is towards the south; and also that the said Normans when they come may reload there with wool as do the Genoese and Aragonese; [p. iii-323][col. a] so long as the king's customs are loyally paid, and they pass no further to the east, as is contained in the statute of Gloucester. (fn. iii-309-233a-1) |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Repairent a Caleys, come ordeinez est. | Let them return to Calais, as ordained. |
| [Unsubstantiated accusations in chancery.] | [Unsubstantiated accusations in chancery.] |
| 52. < Suggestions. > Item, prie la commune: qe par la ou plusours liges du roialme, par nient vraies suggestions faitz sibien a conseille nostre seignour le roi come en la chancellarie nostre seignour le roi, sont envoiez de comparer devant le dit conseille, ou en la chancellarie, sur certeine peyne, a certein jour, paront les loialx liges du roialme sont torcenousement travaillez et vexez, a grant damage de voz ditz liges et pluis anientissement de lour estat, sanz recoverir ent avoir de lour damages et coustages. | 52. Suggestions. Also, the commons pray that whereas many lieges of the kingdom, by untrue suggestions made as well to the council of our lord the king as in the chancery of our lord the king, are sent to appear before the said council or in the chancery, upon a certain penalty, on a certain day, whereby the loyal lieges of the kingdom are wrongly troubled and vexed, to the great injury of your said lieges and the further ruin of their estate, without them recovering their damages and costs. |
| Qe plese ordeiner et establer en cest present parlement qe le chanceller d'Engleterre qe pur le temps serra eit plein poair de faire les parties compleignantz en tielx briefs, sub certa pena, de trover sufficeantz plegges et seurete de faire gree a partie defendant, en cas qe sa suggestioun ne soit vraie. Et qe le dit chanceller eit plein poair d'assesser et taxer les costages et damages ensy avenuz a les parties defendantz par la partie pleintif, et ent faire execucioun pur les faux suggestions suisditz. Purveuz toutfoitz qe nulle frank tenement, n'autre accioun qeconqe qe < poet > estre trie par la commune ley, ne soit tret n'amesne en la chancellarie susdite, n'aillours, mes devaunt les justices du roi, come ad este usez devant ces hures. | May it please you to ordain and decree in the present parliament that the chancellor of England for the time being shall have full power to make the plaintiffs in such writs, upon a certain penalty, find sufficient pledges and surety of paying compensation to the defendants, if his suggestion be untrue. And that the said chancellor shall have full power to assess and tax the costs and damages thus inflicted on the defendants by the plaintiffs, and make execution thereof for the aforesaid false suggestions. Provided always that no free tenement, nor other action whatsoever that may be tried by the common law, shall be dealt with in the aforesaid chancery, nor elsewhere, but before the king's justices, as has been the practice in the past. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roy voet qe le chanceller pur le temps esteant eit poair d'ent ordeiner, et agarder damages solonc sa discretion. | The king wills that the chancellor for the time being shall have the power to ordain thereon and award damages at his discretion. |
| [Sales of malt.] | [Sales of malt.] |
| 53. < Loundres. > Monstre est pur le commune profit: qe par la ou de tout temps dont memoire ne court .ix. bussels de breez ont este venduz pur le quarter des toutz countees et lieux qe amesnent brees a Londres a vendre, a cause qe brees quant y est cariez .ix. bussels font escarcement .viij. bussels nettez et clensez en pure brees; et auxi d'un quarter de greyn seche serront faitz .ix. bussels de brees ou pluis. Et ceo ad este use tanqe ore tarde, qe les demurantz es countees de Huntyngdon', Cantebr', Hertf', North' et Bed', pur lour singuler profit ne voillent vendre forsqe .viij. bussels pur le quarter, nemye nettez ne clensez. Issint qe les achatours n'ont forsqe .vij. bussels ou meyns de pure et nette brees pur le quarter, a tresgrant tort et damage de toutz [col. b] seignours et communes demurantz ou repairantz a Londres, ou aillours ou les ditz brees sont venduz, et tresgrevouse arierissement de les achatours d'icelle brees. | 53. London. It is shown for the common profit: whereas since time immemorial nine bushels of malt have been sold per quarter by all the counties and places that bring malt to London to sell, because when malt is transported, nine bushels scarcely make eight bushels washed and clean in pure malt; and also from a quarter of dry grain nine bushels or more of malt can be made. And that has been the practice until of late, when the residents of the counties of Huntingdon, Cambridge, Hertford, Northampton, and Bedford for their singular profit will not sell except at the rate of eight bushels per quarter, not washed or cleaned. So that the buyers have a mere seven bushels or less of pure and clean malt per quarter, to the very great wrong and injury of all [col. b] the lords and commons dwelling in or repairing to London, or elsewhere where the said malt is sold, to the most grievous injury of the buyers of the same malt. |
| Qe plese a vostre treshaute et trespuissante seignourie, de vostre benigne grace estre aidant, qe parmy vostre purveuz discrecioun en yeest present parlement poet estre ordeine qe .ix. bussels soient venduz pur le quarter par la cause desuisdite; ou autrement, qe tout le brees amesnez a la dite cite a vendre soit nettez de tout poudre et ordure, sur grief peine, come tout autre manere de greyn est, au fyn qe homme n'achate poudre ne ordure put nette brees, pur commune profit, et come droit et reson demandent. | May it please your most high and most potent lordship to lend assistance of your most benign grace, so that through your mature discretion in the present parliament it may be ordained that nine bushels are to be sold per quarter for the aforesaid reason; or else that all the malt taken to the said city to sell shall be cleansed of all dust and dirt, on pain of a grievous penalty, as every other manner of grain is, so that no one buys dust or dirt but clean malt, for the common profit, and as right and reason demand. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Le roi voet qe le brees qe serra fait en les countees de Huntyngdon', Cantebr', Hertf', North' < et > Bed', qe serra venduz et amesnez a la cite de Londres pur vitailler l'ostelle du roi et les hostelx d'autres seignours et gentils illoeqes demurantz et repairantz, et auxint pur sustenance de tout le poeple du dite cite, soit bien et covenablement nettez, mondez, et purifiez devant la vente d'icelle, de poudre et de tout autre ordure: issint qe les achatours purront avoir oept busselx de pure brees pur le quarter. Et qe les mairs, baillifs, et gardeins des villes et lieux ou tielle brees serra venduz, eient poair, a chescuny suyte qe pleindre se voudra, de veer et sercher le dit brees, et si defaut soit trove d'ent faire due redresse. (fn. iii-309-248-1) | The king wills that the malt made in the counties of Huntingdon, Cambridge, Hertford, Northampton, and Bedford, and which will be sold and taken to the city of London to provision the king's household and the households of other lords and nobles dwelling and repairing there, and also for the sustenance of all the people of the said city, shall be well and suitably washed, cleansed, and purified before the sale of the same, from dust and all other dirt: so that the buyers have eight bushels of pure malt per quarter. And that the mayor, bailiffs and wardens of the towns and places where such malt shall be sold shall have the power, at the suit of anyone who wishes to complain, to inspect and examine the said malt, and if fault be found to make due redress. (fn. iii-309-248-1) |
| [Searchers and other officers to hold office at pleasure.] | [Searchers and other officers to hold office at pleasure.] |
| 54. < Serchours, etc. > Item, soit ordeine et establi, s'il plest au roi, qe nulle serchour, gaugeour des vyns, auneour, tronour, ou poisour de leyns ou autres marchandises qeconqes, collectour de custumes et subsides qeconqes, ou controllour, eit estat en son office a terme de vie ou des ans, einz qe les ditz offices demorrent en mayns du roi souz governance del tresorer pur le temps esteant, ovesqe l'assent du conseille quant y busoigne. Et si ascunes chartres ou lettres patentes soient faites a contraire, soient tout outrement voides et de nulle effect. | 54. Searchers, etc. Also, let it be ordained and decreed, if it please the king, that no searcher, gauger of wines, ulnager, troner, or weigher of wool or other merchandise whatsoever, collector of customs and subsidies whatsoever, or controller, shall have a title to his office for the term of life or of years, but that the said offices shall remain in the king's hands under the governance of the treasurer for the time being, with the assent of the council when need be. And if any charters or letters patent be made to the contrary, that they shall be entirely void and of no effect. |
| [editorial note: Responsio.] | [editorial note: Answer.] |
| Il plest au roi. Nientmeyns le roi voet qe ceux q'ont tielx offices a terme de vie, par voie de guerdoun pur lour service, eient compensacioun resonable, par advys et ordinance de son conseille. (fn. iii-309-253-1) | It pleases the king. Nevertheless the king wills that those who have such offices for the term of life, by way of reward for their service, shall have reasonable compensation, by the advice and ordinance of his council. (fn. iii-309-253-1) |
| 55. Cest parlement finist vendredy le sisme jour de Marcz. | 55. This parliament ended on Friday 6 March [1394]. |
Appendix January 1394
27 January 1394
Westminster
1
Petition to the king from the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London and other clerics of London claiming that the right of ordaining and examining the Masters of Grammar in certain schools in the city of London and its suburbs has always pertained, by law spiritual and by custom, to them and to no others; recently, however, certain pretended Masters of Grammar, insufficiently learned in that faculty, have been usurping their right in this, without their knowledge, to the deception of children and the prejudice of the church's jurisdiction; and although the three Masters of the schools at St Paul's, the Arches and St Martin-le-Grand have pursued this matter in Court Christian, the Masters of these other schools have pursued the same matter in secular courts. They therefore request the king to send letters under the privy seal to the Mayor and aldermen of London telling them not to attempt to do anything in this case whereby the jurisdiction of the church might be undermined.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.324.
2
Petition to the king from the Mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the city of London, requesting that, since the king recently issued a commission to the dukes of York and Gloucester and various justices to enquire into defaults of government by former Mayors, sheriffs and aldermen of the city, as a result of which the latter were condemned to pay one thousand marks for the first offence, two thousand marks for the second offence, and for the third offence the liberties of the city were taken into the king's hands; following which, at the request of the Queen, the king re-granted their liberties, etc. back to the sheriffs, aldermen and citizens until such time as a final decision might be taken on the matter. They now request that this restoration of their liberties, franchises, etc. be confirmed by this parliament to them and their successors in perpetuity, notwithstanding any statutes, ordinances etc. to the contrary.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.324-5.
3
Petition to the king and council in parliament from the clergy of London and its suburbs, claiming that although they have since time immemorial been free of taxes, tallages and impositions levied in the city and its suburbs, with the exception of taxes and tallages granted by the clergy or commons of the realm, the Mayor and aldermen of the city have recently imposed upon all the tenements and rents annexed or amortised to benefices and churches in the city and suburbs a certain tax of forty pence in the pound, to their ruin and to the prejudice of the clergy of the whole realm. The king is asked to declare in this parliament that they should be free of this and other such impositions.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.325.
4
Petition to the king from the widows of London, in the same terms as (3) above, also asking to be declared free of this novel imposition, which is contrary to law and holy scripture. See also (5) below.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.325.
5
Petition to the king and lords of parliament from the Mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the city of London, stating that the king and lords recently absented themselves from the city, and the royal courts were moved elsewhere, to the great sadness and ruin of those who held rents and tenements there; in order to secure the return of the king, lords and courts, they were obliged to pay a fine to the king, and in order to pay this fine they were obliged to assess and impose a tax on those holding properties in the city, at a figure of forty pence in the pound; some, however, such as churchmen and widows, have refused to contribute to this fine. The king is requested to declare in this parliament that churchmen, widows and others who hold rents or tenements in the city or suburbs be obliged to contribute to this fine.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.325.
6
Petition to the king and council in parliament from the chancellor and scholars of the University of Cambridge, claiming that whereas they have been granted cognisance of all personal pleas and contracts in the university or its suburbs in which a master, scholar, minister of the university or servant of a scholar is concerned, death and mayhem excepted, the wording of this grant is so general that it is not clear who should be deemed to be servants of scholars; they request that stationers and bookbinders of the university, and others, be expressly declared to be servants of scholars, as is the case in the charter granted to the chancellor and scholars of the University of Oxford.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.325-6. Cf. CPR 1391-96 , 428-9.
7
Petition to the king from Aubrey de Vere, earl of Oxford, to be allowed to hold and exercise the office of chamberlain of England, which since time immemorial belonged to his ancestors as earls of Oxford, despite the fact that he has not been able to find the written evidences to prove this, since some of them are in the hands of the countess of Oxford and others, and others were removed from Hedingham castle at the time when it was in the hands of the king.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.326.
8
Petition to the king from Thomas Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, complaining that his villein, David Tregoys, has sued out various writs against him in the county of Cornwall concerning his villeinage; however, not only is this so far away from Warwick as to greatly inconvenience the earl, but Tregoys has also deliberately delayed the hearings and brought a 'great rout of men' to them, and he now proposes to sue out another writ of nisi prius in Cornwall on the case, which is contrary to a statute of the king's great-grandfather (Edward II) to the effect that such pleas ought to be heard in those places where they are pending. The king is requested to order his justices to hear the case in the King's Bench and not to grant the nisi prius.
Endorsed : The king has declared in parliament, with the assent of the lords, that this case be heard in the King's Bench in the place where it is pending, and that no writ of nisi prius be granted.
Source : printed in full in RP , III.326. Cf. CCR 1392-96 , 199; CPR 1391-96 , 430-1.
9
Petition to the lords of parliament from John Drayton concerning the manor of Aston near Birmingham, which was demised to him by Richard Lonches and Elizabeth his wife, but of which he has been disseised by Margery widow of John Holt and John son of John Holt. He sued out an assize of novel disseisin against them, but on the day of the hearing a great number of men came to it, by maintenance of William Bagot, and threatened the sheriff and Drayton, so that the sheriff did not dare to do the king's bidding; thus Drayton is still denied his right in this manor, for which he prays remedy.
Endorsed : A commission is to be appointed to enquire into this case, and to report to the chancery.
Source : RP , III.326.
10
Petition to the king, lords and commons in parliament from John d'Autry, knight, and Alice his wife, that Alice has a right to the manor of Sudborough (Northamptonshire), which used to be held by Sir Robert de Vere, deceased, through inheritance from her father, Randolph Boys, cousin to Sir Robert; however, Randolph was killed while pursuing his claim to the manor by Thomas Green of Sudborough and his son John, who still hold the manor, and who have falsely accused them of trying to eject Green and his son from the manor by force, and of stealing forty pounds of silver from them. They ask that Thomas Green be brought before the lords to answer to this petition, for he is so strongly maintained by the great men of the county that the law is ineffective against him there.
No Endorsement
Source : RP , III.326-7.
11
Petition to the king from Robert FitzThomas of Harton of Kelsey, chaplain, who was born out of wedlock but had a dispensation to hold a benefice with or without cure of souls, as a result of which he received the church of Wootton (Kent) in the diocese of Canterbury, which he exchanged without dispensation for the church of Thornton-le-Moor (Lincolnshire) in the diocese of Lincoln, of which he has now been parson for three years and more; he has sought confirmation for this exchange from the Roman Curia, and the pope has sent a bull ordering the bishop of London (sic) to collate him to it, but the bishop does not dare to execute the bull without royal licence. He requests the king to grant the bishop permission to execute the bull, notwithstanding the Statute of Provisors, so that Robert may enjoy his benefice.
Endorsed : 'The king has granted this petition with the assent of parliament. Nevertheless he does not wish it to be treated as a precedent, but that the Statute in all other cases should remain in force'.
Source : printed in full in RP , III.327. Cf. CPR 1391-96 , 391.
12
Petition to the king and lords in parliament from Alice (Perrers), widow of Sir William de Windsor, reciting a judgment given against her in the parliament of October 1377, whereby her lands and tenements were seized into the king's hands. By a decision of the council and with the assent of parliament, she and William were permitted to redeem all of them apart from four manors in return for paying the cost of a hundred men-at-arms to campaign abroad in the army of the earl of Buckingham (in 1380). However, despite the fact that Alice alone was responsible for paying the entire cost of these men, William falsely had the charter re-granting the lands made out to him and his heirs, whereas it should have been made out to him and Alice and their heirs, whereby she has been disinherited of her lands. She requests that a new charter for the lands be issued to her and her heirs, and the old one destroyed, since William is now dead.
Endorsed : The king orders this petition to be examined by the justices, who are to report to the chancellor and treasurer.
Source : printed in full in RP , III.327.
13
Petition to the king and lords in parliament from Joan, daughter of Lady Alice Windsor (Perrers), reciting that Edward III granted the profits from the marriage of the earl of Nottingham to be used for her advancement; after the king's death, the marriage passed into the hands of Sir William de Windsor, whereupon Sir William sold it to my Lady of Norfolk for two thousand marks, and it was later bought for the same sum by the duke of Lancaster. When he went abroad with the earl of Buckingham (in 1380), Sir William ordered those who held his lands and tenements to pay these two thousand marks to Joan, but after his death one John de Windsor seized all the goods of Sir William which he could lay his hands upon, without right or gift of Sir William. And although Joan has summoned and impleaded the said John and his accomplices on many occasions, she has not recovered this sum, for which she begs remedy.
No Endorsement
Source : printed in full in RP , III.327-8.
14
Petition to the king from his poor lieges of the towns of Lesnes, Plumstead, Erith, Woolwich and Greenwich (Kent), who from time immemorial have enjoyed the right to fish with small boats, rafts and other equipment in the Thames, in order to provision the surrounding area and the city of London, until recently, when they have been prevented from doing so, to their great loss; for which they pray remedy.
Endorsed 'Ordinance has been made previously that the trawl-nets be removed'.
Source : RP : III.328.
15
Order to John Markham and Hugh Huls, justices of assize in Yorkshire, to hold no sessions before Easter, for particular reasons laid before the king and council in parliament. Dated 3 March 1394.
Source : CCR 1392-96 , 205.
16
Order to the sheriff of Essex, for reasons explained to the king and council in this parliament, to cease all actions on behalf of Thomas Harding of Essex against various of his neighbours, since it has been found by various inquisitions that he has received from them a much greater sum for damages inflicted upon him at the time of the great revolt of 1381 than the damage amounted to. By petition of parliament. Dated 23 February 1394.
Source : CCR 1392-96 , 257.
17
Order to Walter Clopton and his fellow justices, by advice of the prelates and nobles in this parliament, to cease any action against the abbot of Chertsey for the repair of the highway between Egham and Staines. Dated 6 March 1394.
Source : CCR 1392-96 , 262. Cf. CPR 1391-96 , 432.
18
Exemption for the burgesses of Colchester from sending representatives to parliament for three years, provided that they finish enclosing their town with a wall of stone and lime within that time. Dated 3 March 1394.
Source : CPR 1391-96 , 379.
19
Licence, with the assent of this parliament, for Ralph Canon, who has been confirmed by the pope as parson of High Ham (Somerset), to prosecute for the recovery of his church from Robert Norton, who wrongfully deprived Master Thomas Weston, the previous incumbent, of the benefice. He has been unable to prosecute for fear of the Statute of Provisors. This is not, however, to be treated as a precedent. By petition in parliament. Dated 4 March 1394.
Source : CPR 1391-96 , 386.
20
Appointment of a commission to enquire into a complaint by John Banbury of Bristol that certain named malefactors cut in pieces a ship of his worth two hundred pounds which had been wrecked by a storm at 'le Neweground in Severn', seized her tackle and fittings as well as goods and merchandise to the value of one thousand pounds, and assaulted his mariners and servants, thus preventing them from salvaging it. By petition in parliament and for twenty shillings paid in the hanaper. Dated 14 March 1394.
Source : CPR 1391-96 , 433.
21
Appointment of a commission to enquire and certify as to the persons who have risen in insurrection and pulled down the palings, dykes, crosses and sign-posts in the marshes between the Rivers Welland and Witham determining the boundaries between Holland and Kesteven (Lincolnshire), after the king's justices had set these up following a petition of the commons in the last parliament. Dated 17 June 1394.
Source : CPR 1391-96 , 444-5.