PUBLIC SERVICES
POOR RELIEF. (fn. 67)
The leet and the corporation
had for long been faced with the problem of poverty.
In the late 15th and early 16th centuries it was the
duty of aldermen to search out unruly vagabonds and
expel them from the town. (fn. 68) From 1521, however, a
distinction was made between these and deserving
beggars who were given alms bags bearing the city's
arms. (fn. 69) The dissolution of the monasteries and of
the guilds and chantries increased the problem of
poverty, and in 1547 the leet, through the aldermen,
undertook a census of the city's population. The
composition of each household, together with the
householder's occupation, and, if he were a master,
details of the number of his employees were noted
so that employers and workmen could be put in
touch with one another. Those unwilling to work
were, as before, to be expelled but the aged and
infirm and those unable to earn sufficient to support
their families were to be given help from the
common alms of the city. The inauguration of
weekly perambulations by the aldermen and
constables to note people's occupations, and monthly
meetings of the council to consider the problem,
are evidence both of the incidence of poverty and
of the desire to come to grips with the situation. At
the same time efforts were made to prevent the
influx of poor and potential poor into the city. In
1547 no stranger was to be admitted unless he was
able to work and his entry was agreed to by the
mayor and aldermen. (fn. 70) In 1588 strangers unable to
support themselves were instructed to find a surety,
an order which was repeated four years later, (fn. 71)
while in 1598 it was ordered that any stranger
marrying a Coventry woman should take her to his
birthplace for a year before coming to live in the
city. (fn. 72)
Meanwhile, after the Dissolution, the corporation
became an important provider of charity. It took
over the chantry foundations of Bond's Hospital
and Ford's Hospital, and with the help of Sir
Thomas White bought property, formerly belonging
to Coventry Priory, which it administered as White's
Charity. In later years many other charities for the
poor were founded and these were generally
administered by the corporation. Their histories are
described elsewhere, (fn. 73) as are those of the college and
school of Bablake. (fn. 74)
From the mid 16th century the system of providing work for the poor developed. As early as 1552
the city obtained permission to use the fee farm for
one year to set the poor at work. (fn. 75) In the later years
of the century trade recession brought with it unemployment, (fn. 76) and in 1571 it was decided to
establish a house of correction or Bridewell in the
former collegiate buildings at Bablake. There was
some delay, resulting from an outbreak of plague, (fn. 77)
but by 1580 a Bridewell was established (fn. 78) where the
unemployed poor were to be set to work producing
cloth under the control of the master, a draper. (fn. 79)
How permanent arrangements for the provision of
work were is not clear, but in 1601 money was voted
to set the poor at work, (fn. 80) and in 1616 the house of
correction contained looms and other tools for
clothworking. (fn. 81)
The Bridewell probably occupied most of the
south range of the Bablake quadrangle. (fn. 82) It may
also have included part of the west range, for
in 1648 a building on that side of the quadrangle,
which had been used to lodge paupers, was
said to be in poor repair, and in 1649 demolition to make way for a garden was ordered. The
former inmates were to be 'allowed something
for their lodging elsewhere'. (fn. 83) At the same time the
masters of the house of correction were dismissed, (fn. 84)
and it appears that arrangements were being made
to provide paupers with wool cards and spinning
wheels in their own dwellings. (fn. 85) This would suggest
that the building concerned may have formed part
of the Bridewell, the activities of which may have
been curtailed at that time. Whether such demolition
took place at that time is uncertain. Certainly a
mid-18th-century map shows the Bablake buildings
forming a complete quadrangle. (fn. 86)
In 1650 one of the previously dismissed masters
was being paid a weekly wage to look after the
Bridewell; (fn. 87) in 1672 its repair was ordered and a
'clothier' was appointed to succeed the existing
master. (fn. 88) In 1682 money was being earmarked for
setting the poor at work, (fn. 89) and the clothier appointed
master in 1672 was not replaced until 1713. (fn. 90) During
the 18th century part of the building appears to have
been allowed to decay and this was let in 1775. (fn. 91)
When Howard visited the building in 1776 he
found that there were two rooms for men and two for
women, all close and offensive. There was no water
available to the prisoners and no sewers, and they
were not provided with work. He suggested that 'the
old town hall' (possibly the Dirge Hall) (fn. 92) was not in
use and could be incorporated into the Bridewell. (fn. 93)
When he went again to Coventry in 1779 the hall
had been converted into a workshop and water had
been laid on. (fn. 94) On a further visit in 1787, however,
he found that the place was very dirty, that the
keeper's dogs were in the rooms, and that no work
was provided for the eight prisoners. (fn. 95) Nevertheless
when Neild visited it twenty odd years later he
reported it to be 'very clean'. It then contained
accommodation for women, who wound silk, and
for men. This accommodation included four new
cells, a room for vagrants, and another for faulty
apprentices. The number of prisoners in the early
years of the century seems to have varied between
two and twelve. (fn. 96) In 1831 the Bridewell was taken
down and its establishment merged with that of the
gaol. (fn. 97)
In addition to the city house of correction parish
rates were levied for poor relief and each parish had
its overseers of the poor. (fn. 98) Details of these in the
outlying parishes are given elsewhere. (fn. 99) In this
section notice is confined to the central parishes of
St. Michael (including later St. John) and Holy
Trinity each of which maintained a workhouse.
There is mention of a workhouse 'in the priory' in
Holy Trinity parish as early as 1613. (fn. 1) This may well
have been the workhouse which existed in Palmer
Lane in 1702. (fn. 2) In 1726 the parish authorities obtained a building called the Stonehouse in Well
Street as a workhouse where the poor might be
lodged and employed. (fn. 3) This was perhaps rebuilt in
1763, (fn. 4) and was certainly enlarged in the 18th
century. (fn. 5) There was a workhouse in St. Michael's
parish 'next Bridewell' in 1724 (fn. 6) and this was probably
the parish workhouse which up to the beginning
of the 19th century was situated in a court, later
known as Workhouse Yard, in Hill Street. (fn. 7)
The Napoleonic Wars brought severe unemployment to Coventry, and the existing workhouses
proved inadequate and their upkeep too expensive.
The amount of poor rates levied in the central
parishes, which only once rose above £5,000 in the
years 1775-94, was £17,988 in 1801. In that year a
local Act (fn. 8) was obtained which united the two parishes
of St. Michael and Holy Trinity for poor-relief
purposes. St. John's parish was in this respect
considered to be part of St. Michael's. The Act
established as guardians of the poor all £50 freeholders and £20 leaseholders. This group, numbering several hundreds, had the power of choosing
eighteen directors of the poor to administer poor
relief in the combined parishes. One later result of
the local Act was that the Poor Law Commission set
up by the Act of 1834 did not have the power to
control in detail the administration of poor relief in
the city. (fn. 9) The Act of 1801, amended slightly by
another local Act in 1862, (fn. 10) remained the basis of
poor relief in Coventry until 1874. Neither the
Municipal Corporations Act of 1835 nor the
dissolution of the county of the city in 1842 had any
effect on the administration of poor relief in the
central area.
As soon as they were appointed the new directors
arranged to sell the existing parish workhouses and
bought the remains of the old Whitefriars house.
By 1804 this had been converted into a workhouse or
house of industry and the inmates of the old houses
transferred to it. (fn. 11) The new house was described in
1813 as 'a peaceable asylum' where able-bodied
adults were employed in textile manufacture, and
the young 'instructed in the rudiments of salutary
learning'. In addition to the workhouse proper there
was then a brick building for women admitted,
perhaps ambitiously, 'for the united purposes of
childbed and reformation'. Cells for the solitary
confinement of those in the 'last stages of vice and
turbulence' were said to be little used, and the
whole institution was held to be clean, well ordered,
and beneficial. (fn. 12) By 1843 considerable additions had
been made and the house could accommodate 450
to 500 paupers. It was further enlarged in 1863 and
later in the century again extended particularly by
the erection of an infirmary for the sick poor. (fn. 13) It was
a mixed house for men, women, boys, and girls, (fn. 14)
and the actual number in residence fluctuated
considerably with the fortunes of local industry.
In 1829, for example, there were 340 inmates, in
1838 154, but generally in the 1820s, 1830s, and
1840s the number varied between 200 and 300. (fn. 15)
Administration under the local Act appears to have
been comparatively generous. (fn. 16) Nevertheless every
attempt was made to ensure that the 'house of
industry' lived up to its name. In 1809 stocking
frames were bought and contractors appointed to
train the pauper children, but this project was a
failure and the tools and materials were sold in
1813. (fn. 17) The 1801 Act, however, permitted the
directors to allow the workhouse inmates to be
employed by private persons. Thus from about 1812
until at least 1842 they contracted annually with a
silk throwster who installed a silk mill in the workhouse and paid the directors 1s. a week for each
pauper he employed. Of this the worker received 1d.
plus a further 4d. from the contractor, a practice
which the assistant Poor Law Commissioners in
1843 suggested was an inducement for many to stay
in the workhouse. In that year 70 inmates were thus
employed, while 68 worked at hand flour mills. The
commissioners also criticized the practices of giving
daily beer allowances and permitting the inmates to
go out on Sundays, saying that life in the house was
too comfortable. (fn. 18) They admitted that the workhouse was kept with 'peculiar cleanliness and order,
the provisions' being 'of the best and the inmates
well clothed and lodged', but one director's conception of the workhouse as 'a comfortable asylum to
the poor' rather than 'a bugbear to deter them from
seeking relief', which they quoted, clearly contrasted
with the views of the commission. (fn. 19)
In 1840 the directors resolved not to employ
children under nine in the silk mill, and in 1843
there was a pauper schoolmaster of good standing,
and in that year a schoolmistress was appointed. (fn. 20)
In addition to relief in the workhouse outdoor
relief was granted on a considerable scale by individual directors, although this was a practice
which the 1801 Act did not anticipate happening in
normal circumstances. (fn. 21) In June 1832, for example,
675 families were on permanent outdoor relief and
an average of 619 families a week was given casual
outdoor relief. The weekly payment for out-relief
in October of that year was £132; in October 1829
such relief had cost as much as £279. (fn. 22) The annual
average expenditure on poor relief in the 1820s and
1830s was about £14,000. (fn. 23) The compassionate
attitude of the directors, and in particular their
generous use of outdoor relief, which extended to
supplementing wages, (fn. 24) was contrary to the policy
of the Poor Law Commissioners. Attempts in 1836
and in the 1840s to bring Coventry fully under the
commission's control were, however, unsuccessful. (fn. 25)
Nevertheless there was strong criticism of the
management of the directors (fn. 26) and this did have a
noticeable effect. As a result of the efforts of two
directors gross expenditure had already been cut
from £23,873 in 1830 to £14,839 in 1834. The high
figure in 1830 was variously attributed to the
anticipation of a general election, or merely to the
over-generosity of a liberal board. After the Poor
Law Commissioners' report of 1834 expenditure
continued to fall until 1838, but then rose until it
stood at £11,336 in 1842. (fn. 27) Local feeling supported
this increased expenditure at a time of distress (fn. 28)
but in 1843 the assistant Poor Law Commissioners
complained that the net average cost of poor relief
at Coventry per head 'probably exceeds that of any
manufacturing town in the north of England'. (fn. 29) This
they blamed partly on bad administration and overgenerous outdoor relief. Following this there appears
to have been more discrimination in granting outdoor relief and in the 1840s as a whole total expenditure fell to an annual average of less than £10,000
and in the 1850s to about £7,000 despite a considerable increase in population. This does not, however,
take into account special relief funds voluntarily
contributed at periods of heavy unemployment. (fn. 30)
The trade disturbances of the early 1860s, however,
led to a big increase in outdoor as well as indoor
relief. (fn. 31)
The local Acts of 1801 and 1862 were repealed
by an Act of 1873 (fn. 32) and in 1874 the Coventry Union
was formed and the board of directors was replaced
by a popularly elected board of guardians. (fn. 33) Thus
poor relief at Coventry was assimilated into the
general national framework under the new Local
Government Board. (fn. 34) The board of guardians
continued to control poor relief in Coventry until
its functions were transferred in 1930 to the
corporation which took over its duties, including
control of the workhouse and the poor-law infirmary,
which became Gulson Road Hospital. The council
established a public assistance committee which
later became the social welfare committee. (fn. 35) In 1948
the social welfare department disappeared consequent on national legislation and in 1958 a new
welfare department was set up by the council to
administer the council's functions under the
National Assistance Act of 1948 and certain services
for the aged as required by the National Health
Service Act of 1946. (fn. 36)
PUBLIC HEALTH. (fn. 37)
The work of the leet, the
unreformed council, and the street commissioners
relative to public health has been dealt with elsewhere. (fn. 38) When the Commissioners on the State of
Large Towns investigated such matters in Coventry
in 1843 they found a dismal situation. There was no
Act or regulation in force with respect to drainage
or sewerage and the city was inadequately provided
with these services. The local Act pertaining to
lighting, paving, and cleaning was in practice inoperative, and in spite of the 'mild and healthy
climate' of the area the atmosphere of Coventry was
'tainted and impure in the extreme'. The streets
were narrow, ill-paved, and ill-cleansed, and housing
conditions deplorable; the burial grounds were
inadequate and near the centre of the city; several
areas were liable to flood because of the mill dams
which obstructed the waterways and collected filthy
refuse prejudicial to health. Consequently the death
rate was high and epidemics common. The commissioners felt that the corporation should take over
the water supply, that an Act for better lighting,
paving, and cleansing the city was imperative and
that, while the common lands should be retained for
pasture and recreation, the presence of the Lammas
lands severely curtailed the development of better
housing sites. (fn. 39)
Improvement gradually followed these condemnations. In 1845 the construction of a new
waterworks began (fn. 40) and during the 1840s the council
ordered sewers to be made in Cross Cheaping, St.
Nicholas Street, King Street and Town Wall (Bond
Street), Much Park Street, and Jordan Well. (fn. 41)
Under the Coventry Cemetery and Improvement
Act of 1844, it also purchased the remaining three
mills on the River Sherbourne, (fn. 42) and ordered or
allowed certain sections of the Sherbourne and the
Radford Brook to be put into culverts. (fn. 43)
In the rapidly developing city the greatest problem
was probably that of sewerage and refuse disposal,
for vigorous machinery for dealing with it effectively
needed to be created. The Public Health Act of 1848
gave an opportunity. The average annual deaths in
the city between 1838 and 1844 had been sufficiently
high to necessitate an inquiry under the Act as to
the desirability of setting up a local board of health.
Early in 1849, therefore, the council petitioned to
bring Coventry under the Act (fn. 44) and an investigation
followed in a few months. (fn. 45) An outbreak of cholera
in the same year (fn. 46) heightened the effect of the
consequent report. This stressed the incidence of
epidemic diseases, especially in the poorer areas,
and recommended the use of the Lammas and
Michaelmas lands for building to alleviate the overcrowded areas. It also pressed for the provision of a
proper sewerage system. Of 98 streets 76 had no
sewers at all, and only fifteen were fully sewered;
most existing sewers emptied into the Sherbourne.
While the better-class houses had privies and covered
soil-pits, most dwellings had only open pits often
situated very near the houses. Into these, and into the
courts and streets, offal and other filth was flung,
for there were still few ashpits and the scavenging
system was quite inadequate. (fn. 47)
In July 1849 the city council was established as
the local board of health (fn. 48) in that capacity taking over
the duties of the sanitary committee. (fn. 49) At first there
was local opposition. The new regulations were
found irksome when few results were visible and
there was suspicion of the board's accounting. (fn. 50)
The council, however, began to investigate possible
drainage improvements and in 1851 the same
inspector who had made the 1849 report was asked
to advise on action to be taken. (fn. 51) He stressed the
need for an arterial sewer into which ramifications
for the districts could flow, a network of smaller
sewers for the rapid removal of sewage and the
abolition of cesspools, and the use of a plant to
convert sewage into manure for agricultural
purposes. (fn. 52) Work was begun on the main sewer and
on certain sections of the secondary system in 1852. (fn. 53)
Most of the work was carried out during the 1850s
and in 1857 a plan was approved for sewage tanks
to complete the system. The sewerage and deodorizing works were completed in the following year. (fn. 54)
Unfortunately while the system was an improvement as far as Coventry was concerned it proved to
be a nuisance to its neighbours, for the sewage was
discharged into the Sherbourne about a mile downstream from the city boundary. As late as 1870 the
river was described as consequently 'a large, open
and extremely offensive sewer'. The effluent
eventually reached the Avon from which Warwick
took drinking water. (fn. 55) In 1874 the council, which
under the Public Health Act of 1872 had become the
urban sanitary authority, and appointed a medical
officer of health, (fn. 56) was faced in 1874 with an injunction issued by the Court of Chancery to discontinue
discharging untreated sewage into the river. (fn. 57) As a
result the corporation permitted a sewage-treatment
plant to be built at Whitley by the General Sewage
and Manure Company in 1874. The company
undertook to purify the sewage without charge to the
corporation, recouping itself from the manufacture of
artificial manures. (fn. 58)
The assumption that the works could be run at a
profit, however, proved baseless and after operating
at a loss for two years the plant was taken over by the
corporation in 1876. A system of treating sewage by
precipitation was then introduced, apparently
successfully, and in 1877 a contract was made with
the Rivers' Purification Association to continue the
scheme with the aid of a subsidy. (fn. 59) In 1880 the plant
was leased to the association. (fn. 60)
By 1874 the question of sewerage in the rural
sanitary districts outside the city, but within St.
Michael's and Holy Trinity parishes, had become a
matter of local politics. Earlsdon requested that
Coventry's main sewers should receive its outflow,
but the council's reaction was that if this was done
then the other rural areas in the two parishes would
expect the same treatment. It was felt that the only
solution was an extension of the city boundary, (fn. 61)
and for the moment this question was shelved. It
arose again, however, in 1886 over the admission of
the Red Lane area sewage into the city's sewers. In
1889 an extension of the boundary to include the
area of the Coventry Union was thought to be
desirable. A public meeting at Earlsdon favoured
the idea, and in 1890 the first boundary extension
since the dissolution of the county of the city took
place. (fn. 62)
Boundary extension increased the council's
responsibilities at a time when it was faced with
further difficulties. Disposal arrangements were
shown to be less and less satisfactory. In 1884
Warwick alleged pollution of the Sherbourne by
Coventry and demanded an inquiry. As a result the
council took over the plant from the Rivers' Purification Association and began to investigate new
methods of disposal. (fn. 63) There was little improvement,
however, and between 1890 and 1900 a series of
actions were brought against the corporation for
polluting the Sherbourne, the Severn, and the
Avon. (fn. 64) In 1893 it was alleged that the state of the
river water containing Coventry's supposedly treated
effluent was such that 'anyone who has the faculties
of sight and smell' must know that the scheme did
not work. (fn. 65)
At last, in 1901, after some legal difficulties, a
sewage farm was opened at Baginton. A pumping
station was constructed at Whitley to convey
sewage thence to Baginton. (fn. 66) For some time this
system was adequate, but as the amount of sewage
increased and its nature changed new methods
became necessary. (fn. 67) Improvem nts were delayed by
the First World War, andealthough by 1920
bacteria-beds were supplementing the broad irrigation arrangements at Baginton (fn. 68) it was not until 1932
that a new sewage-disposal works at Finham was put
into operation, using the bacteria-bed system
together with other forms of treatment, and broad
irrigation at Baginton was discontinued, an airport
being established on the former sewage farm. (fn. 69)
Following extension of the boundary the corporation in 1928 took over sewage-disposal works at
Stoke and the Canley works at Gibbet Hill, and in
1932 acquired the Henley Mill and Keresley works
and works at Stivichall. (fn. 70) The construction of a new
Sowe valley outfall sewer, mooted as early as 1927,
was begun in 1934 and completed in 1937. This
started at the northern boundary, receiving sewage
from Bedworth U.D. and joining the Finham outfall
sewer on the south of the city. (fn. 71) Development after
the Second World War has been in the nature of
extensions and improvements to the existing works
at Baginton and Finham. (fn. 72)
The unsatisfactory position with regard to burial
grounds had been reported by the council to the
Commissioners on the State of Large Towns in
1843. At that time Coventry, with a teeming population and a high death rate, was served by the
cemeteries attached to St. Michael's, Holy Trinity,
and St. Peter's churches, which in all covered less
than five acres. The council felt that the great
mortality was 'much aggravated by the confined and
limited state of the burial grounds', and the directors
of the poor reported that 'contagious diseases of all
kinds are buried in the very centre; the most
revolting scenes are daily exhibited . . .'. Another
description referred to one cemetery as 'one entire
mass of human bones and putrefaction'. It is not
surprising that the burial grounds emitted offensive
odours. (fn. 73)
Under an Act of 1844 the corporation established
a public cemetery. (fn. 74) The site, bounded on the east
by the London turnpike, on the south by the London
and North Western Railway, and on the north and
west by Green Lane, consisted of Barnes Field and
Quarry Close, compensation for grazing rights being
paid to the freemen in respect of these two pieces of
land. (fn. 75) The cemetery was planned by Joseph (later
Sir Joseph) Paxton, with a western section for
Church burials (consecrated in 1847), an eastern
section for dissenters, and two chapels. (fn. 76) Because
of the greater proportion of Church burials a further
piece of land was consecrated in 1853, and in 1854
a scheme was drawn up for closing all other burial
places in the city. (fn. 77) Arrangements were made in
1863 for the designation of a specified area as a
Hebrew burial ground. (fn. 78) In 1887 an extension of the
cemetery across the railway on to Whitley Common
was opened. (fn. 79) The cemetery was further extended
in 1929. In 1899 St. Paul's cemetery in Holbrook
Lane was transferred to the corporation, in 1928
Windmill Road cemetery was taken over from
Foleshill parish council, and in 1932 Walsgrave-on-Sowe parish council transferred its cemetery to the
city council. Canley cemetery and crematorium,
which had been planned as far back as 1926, was
opened in 1943. (fn. 80)
Working-class housing conditions in 1843, as
revealed by the report of the Commissioners on the
State of Large Towns, were very bad. The town
possessed many very old houses, some of which were
timber-framed buildings with upper stories projecting into streets which were often 'narrow, crooked,
ill-lighted, ill-paved and cleansed, and . . . very
ill-ventilated. Lanes, courts, and alleys abound in
every direction and of the worst kind'. In these the
inhabitants were so congested 'that disease takes root
in the human frame as speedily as though the
locality itself were pestiferous'. Such conditions
were 'plentifully distributed through Coventry' but
among the worst areas were Leicester Street,
Brewery Street, Swan Street, Tower Street, Henry
Street, and Palmer Lane. The neighbourhoods of
Cow Lane, Warwick Lane, Greyfriars Lane,
Barrack Yard, Much Park Street, and St. John's
Street were 'all neglected and unhealthy' and parts
of Spon Street notoriously so.
It is true that most tenements in Coventry were of
two stories, each house occupied by a single family.
But there were many back-to-back houses in the
older parts of the town where there were also threestory buildings with one entrance and without
through ventilation each containing three or four
families. (fn. 81) A report in 1849 gives many instances of
overcrowding in these areas. In Brewery Street, for
example, a man, wife, five children, and four lodgers
occupied one room, and this was not untypical. (fn. 82)
Even houses which in the forties were of recent
construction left much to be desired. They were
built as cheaply as possible with the object of getting
quick returns from rents, and as many dwellings as
possible were squashed on to small spaces. Often
they consisted of rows of houses 18 feet deep by 12
feet wide, the ground floor comprising a kitchen of
say 12 feet by 10 feet, together with a 'back-kitchen,
pantry, coal-hole, and staircase'. Above this were
two bedrooms (often used for business purposes),
while the upper story was intended for a ribbonweavers' shop capable of taking up to four looms. (fn. 83)
The lack of a proper water supply at this time is
dealt with below, and the absence of main sewerage
has been dealt with above. (fn. 84) The houses of the
well-to-do in the early 1840s usually had proper
'necessaries' emptying into covered cesspools but
the great majority of privies, often situated very near
house entrances, drained into open cesspools which
were emptied only when full. There were no public
latrines.
Houses were not generally supplied with dustbins
and refuse was thrown into ash-pits or the streets
whence it was supposed to be conveyed by the
scavengers to waste land outside the town. In the
poorer quarters, however, the refuse was often
allowed to accumulate until the quantity was
sufficient to 'produce more than the expense of
removing'. Only £30 a year was spent on scavenging
in Coventry. (fn. 85)
In 1849 conditions were not much better. The
proportion of privies to houses varied from one per
house to one to seventeen houses inhabited by 64
persons. In 163 courts and yards the average was
about one privy to six houses. (fn. 86)
These conditions were not easily improved.
Housing development in the 19th century was left
to private enterprise. Thus while houses were erected
in considerable numbers in the latter half of the
century they did not meet the need of the poorest
inhabitants. New streets such as Priory Street (1855-1875), those on the newly-enclosed Windmill Hill
Fields (1876), and Eaton Road (1880) consisted of
medium-sized or large houses. (fn. 87) In 1876 the medical
officer of health considered the overcrowding in the
older districts as 'the great evil of the present day in
Coventry'. (fn. 88)
The Housing Act of 1890 had given the corporation powers to seek closure of houses unfit for
habitation and from that year action was taken to rid
Coventry of its worst dwellings (see Table).
In 1876 the medical officer of health had reported
'we have not nearly sufficient houses (taking them
bad and good) to accommodate the working classes'. (fn. 89)
It is clear that this remained the position in the 1890s
and action was limited by the scarcity of alternative
accommodation. (fn. 90) The 1,710 dwellings erected in
the seven years up to 1899 were not suitable for the
poorest inhabitants. In Godiva Street, Sparkbrook
Street, Gordon Street, and Leicester Causeway the
houses were all 5-6-roomed letting at rents of
5s. 9d. to 7s. 6d. a week, and thus too expensive for
the dwellers in the miserable courts accustomed to
rents of 1s. 9d. to 4s. (fn. 91)
In 1899 the council resolved to erect some 2-3-roomed houses for rent at 2s. 6d. to 3s. 6d. a week as
an experiment, (fn. 92) but this does not appear to have
been carried out. Perhaps this was because in that
year there was for some reason less difficulty for the
poorer classes in obtaining accommodation and the
Table opposite indicates that between then and 1905
the council was particularly active. In 1906, however,
there was again a scarcity of small cheap houses and
the alternative accommodation to bad court
dwellings could often only be the workhouse.
Consequently the council felt unable to act so
vigorously that year. (fn. 93) The medical officer of health
in 1906 and 1907 urged the council itself to undertake the building of 2-3-roomed houses since
private builders were unlikely to provide them. (fn. 94)
In 1908 the council at last erected 48 5-roomed
houses in Narrow Lane for letting at 5s. 6d. a week
and 22 tenements in Short Street for division into
2-roomed flats at 4s. 3d. a week, and in 1911
determined to build 1364-and 5-roomed dwellings. (fn. 95)
| TABLE (fn. a)
Action on Unfit Houses
|
|
Year
|
No. Condemned
|
No. Improved in consequence
|
No. Closed
|
No. Re-opened after improvement
|
No. of back-to-back houses of which two turned into one through-ventilated house
|
| 1891 |
62 |
9 |
6 |
- |
18 |
| 1892 |
43 |
10 |
29 |
- |
- |
| 1893 |
36 |
8 |
33 |
- |
10 |
| 1894 |
6 |
5 |
1 |
- |
4 |
| 1895 |
15 |
5 |
1 |
- |
6 |
| 1896 |
9 |
- |
4 |
- |
- |
| 1897 |
2 |
- |
2 |
- |
- |
| 1898 |
4 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
| 1899 |
31 |
12 |
12 |
- |
6 |
| 1900 |
75 |
30 |
5 |
- |
6 |
| 1901 |
42 |
39 |
15 |
5 |
- |
| 1902 |
43 |
23 |
12 |
8 |
- |
| 1903 |
34 |
21 |
7 |
1 |
4 |
| 1904 |
40 |
39 |
7 |
1 |
4 |
| 1905 |
58 |
3 |
8 |
11 |
8 |
| 1906 |
8 |
23 |
4 |
3 |
2 |
| 1907 |
9 |
4 |
12 |
3 |
- |
| 1908 |
31 |
23 |
- |
2 |
- |
| 1909 |
40 |
12 |
24 |
1 |
- |
This action was nevertheless insufficient to meet the
need, and in 1912 it was reported that 500 to 1,000
new artisans' houses were needed, (fn. 96) but it was not
until 1916 that any further municipal housing was
undertaken. In that year over 800 dwellings were
built with government assistance at Stoke Heath,
then outside the city boundary, to house warworkers. (fn. 97)
In the mid 1920s it was again impossible fully to
effect closure of unfit houses because of the lack of
other accommodation, (fn. 98) but from 1925 onwards
there was a continuous provision of council housing
in large estates. After the Second World War much
of the accommodation was provided in blocks of
flats. (fn. 99)
The problem of privies and rubbish disposal was
a long standing one. In 1874 the medical officer of
health reported that the water-closet system was
being rapidly increased in Coventry, and in that year
there were some 5,200 closets in the city. (fn. 1) In 1880
the waterworks committee suggested that one W.C.
per house should be free of extra water charges, (fn. 2)
and in the same year the medical officer of health
reported on the danger of infection resulting from
the large number of privies and heaps of manure still
existing in the city. (fn. 3) Five years later the council
ordered that 113 houses and Bablake School should
replace their privies by W.C.s. (fn. 4)
From 1900 there was a steady decline in the
number of privies and pail-closets. In that year,
following the boundary extension, the number of
privies in the city limits had increased from 537 to
1,397. By 1907 this number had fallen to 712, by
1912 to 92, and by 1925 to seven. In 1926 there were
only sixteen pail-closets left in the city. (fn. 5)
The emptying of privies and ashpits had been put
out to contract in 1878; (fn. 6) but the disposal of house
and street refuse 'by piling it up in vast accumulations in the near vicinity of the city' was held by the
medical officer of health in 1897 to be not only an
insanitary but an uneconomical system. (fn. 7) In later
years he repeated his criticism and urged the
installation of a refuse destructor. (fn. 8) It was not until
1908 that this was provided by the council. (fn. 9) Dustbins were introduced in 1899 (fn. 10) and the number of
ashpits in the city declined from 1,798 in that year
to 38 in 1926 by which time metal dustbins were
practically general. (fn. 11)
From the latter part of the 19th century the city
health authorities were also actively engaged in
registering, inspecting, and improving the state of
lodging houses, and after 1898 in regulating dairies,
cowsheds, and milkshops. (fn. 12)
One of the most long-standing evils, however,
was the state of slaughter houses, which had grown
up, not only in Great and Little Butcher Rows, but
in yards and courts in various parts of the city. The
leet had made frequent orders regarding the
slaughter of beasts and regulations were tightened
up during the years of activity after the dissolution
of the county of the city. In 1850 by-laws regarding
drainage, paving, ventilation, supply of water, and
lime-washing were promulgated. No privy, midden,
or cesspool was to be allowed to be near a slaughter
house; cleansing and the removal of garbage were
regulated and the officers of the local board of health
were to be allowed access at any time. From the
following year every slaughter house had to be
registered. (fn. 13) In 1858 the council made provision for
Smithfield market on the site of Priory Mill pool. (fn. 14)
This together with Pool Meadow later replaced the
Spon End monthly fairs and the Gosford Street
cattle fairs (fn. 15) so bringing the sale of livestock into one
place. The provision of a public slaughter house
proved more difficult. Year after year the medical
officer of health protested at the state of affairs and
from the late 1850s onwards there were abortive
moves to rectify the situation, the council usually
hesitating at the expense involved. At the beginning
of the 20th century there were 50 slaughter houses
in the city 40 of which were very insanitary. (fn. 16) It was
not until 1925 that practical plans were made for a
public abattoir, and not until 1932 that it was
opened on its present site in the Butts close to the
railway station. It provided accommodation for the
city's butchers and for dealing with over 61,000
beasts a year. All private slaughter houses were
closed and adequate inspection was at last possible. (fn. 17)
As early as 1850 the council appointed a committee to consider smoke abatement, (fn. 18) and in the
latter half of the century offensive smoke and smells
from factories and works were the cause of complaint. (fn. 19) Coventry nevertheless had to wait until
1951 before the central area became a 'smokeless
zone'. (fn. 20)
Although the Lammas and Michaelmas lands
were built over, other wastes and commons
continued as open spaces, and details of their
continued use for pasturage, and of the adaption of
some for parks and recreation grounds is dealt with
above. (fn. 21) During the later years of the 19th century
and throughout the 20th the corporation acquired a
large number of parks and open spaces. (fn. 22) A considerable addition to Coventry's amenities was
achieved with the purchase by the corporation in
1926 of the Stoneleigh estate, an area of over 2,200
acres lying south and south-west of the city. (fn. 23) In
1929 Stivichall hamlet, as yet unspoilt but in danger
of development, also became the property of the
corporation. (fn. 24)
A cold bath was advertised in the Coventry
Mercury in 1742, but the first substantial bathing
establishment available to the public appears to have
been built about 1820 in Smithford Street. Hot,
cold, steam, shower, vapour, sulphurous, and
swimming baths were provided by this private
enterprise. The first corporation baths were opened
in Hales Street in 1852, 2,000 people allegedly
patronizing them on the first day. (fn. 25) In 1964 there
were three public baths - those in Priory Street
(opened 1894), Primrose Hill baths (1913), and
Foleshill baths (1937). A municipal laundry was
opened in 1962. (fn. 26) A large new swimming pool
together with slipper and shower baths was opened
in 1966.
The history of Coventry's hospitals requires
detailed consideration. (fn. 27) The connexion between
environment and disease was very evident in earlyand mid-19th-century Coventry. Investigations in
the 1830s and 1840s drew attention to the high
incidence of digestive and pulmonary illnesses,
anaemia, rheumatism, and insanity, especially among
the weavers who lived in cramped conditions,
worked long hours bent over looms, existed on a
diet of tea, bread, and potatoes, and were in a state
of chronic anxiety due to the insecure nature of their
trade. (fn. 28) Alleviation of these ills and of such epidemic
diseases as cholera, typhus, and dysentery was to a
great extent a matter of improving sewerage, housing,
and the other amenities dealt with above. The growth
of hospital facilities (fn. 29) represents another aspect of
improved public health in Coventry. Nevertheless
factors other than the nature and incidence of
disease seem to have been responsible for most of
the developments in the early history of Coventry's
hospitals. The General Dispensary, in existence
from at least 1793, grew out of the charitable movement of the 18th century. The Provident Dispensary,
founded in 1831, was part of the 'self-help' ethos,
upheld by men like Charles Bray. Even when the
first hospital, the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital, was founded, in 1838, it was intended less
to deal with disease than with accident cases, which
formed only a small proportion of the total causes
of incapacity. (fn. 30) This was probably because epidemic
diseases were nearly always treated in the home,
being ascribed to smell or 'effluence' rather than
infection. The hospital, which was a converted
private house, had only twelve beds until 1846 when
a further thirteen were added. In 1849, the year of a
cholera visitation, an effort was made to procure a
more adequate hospital. External factors, however,
lack of funds, and the stranglehold of common land
on building, held back the opening of a new hospital
until 1867.
Some of the worst environmental conditions were
rectified, or at least alleviated, during the years from
1849 to 1858, (fn. 31) but the corporation's habitual
reluctance to spend money extended to the provision
of hospitals. Paupers were looked after by the
guardians of the poor who provided a fever hospital
in 1871 and possibly an infirmary as early as 1845.
A new infirmary with 100 beds was built in 1889.
The voluntary Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital,
which steadily expanded from 1867 to 1914, and the
Provident Dispensary, which provided vaccination
services, had to cater for the remainder of the
rapidly expanding population and for the areas
added by the boundary extensions of 1890 and
1899. (fn. 32) Although Coventry escaped the national
cholera outbreak of 1854, there were epidemics, and
it was probably the smallpox outbreak of 1871, in
which 166 died, that finally induced the corporation
to open a fever hospital in 1874. A new fever hospital
was opened in 1885 and thereafter hospital expansion
was generally related to demand, scarlet fever
epidemics in 1894-5, 1900-1, and 1909-11 leading
to further extensions of the main hospital and the
opening of a separate smallpox hospital in 1897.
Both the voluntary hospital and the board of
guardians' hospital were used for soldiers wounded
during the First World War, but only the Coventry
and Warwickshire Hospital was permanently
affected by the war. New wards opened to accommodate the soldiers remained after the war, doubling
the number of beds available for in-patients. Another
result of the war was the opening in 1917 of a free
treatment clinic for venereal disease at the Coventry
and Warwickshire Hospital.
Other out-patient services were developed during
this period. A serious effort, particularly after the
1911 Insurance Act, was made to deal with tuberculosis, which had an annual death rate in Coventry
of over 150. A proposal in 1908 to convert Pinley
Smallpox Hospital into a sanitorium was abandoned
because the site was not suitable, but from that year
the council leased beds in sanatoria outside Coventry.
The idea of a joint tuberculosis scheme between
Coventry and Warwickshire County Council was
first raised in 1913. Plans were made to erect a joint
sanatorium and several dispensaries. The dispensaries were opened, including that at the
Quadrant in 1914, but the sanatorium was postponed
because of the war and only opened in 1923 as the
King Edward VII Memorial Sanatorium at Hertford
Hill near Warwick.
Medical inspection of school children was started
by the council in 1905 and by 1921 this was linked to
school clinics with dental, eye, X-ray, and cleansing
departments. Special schools for delicate and handicapped children were opened in 1908, 1916, and
1918. (fn. 33)
The most important development during the
inter-war period was the vast increase in the number
of potential patients owing to the boundary extensions of 1928 and 1932 and the growth of the bicycle,
motor vehicle, and aircraft industries. (fn. 34) All the
hospitals expanded during this period. A comprehensive expansion scheme for the Coventry and
Warwickshire Hospital was drawn up in 1925. A
new operating theatre, pathological laboratory, and
administrative offices were opened in 1927 and
Keresley Hall, purchased in the same year, was
opened in 1929 as a convalescent hospital. The old
fever hospital was acquired at the same time. Further
extensions made in 1938-9 as part of the centenary
celebrations included accommodation for over 100
new in-patients and considerable expansion of outpatient departments. During this period were laid
the foundations for the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital's reputation in the treatment of industrial
eye diseases and injuries.
Pressure on the fever hospital was equally great,
especially since typhoid and smallpox were particularly virulent in the areas added to Coventry by the
boundary extension acts. In 1934 the hospital was
re-opened on a new site at Whitley. The Gulson
Road infirmary, taken over by the corporation in
1930, was expanded in 1937 by the absorption of the
workhouse and the acquisition of Allesley Hall as a
convalescent home.
The same period was characterized by a growing
tendency to unify all hospital and health services, and
by the increasing control of the council over these
services. In 1930, under the Local Government Act
of the previous year, the public health committee of
the council, apart from taking over Gulson Road
Hospital, assumed responsibility for a domiciliary
medical service, vaccination services, domiciliary
assistance for the blind and some duties under the
Children Act of 1908 which had formerly been
exercised by the guardians of the poor. Under the
Midwives Act of 1936 the council employed municipal midwives.
There was a growing co-operation between the
council's health committee and the various voluntary
bodies. There was an agreement between the
voluntary and municipal hospitals in 1932 concerning treatment of members of the Hospital Saturday
Fund, and a joint laboratory, run by the corporation
and the Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital, was
opened in 1938. Co-operation was also a feature of
the maternity and child welfare services which were
expanding considerably. In 1921 there was one child
welfare centre run by the council and four by the
voluntary Infant Welfare Committee. By 1939 there
were sixteen such centres organized as a unified
system with Gulson Road and Dunsmoor as pivots.
An orthopaedic clinic and a convalescent home were
administered by the voluntary Coventry and District
Children's Guild, founded in 1925, but the council
assumed more responsibility for school children,
providing better clinic facilities and immunization
against diphtheria from 1930.
Arrangements were made in 1938 to deal with
casualties in the event of war. First-aid posts were
established, vehicles were mobilised as ambulances,
and the central hospitals were affiliated to hospitals
in less vulnerable areas. Welfare centres were
suspended and the general hospitals partially
emptied. But when the expected raids of 1939 did
not materialize normal services were resumed and it
was for this reason that the hospitals suffered so
much from the raids of 1940 and 1941. The Coventry
and Warwickshire Hospital was virtually destroyed
and Gulson and Whitley hospitals damaged. Gulson
became the main casualty hospital while most other
services were dispersed to Keresley, Allesley, Exhall,
and two branches at Kenilworth. Prompt action by
the local health authorities prevented epidemics of
typhoid or diphtheria but the number of cases of
tuberculosis increased.
The situation after the war was very serious:
overcrowding and bad housing conditions created
tuberculosis; a sharp rise in the birth-rate resulted
in congestion in maternity wards and at maternity
and child welfare centres; and bombed hospitals
and lack of staff resulted in an acute shortage of
hospital beds. Conditions in an overcrowded urban
centre like Coventry were much worse than in other,
less damaged, more rural neighbouring districts, and
it was partly to rectify such discrepancies that the
National Health Service Act was passed in 1946.
In 1948, under the Act, Coventry Hospital
Management Committee (fn. 35) took over the control of
23 institutions and annexes, ten of which lay within
the boundaries of the city. (fn. 36) They comprised two
general hospitals (Gulson and the Coventry and
Warwickshire with two annexes at Kenilworth and
one at Keresley), an infectious diseases hospital
(Whitley), a smallpox hospital (Pinley), a chronic
hospital (Exhall (fn. 37) with annexes at Walsgrave and
Gosford Green), an orthopaedic hospital (Paybody),
a convalescent hospital (Allesley Hall) and maternity
hospital (Allesley House), administered as annexes
of Gulson Hospital, and an orthopaedic clinic
(Dunsmoor). One long-established institution, the
Provident Dispensary, was dissolved. (fn. 38)
Several changes have been made since 1948. The
Towers, one of the Kenilworth annexes of the
Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital, became an
annexe of Gulson Hospital in 1950; in 1951 Allesley
House was closed and Allesley Hall became an
annexe of Paybody Hospital; Allesley Hall was
closed in 1959, Paybody Hospital in 1961, and
Dunsmoor in 1962-3; the foundation stone of a
new general hospital was laid at Walsgrave in 1964.
Under the National Health Service Act the
corporation health department was bound to provide
health centres, child welfare, midwifery, health
visiting, home nursing, vaccination, ambulance,
preventive care, domestic help, and mental health
services. The health department took over nine
voluntary maternity and child welfare centres in
1948 and by the end of the year there were eighteen
centres, although, with one exception, they were
held in temporary, unsuitable premises, mainly in
church and chapel halls. (fn. 39) By 1964 there were six
maternity and child welfare centres in buildings
erected for that purpose, six more in adapted
premises, and twelve sessions held weekly in rented
rooms, still mainly church halls. (fn. 40) Owing to a lack
of co-operation from local doctors and dentists it
was a long time before a health centre was opened
as was originally planned, but combined maternity
and child welfare and school health clinics have been
opened at Broad Street (1955) and Tile Hill (1956)
and a surgery unit was opened at the latter in 1958. (fn. 41)
Midwifery, health visiting, home nursing, and
vaccination (fn. 42) services are provided by the corporation health department but the care of unmarried
mothers is still (1964) undertaken by a voluntary
body, St. Faith's Shelter, according to an agreement
made by the health committee in 1948. (fn. 43) In 1948
the city ambulance service and the Hospital Saturday Fund Ambulance Service entered into a fiveyear agreement to operate an ambulance service from
a single depot in Swanswell Terrace. A single
integrated service under the direct control of the
health committee came into operation when the
agreement expired in 1953.
The Warwickshire and Coventry Joint Committee
for Tuberculosis, which had been in existence since
1914, was dissolved in 1948 when control of sanatoria
and dispensaries, including that in the Quadrant,
passed to the Birmingham Regional Board. (fn. 44)
Domiciliary welfare became the responsibility of the
city health department and an occupational therapy
service for domiciliary tubercular patients was
begun in 1956. (fn. 45) Institutional provision for the
mentally sick also became, under the National
Health Service Act, the responsibility of the Regional
Hospital Board (fn. 46) but visiting and social work is
organized by the mental health section of the city
health department. This department opened an
occupational centre for mentally defective children
at Burns Road in 1952 and a training centre for
adults at Torrington Avenue in 1960. (fn. 47)
The detailed histories of individual hospitals
which follow are arranged chronologically according
to the date of foundation.
THE GENERAL DISPENSARY. A 'general dispensary',
financed by charity alone, was in existence in
1793, (fn. 48) and the supporters of this, or of a revived
institution with the same name, opposed the founding of the Provident Dispensary in 1831. The
General or Charitable Dispensary was intended for
those who could not afford to join the Provident
Dispensary but who had 'such claims to respectability' that they should be saved from resorting to
parish aid. When the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital was founded in 1838, the General Dispensary merged with it. (fn. 49)
THE PROVIDENT DISPENSARY, Bayley Lane, was
opened in 1831, (fn. 50) and was one of the earliest
institutions of its kind. The inspirer of the selfsupporting dispensary movement at Coventry was
H. L. Smith, founder of the Eye and Ear Infirmary
at Southam, and the pioneer of the dispensary
movement generally. (fn. 51)
Subscribers were divided into two classes:
honorary members, whose contributions were in the
nature of charitable donations, and 'free members'
in various categories, who paid a weekly or a yearly
sum to secure medical benefits. The basic free
members' subscription was 1d. a week, but attendance in childbirth could be secured for an extra
payment. Friendly societies were affiliated at a rate
of 3s. yearly for each member. The governing body
of the dispensary at first consisted entirely of the
honorary members, (fn. 52) and the 'free members' were
not represented until 1868, when a smaller committee was formed. By 1893 the free members'
representatives were in a majority, and honorary
subscriptions had fallen to an insignificant amount. (fn. 53)
In 1842 the dispensary moved to a new building
in St. Michael's churchyard. This was extended
c. 1873 (fn. 54) and again in 1881. It was described in 1884
as built of brick with stone dressings, in a 'late
Gothic' style. The accommodation comprised a
waiting-room, dispensary, and consulting and
administration rooms.
The surgeons or doctors were appointed at first
by the governors, later by the representative committee, of which they became ex-officio members.
There were two doctors in 1831, (fn. 55) five in 1907, (fn. 56)
and again two in 1936. (fn. 57) They appointed a dispenser,
prescribed daily at the dispensary, and visited
seriously ill patients within 1½ mile of the dispensary.
Midwives were also employed from time to time.
From an early date free vaccination was provided
for poor children, whether the dependents of
subscribers or not. (fn. 58)
By 1849 the number of people who had received
medical assistance from the dispensary since its
establishment was said to be 29,561. (fn. 59) In 1880 the
staff dealt with 6,153 cases of illness, which affected
between a third and a half of the members, visited
1,345 patients, attended 197 confinements, and
completed 52,379 prescriptions. (fn. 60) By will proved in
1888 Henry Soden left £1,000, the income from
which was to be used to support beds for patients
who could not be treated at home. (fn. 61) Membership
increased steadily during the 19th century, from
5,000 in 1856 (fn. 62) to 10,000 in 1874 (fn. 63) and 20,000 in
1888 (fn. 64) and 1907. (fn. 65) At this latter date some 12,000
other persons were also members of a distinct
contributory 'Public Medical Service', (fn. 66) so that four
years before the first National Insurance Act at least
32,000 persons, more than a third of the population
of Coventry, were covered by voluntary medical
insurance. The dispensary alone was held to serve
almost half of the town, exclusive of the suburban
districts. (fn. 67)
The 'provident principle' was not established or
maintained at Coventry without some controversy.
The supporters of the General Dispensary opposed
the founding of the Bayley Lane institution in
1831. (fn. 68) More serious opposition began to develop
in the closing years of the 19th century. Local
doctors and surgeons, the British Medical Association, and ultimately the British Medical Journal,
launched an attack on the Provident Dispensary that
culminated in the important 'Coventry case' of 1918,
a suit for conspiracy, libel, and slander, in which the
dispensary and its staff secured damages. (fn. 69) The
organized profession objected that an institution
originally intended for the poor only was now being
used by the relatively wealthy, who could afford
to pay for private attention, and that the existing
control of the dispensary by laymen was contrary
to policy. In 1893 the dispensary members responded
by declaring membership open to all, without a
poverty test. (fn. 70) This decision was partly responsible
for the formation of a rival organization by doctors
not employed by the dispensary. This, the Public
Medical Service, was restricted to subscribers
earning less than £2 weekly. It was conducted in
the first instance by ten practitioners and a surgeon,
who agreed to accept patients for private consultation for a fee of 1d. a week. There was no confinement service and 'patients suffering from diseases
arising from intemperance or immorality' were not
eligible. On the eve of the National Insurance Act
of 1911 there were more than 13,000 persons on the
books. (fn. 71) Members were forbidden to make use of
the dispensary facilities. Pressure was exerted on the
dispensary in other ways; the dentists refused their
services, and the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital staff were unco-operative. A crisis arose in
1907 when four out of the five doctors serving the
dispensary broke with the administration, and
resigned to found a new dispensary at Swanswell.
In September 1907 some 7,000 or 8,000 members
were said to have seceded because of the dispute. (fn. 72)
Despite these differences, the legal quarrel of 1918,
and the successive measures of public insurance,
both the old dispensary and the Public Medical
Service survived until the National Health Service
Act of 1946. The dispensary was dissolved in 1947, (fn. 73)
and the Public Medical Service in 1948. (fn. 74) The
income of the Soden endowment was subsequently
applied to the provision of medical and nursing
amenities for sick poor people. (fn. 75)
THE COVENTRY AND WARWICKSHIRE HOSPITAL.
Increasing pressure on the General Dispensary
during the 1830s drew the attention of local medical
men to the need for a general hospital. Correspondence on the subject appeared in the Coventry
Herald in 1836 (fn. 76) and in the following year Thomas
Wilmot offered £700 and suggested a site in Little
Park Street. The suggestion was unanimously
approved at a public meeting held in September
1837 and the property acquired shortly afterwards (fn. 77)
although the formal conveyance did not take place
until 1845. (fn. 78) The hospital dates its foundation from
1838 when three doctors were appointed and a
committee formed. It was an entirely voluntary
organization, supported by contributions and annual
subscriptions. Any subscribers of more than a
guinea a year were automatically governors of the
hospital and the medical committee was elected
from amongst them. The General Dispensary united
with the hospital in 1838 but the Provident Dispensary refused to join on the grounds that a
hospital offering gratuitous relief to out-patients was
opposed to the principles of a self-supporting
dispensary. Rules and regulations were drawn up
and the first matron was appointed in 1840. (fn. 79)
The first hospital consisted of one ward of twelve
beds in a house at the end of Little Park Street,
then open on the south to the park. The reason
given in 1837 for founding a hospital was 'the great
and increasing population of Coventry and the
surrounding districts, the more general introduction
of machinery, and the greater extent of mining
operations', and a high proportion of the cases dealt
with were the result of accidents, especially industrial
accidents. (fn. 80) The number of in-patients rose from
23 in 1840 to 135 in 1850, and of out-patients from
1,363 to 2,385. By 1849 the hospital staff consisted
of six medical officers, one resident surgeon, a
dispenser and a matron. A new ward of thirteen
beds was added in 1846 but the Little Park Street
premises soon became inadequate and a building
fund was started in 1849. (fn. 81) It was not, however,
until 1863 that a new site was acquired. This was
partly due to financial considerations: the hospital
had begun to get into debt as early as 1846 and time
was needed for the building fund to accumulate.
In addition, negotiations in the 1850s with the
freemen's trustees for a site fell through since an
Act of Parliament was required before the freemen
could dispose of their land. (fn. 82)
In 1863 a site of two acres in Stoney Stanton Road
was acquired from Sir Thomas White's trustees and
the King Henry VIII Grammar School, and the
foundation stone of the new hospital was laid in
1864. The building was designed by Nevill and Son
in a Victorian Gothic style and planned as a Maltese
cross with two square towers at the end of each wing.
It provided accommodation for 60 beds and was
officially opened in 1867 and the old hospital in
Little Park Street sold in 1869. (fn. 83) The history of the
hospital from 1867 to 1914 is one of steady expansion.
The number of in-patients rose from 170 in 1870 to
548 in 1890 and 1,433 in 1910 and of out-patients
from 3,022 to 3,830 and 13,221. (fn. 84) There were at
least five bequests of over £1,000: John Clowes
(1876), Edward Ralphs, David Spencer, Henry
Soden (1888), and John Gulson (1905). (fn. 85) A more
stable income was provided by the foundation of the
Hospital Saturday Fund. Hospital Sunday was
inaugurated in 1868 and the Working Men's
Committee, which in 1893 became the Hospital
Saturday Fund, was started in 1874. The fund, which
consisted of a weekly 1d. donation from each
member, provided £132 in 1874, £1,123 in 1890
and £3,300 in 1910. Of £6,000 annual income in
1909, £2,900 was provided by the Hospital Saturday
Fund, more than twice the amount raised by
subscription. (fn. 86) The increasing importance of the
Hospital Saturday Fund was recognized in 1891
when a rule was formulated to provide for the
election of four members of the fund to the general
committee of the hospital. (fn. 87)
An out-patients' department was provided by the
fund in 1910 but frequently extraordinary expenditure necessitated by building extensions was met out
of special funds. Mrs. John Gulson raised over
£4,000 for a children's ward which was opened in
1874 as the Gulson Ward. A memorial fund to
commemorate Edward VII paid for a new wing
opened in 1913. (fn. 88)
The First World War was an important factor
in the expansion of the hospital. Thirty beds were
placed at the disposal of the War Office in 1914 but
these soon proved inadequate and a new ward was
built with £1,000 donated by Alfred Herbert.
Canvas huts were erected and Sir Thomas White's
Orphanage, which adjoined the hospital grounds,
was rented in 1916 as an additional ward. There were
thus 310 beds in 1916, compared with 140 in 1914.
During the same period income doubled. Expenditure, which was £6,321 in 1910, was £30,385
in 1920, half of which was provided by the Hospital
Saturday Fund. More than 2,500 wounded soldiers
passed through the wards before 1919 when the
'soldier' wards were closed. The hospital did not,
however, return to its pre-war position. The Alfred
Herbert Ward was retained as an emergency ward
and Sir Thomas White's Orphanage was bought in
1919 and converted into medical, ophthalmic, and
maternity wards. The hospital was thus able to take
almost twice as many in-patients (2,804) in 1920 as
in 1910. The number of out-patients, rather
surprisingly, dropped to 12,212 in 1920 (fn. 89) and the
establishment of a free treatment centre for venereal
diseases at the hospital in 1917 was the only expansion in this department after 1910. (fn. 90)
A major factor in the growth of the hospital in the
period between the two world wars was the great
expansion of the motor, cycle, and aircraft industries
during these years. Apart from swelling Coventry's
population, these industries contributed an especially
large proportion of accident cases. In 1926 11,000
of the attendances at the out-patient department
were the result of accidents. (fn. 91) The number of inpatients rose to 5,257 in 1930 and 6,209 in 1937,
and of out-patients to 26,035 and 28,170. But the
industrial expansion paid for itself in swelling the
membership of the Hospital Saturday Fund, and
income from subscriptions more than doubled
between 1930 and 1937. (fn. 92)
A hospital expansion scheme was drawn up in
1925 and two years later a new operating theatre and a
pathological laboratory were opened. (fn. 93) The rest of
the scheme was abandoned owing to two unexpected
purchases: Keresley Hall (fn. 94) and the City Isolation
Hospital. (fn. 95) Further extensions in 1938-9 as part of
the centenary celebrations included accommodation
for more in-patients, and a well-equipped out-patient
department. There were six clinical departments:
surgical, ear, skin, nose and throat, ophthalmic, and
orthoptic. (fn. 96) The latter departments have been
particularly developed, especially in the treatment
of industrial eye diseases and injuries. (fn. 97) Another
feature of the inter-war years was the growing
co-operation between the voluntary hospital, which
became a company in 1931, (fn. 98) and the corporation.
There was an agreement in 1932 with the Gulson
Hospital, allowing members of the Hospital
Saturday Fund to be treated at the Gulson Hospital
on the same terms as in the voluntary hospital, (fn. 99)
and the Coventry Joint Laboratory was established
in 1938. (fn. 1)
The Second World War brought to an abrupt end
a century of steady expansion. Bombing in 1940
and 1941 virtually destroyed the hospital. An appeal
brought in £100,000, damaged wards were repaired,
and temporary units were erected, but the hospital
never returned to its pre-war complement of 452
beds. Alcock Convalescent Home was expanded and
used as a branch of the Stoney Stanton Road hospital,
as were Kenilworth Convalescent Home and The
Towers, also in Kenilworth. (fn. 2) The Towers was
closed in 1947 and re-opened in 1950 as an annexe for
Gulson Hospital, (fn. 3) but Keresley and the High Street,
Kenilworth, premises (fn. 4) are still (1964) branches
of the hospital in Stoney Stanton Road. (fn. 5) A large
new hospital, intended to be the main hospital for
acute cases in the Coventry area, was still being
constructed at Walsgrave in 1965 (fn. 6) but the Stoney
Stanton Road hospital and its annexes have been
retained to deal particularly with out-patients.
There has been steady rebuilding on the Stoney
Stanton Road site during the 1950s and 1960s. New
departments, wards, and clinics have been added
and the tuberculosis clinic transferred from the
Quadrant. (fn. 7) Most of this development has benefited
out-patient services; the serious shortage of hospital
beds in the Coventry area has remained. (fn. 8) There were
391 beds at the Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital
in 1964, 146 of which were at Stoney Stanton Road. (fn. 9)
The Hospital Saturday Fund was not dissolved
when the voluntary hospital was taken over by the
Birmingham Regional Hospital Board in 1948, but
became an incorporated body in 1956. Membership,
rather surprisingly, increased, and was spent on
extra-hospital services, a mobile physiotherapy
service, founded in 1948, and Lanherne and Sefton
Hall convalescent homes at Dawlish (Devon),
acquired by the fund in 1944. (fn. 10)
GULSON HOSPITAL. Plans for a workhouse
hospital were submitted in 1845, (fn. 11) and in 1871 the
Local Government Board approved a plan for an
infectious diseases hospital at the workhouse.
Sanction was given to spend £500 on the hospital
which was to accommodate six patients of either sex
and also on a 'small dead-house', to be provided near
the new hospital. (fn. 12) By 1888 there was an infirmary
with seven wards and 132 patients. But this was
then unsatisfactory: ventilation was bad, the sanitary
arrangements were inadequate, and there was no
provision for mental and other special cases. The
foundation stone of the new infirmary was laid in
1889. 'Mr. Steane', the architect, probably of the
firm of G. & I. Steane which designed the isolation
hospital, used Burton-on-Trent infirmary as a model
and provided accommodation for about 100 beds. (fn. 13)
The workhouse infirmary, run by the board of
guardians, combined the functions of a general,
infectious diseases, and mental hospital. It also dealt
with maternity cases, especially those of unmarried
mothers, provided vaccination, and dispensed codliver oil, quinine, linseed meal, leeches, and trusses.
Some infectious cases were sent to the City Isolation
Hospital on payment of a weekly fee by the guardians
and there were continual but unsuccessful efforts
during the 1890s to persuade the corporation to
agree to a permanent arrangement to take infectious
cases from the workhouse. (fn. 14) In 1906, therefore, a
new block was added, providing accommodation for
67 patients, including a children's and a maternity
ward. (fn. 15) An operating theatre was added in 1910 (fn. 16)
and balconies and verandahs extended in 1914. (fn. 17)
Like the voluntary hospital, the infirmary was used
for wounded soldiers in the First World War. It was
first recognized as a training school for nurses in
1912 and the foundation stone of a new nurses'
home was laid in 1929. (fn. 18) A children's block was
opened in 1926 and an administrative block erected
a year later. (fn. 19)
The management of the infirmary was transferred
to the public health committee of the corporation
under the Local Government Act of 1929, and the
hospital was thereafter known as the Gulson Road
Municipal Hospital. Priority was still given to the
sick poor although the hospital was open to all the
sick inhabitants of Coventry. At the time of the
transfer there were 301 beds. (fn. 20) In 1932 the old
nurses' home was converted into a maternity unit.
The fact that patients were no longer only the
poor and the expansion of the catchment area with
the city boundary extension of 1932 meant that the
number of patients rose steadily. There were 3,806
in-patients in 1939, compared with 2,089 in 1930. (fn. 21)
The old workhouse was absorbed into the hospital
in 1937 and all the mental defectives sent to Great
Barr Park Colony (Staffs.) in 1938. A combined
welfare centre and school clinic was opened in 1937 to
serve as a pivot for the increasing number of antenatal clinics. In the same year Allesley Hall was given
to the corporation. It opened a year later as a convalescent home for cases, especially maternity cases,
from Gulson Hospital. (fn. 22) The maternity unit in the
central hospital was closed down and transferred to
Leamington in 1940, and the whole hospital reorganized as a clearing-station to deal with war
casualties. (fn. 23)
Although the hospital was damaged in 1941 it had
to take the main burden from the Coventry and
Warwickshire Hospital and in 1943 had 4,286 inpatients and 35,913 out-patients, the latter being
the highest figure in the history of the hospital. (fn. 24)
There have been few changes in Gulson Hospital
since the passing of the National Health Service Act.
It remained a general hospital devoted mainly to
urgent and emergency cases. The maternity unit
was restored after the war and in 1947 a children's
ward was opened. In 1950 The Towers in Kenilworth, formerly an annexe for the Coventry and
Warwickshire Hospital, became a branch of Gulson
Hospital. (fn. 25)
WHITLEY ISOLATION HOSPITAL.
Although there
were bad outbreaks of cholera in 1838 and 1849 and
typhoid was endemic, (fn. 26) it was not until there was a
serious scarlet fever outbreak in 1874 that a fever
hospital was opened in Coventry. The City Isolation
Hospital, financed by the corporation and organized
under the aegis of the medical officer of health, was
an iron structure capable of accommodating eight
patients and a nurse. (fn. 27) A permanent hospital was
erected in 1885 next to the iron hospital in Stoney
Stanton Road. It was designed by E. J. Purnell and
Messrs. G. & I. Steane in four detached blocks:
one for scarlet fever and one for smallpox (together
accommodating 20 patients), as well as an administrative block and one block left free for paying
patients. (fn. 28)
There was a severe scarlet fever epidemic in 1894
when the number of cases in the hospital was 355,
compared with 65 in the previous year. A disused
factory was hired to provide extra accommodation
and this remained in use for emergencies until
1902. (fn. 29) A high incidence of scarlet fever and typhoid
fever in 1900-2 led to a further extension of the
hospital, providing 62 more beds and replacing the
unsatisfactory disused factory. (fn. 30)
Scarlet fever and, to a lesser extent, diphtheria,
were the principal diseases dealt with after a separate
smallpox hospital was erected at Pinley in 1897 (fn. 31)
and as typhoid was reduced with the gradual replacement of privy middens by water-closets. A particularly severe epidemic of scarlet fever in 1911, when
the overflow of cases had to be sent to Exhall,
resulted in another extension. (fn. 32)
The situation remained fairly stable until negotiations began with the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital in 1927-9 for the sale of the fever hospital.
Scarlet fever and diphtheria were still the main
diseases although there had been serious influenza
epidemics in 1918, 1925, and 1929. In 1930 the
hospital, with a staff of 41, dealt with 622 cases. (fn. 33)
The old hospital was sold and the present hospital,
situated in Whitley at the junction of London Road
and Humber Road, was opened in 1934. The
architect was Stanley Atkinson of the London firm
of Wimperis, Simpson & Guthrie. The hospital
provided accommodation for 148 beds. (fn. 34)
The war had relatively little impact on Whitley
Hospital. Slight damage during the 1941 bombing
was soon repaired. There was none of the accommodation problems that afflicted the other
hospitals. After the war the numbers of fever
patients declined as immunization gradually eliminated diphtheria and as scarlet fever was treated
as a disease only rarely requiring hospitalization.
The prompt large-scale immunization of the
population after the bombing prevented a possible
typhoid epidemic and immunization after 1956 virtually eliminated poliomyelitis, which had assumed
epidemic proportions in 1953. (fn. 35) By 1949 only
about half the beds in the hospital were assigned
to infectious cases. (fn. 36) In 1962 Whitley Hospital took
over the function of Paybody Hospital in dealing
with orthopaedic cases. (fn. 37)
ST. FATHER'S SHELTER.
Although already in
existence in 1895, St. Faith's Shelter dates its
foundation from the inaugural meeting at Trafalgar
Street in that year of the Coventry Ladies Association for the Care of Friendless Girls. St. Faith's then
became linked with the new association and acquired
an additional house in Coundon Road. The home
or shelter moved to Holyhead Road c. 1916-17,
and after being evacuated several times during the
Second World War, finally moved to Dudley Lodge
in Warwick Road in 1946. (fn. 38)
St. Faith's Shelter, an Anglican voluntary
organization, (fn. 39) is registered as a charity to maintain
a home for mothers and babies and provide moral
welfare, help, and shelter for girls in need. Part of its
income is derived from the Ladies Lying-in Charity.
This charity, founded in 1801 and managed by a
ladies' committee, made grants to poor women
during childbirth. A Charity Commissioners'
Scheme of 1930 appointed the committee of the
Coventry Voluntary Infant Welfare Centre as
trustees of the charity and another of 1952 transferred this function to the executive committee of
St. Faith's Shelter. (fn. 40) When all maternity and child
welfare centres became the direct responsibility of
the city health department in 1948, it entered into an
agreement (still in force in 1964) with St. Faith's
Shelter to take local-authority cases of unmarried
mothers. (fn. 41) From 1948 to 1961 roughly a quarter of
the women and a third of the babies at St. Faith's
Shelter were local-authority cases. (fn. 42)
PINLEY SMALLPOX HOSPITAL.
A separate hospital
for smallpox was built at Pinley Hill in 1897. It was
run by the city council and had accommodation for
sixteen beds and an isolation block. (fn. 43) It was built at
a time when the anti-vaccination campaign in
Coventry was at its height and the number of
unvaccinated children reached alarming proportions.
The Anti-Vaccination Society carried out a census
in 1892-3 to show that the majority of Coventry's
citizens opposed compulsory vaccination, which was
in the hands of the board of guardians. (fn. 44) The society
even tried, unsuccessfully, to establish a medical
service of its own. (fn. 45) By 1895-6, when only 3.9 per
cent. of the children born that year were
vaccinated, (fn. 46) the Vaccination Acts had become a
'dead letter', (fn. 47) but people were still being prosecuted
for refusing to have their children vaccinated in
1902. (fn. 48) Coventry was described in 1926 as 'still
largely unvaccinated' and in the years between 1921
and 1926 the percentage of children vaccinated
varied between 9.2 per cent. and 35.75 per cent., the
latter occurring in 1925, a smallpox year. (fn. 49) In 1930
only 22 per cent. were vaccinated. (fn. 50) By this time,
however, the cause was generally apathy, rather than
the more positive prejudice and ignorance of the
1890s. The situation improved after the National
Health Service Act provided a general voluntary
vaccination scheme. (fn. 51)
In view of the generally unvaccinated state of the
population it is surprising that the smallpox hospital
was not in greater use. There were 71 cases in 1903,
72 in 1925, 77 in 1927 and 126 in 1928 (fn. 52) but for most
years there were fewer than ten and from the 1920s
Pinley Hospital took cases from Nuneaton, Atherstone, and Foleshill as well as Coventry. When, as
was frequent, there were no smallpox cases, the
hospital was closed. (fn. 53) In 1901 it was used as a
convalescent scarlet fever hospital (fn. 54) and there was
a proposal in 1908 to convert it into a tuberculosis
sanatorium, but the site was not suitable. (fn. 55) With the
gradual elimination of smallpox Pinley ceased to be
used as a hospital and the buildings are now (1964)
used as a store. (fn. 56)
HIGH VIEW HOSPITAL, EXHALL.
Foleshill Rural
District Council opened an infectious diseases
hospital in Exhall in 1905. (fn. 57) There were rarely
enough cases from the Foleshill area and the overflow from the City Isolation Hospital was sent to
Exhall. From 1920 to 1922 it was leased as a
temporary tuberculosis sanatorium (fn. 58) and for about
two years before 1930 it was unoccupied. (fn. 59) In 1930
it was reopened by Coventry corporation as a hospital
for male mental defectives. In 1942, after the disruption of Coventry's hospital services during the
bombing, temporary buildings were erected at
Exhall, the mental patients were transferred to St.
Margaret's Hospital, Great Barr (Staffs.), and the
whole establishment, renamed Exhall Lodge Hospital, was opened in 1943 for chronic sick patients. In
1951 the name was changed again to High View
Hospital, all able-bodied patients were removed to
corporation old peoples' homes and the hospital was
in 1959 graded as a geriatric hospital of 262 beds. (fn. 60)
Annexes, opened in 1944 at Gosford and Walsgrave,
were closed in 1949 and 1951 respectively. (fn. 61)
DUNSMOOR. (fn. 62)
Coventry Voluntary Infant Welfare
Centre, which after 1917 was supported by the
Spencer and Soden charities, (fn. 63) was housed in
Dunsmoor (or Dunsmore) at No. 55 Holyhead Road
from c. 1924. Welfare sessions were held twice
weekly and Dunsmoor and Gulson Road were the
pivots of the maternity and child welfare centres (fn. 64)
before the Natural Health Service Act of 1946 when
control passed to the maternity and child welfare
committee of the local health department.
The Coventry and District Crippled Children's
Guild was formed in 1925. It held daily orthopaedic
clinics at Dunsmoor and was administered as an
out-patient department of Paybody Hospital, after
the latter's foundation in 1929. (fn. 65) As such it was
taken over in 1948 by the Hospital Management
Committee (Group 20) of the Birmingham Hospital
Board and renamed the Paybody Orthopaedic
Clinic. In 1962-3 Dunsmoor was demolished and
the work transferred to a new clinic in the Coventry
and Warwickshire Hospital. (fn. 66)
ALCOCK CONVALESCENT HOSPITAL,KERESLEY.
Keresley Hall was sold by the Hillman family to the
Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital in 1927. It
was opened two years later as the Alcock Convalescent Hospital to accommodate convalescent cases
from the main hospital. (fn. 67) The property was
purchased with the legacy bequeathed to the hospital
by John Alcock (d. 1922) for 'sending poor patients
to and maintaining them at convalescent homes'. (fn. 68)
Following the bombing of the Coventry and
Warwickshire Hospital, the convalescent hospital
was adapted and expanded to take emergency cases. (fn. 69)
After the war it retained its war-time function as a
branch of the Coventry and Warwickshire Hospital. (fn. 70)
Medical cases were transferred to the main hospital
when new wards were built there in 1958-9. (fn. 71)
Among charitable gifts made to the hospital for
convalescent purposes were those of Dr. Reid (1888),
Oliver Munster (1906), and John Alcock (1922) and
from 1962 the air raid relief fund was amalgamated
with the convalescent fund. The convalescent fund
was not transferred to the new hospital authorities
after the National Health Service Act of 1946 and
trustees were appointed in 1951. By 1963 the fund
had been allowed to accumulate and relatively little
was being spent. (fn. 72)
PAYBODY HOSPITAL.
The Elms, a large house in
Allesley, given with £2,000 by Thomas Paybody to
the Coventry Crippled Children's Guild, was
opened in 1929 as a convalescent home for crippled
children and extended in 1931. (fn. 73) After 1948, as
Paybody Orthopaedic Hospital, it was one of the
hospitals under the control of the Hospital Management Committee (Group 20) of the Birmingham
Hospital Board. (fn. 74) By 1961 there were relatively few
orthopaedic cases owing to the considerable reduction of tuberculosis and rickets. The few cases were
moved in 1962 to Whitley Hospital and replaced a
year later by ophthalmic patients from the Keresley
branch of the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital. (fn. 75) The Coventry and District Cripples
Guild, which continued after the National Health
Service Act to make grants to orthopaedic patients,
was making payments in 1963 to Whitley Hospital. (fn. 76)
ALLESLEY HALL CONVALESCENT HOME.
Lord Iliffe gave Allesley Hall to the corporation in 1937.
It was opened a year later as a convalescent home for
cases from Gulson Hospital. (fn. 77) From 1951 it served
as an annexe for orthopaedic cases in conjunction
with Paybody Hospital. It was closed in 1959 and
replaced by an orthopaedic ward at the Coventry and
Warwickshire Hospital. (fn. 78)
ALLESLEY HOUSE MATERNITY HOSPITAL.
A large
house in Allesley was leased by the city health
department in 1943 as a complement to Keresley in
dealing with maternity cases which could no longer
be accommodated in the main city hospitals. After
the war Allesley House was used as a convalescent
maternity home in connexion with Gulson Hospital.
It was closed in 1951 and the patients were transferred to The Towers. (fn. 79)
MARKETS AND FAIRS. (fn. 80)
The responsibility of
the city authorities for the regulation of markets and
fairs has been retained into modern times. The early
history of these institutions in Coventry is given
elsewhere in this volume. (fn. 81) In the early 19th century
Friday remained the chief market day, but there were
also markets on Wednesdays and Saturdays. (fn. 82) The
markets for different commodities were held in
various parts of the town, and from time to time
were moved about by the city authorities in attempts
to reconcile the interests of commerce with the
avoidance of congestion and other nuisances caused
by street trading. In 1822, for example, the market
for cattle, sheep, and pigs, which had previously
been held in the open in Gosford Street, was brought
to an end and replaced by a cattle market at the top
of Bishop Street and a 'beast' market for sheep and
pigs in an open part of Cook Street. (fn. 83) By 1840 the
horse market, which had been held on St. John's
Bridges, had become a public danger and it was
decided to move it. Suggested sites were the end of
Fleet Street and Spon End where it was thought the
beast market could join it. Later in 1840, however,
it was ordered that the horse and beast markets
should join the cattle market in Bishop Street,
though it is not clear whether the changes took
place. (fn. 84) The pig market seems still to have been in
Cook Street in 1850. (fn. 85) Eventually, in 1858, all the
markets for stock were transferred to a new walled
market place in Hales Street, (fn. 86) called the Smithfield,
a solution to the problem of annual street markets
which had been suggested as early as 1839. (fn. 87)
Other markets in this period were concentrated in
the area around Broadgate. The Friday corn market
was for long held in the open in the vicinity of Cross
Cheaping and Broadgate, where corn was displayed
by sample rather than in bulk. In 1856 the council,
on pressure from interested parties, admitted the
inconvenience of street trading in this commodity,
for which there was a large sale in the city, by
permitting the transference of the market to a Corn
Exchange built in Hertford Street. This hall, run by
a private company, was used also for public functions
of various kinds. (fn. 88) In 1909 a new Corn Exchange,
the property of the corporation, was opened in a
reconstructed building, formerly the post office, in
Smithford Street. Like the old exchange it had
facilities for public assemblies. (fn. 89) The old Corn
Exchange building became first a music hall and
then a cinema before being burned down in 1931. (fn. 90)
The retail market for foodstuffs and other
commodities proved too large to be contained
entirely in the market house and the Women's
Market Place established early in the 18th century. (fn. 91)
It overflowed into the Bull Ring, Ironmonger Row,
Cross Cheaping, and Broadgate, despite periodic
attempts by the council, in the face of the traders'
opposition, to confine it. (fn. 92) It is clear that by 1840,
whatever the official market days were, street trading
was being carried on on every day of the week except
Sunday. (fn. 93) In 1841 some reorganization was
attempted. Broadgate and Cross Cheaping were
assigned exclusively to vegetable dealers, butchers
were confined to the market house, sellers of bacon,
cheese, and like goods to stalls in the market place,
earthenware dealers to Market Street, and those
selling clothes to stalls near the back of the Castle
Inn. (fn. 94)
Plans for a new market hall were mooted in the
1830s (fn. 95) but it was many years before the protests of
the inhabitants of the market streets and others
eventually resulted in adequate enclosed accommodation for the city's markets. (fn. 96) In 1865 the old
market hall was taken down, (fn. 97) and with the opening
of a new market hall in its place in 1867 the retail
street markets were brought to an end. (fn. 98)
Thus by 1870 Coventry had an enclosed cattle
market, a corn exchange, and a general market hall.
By 1875-6, however, the fish section of the market
hall had been let to a grocer and the fishmongers
moved out of the covered market into the open air.
The wholesale market, for vegetables, fruit, and
flowers, also continued in the open in a space outside
the market hall. No cattle were sold in the open
streets except at fair times but the Smithfield's
business was by 1889 being seriously affected by a
private auctioneer's yard established in 1875 off the
Butts by the Coventry Public Cattle Sales
Company. (fn. 99) A considerable proportion of the town's
cattle sales took place in this yard.
In the Smithfield to the traditional market day,
Friday, was added in 1877 an extra Monday cattle
market. Fridays and Saturdays, however, remained
the general market days, although the market hall
was open for trade on other weekdays too. Like the
Smithfield the general market was affected by outside
competition. Retail shops, particularly those dealing
in similar goods and situated in the arcade leading
to the market, took away the market traders' business,
as too did the barely regulated street hawking of
farm produce. (fn. 1) The commercial importance of the
general markets, however, has been retained in the
20th century, and provision of adequate facilities and
regulation has continued to be a public service
performed by the city council. In 1922 the corporation acquired the site and buildings of the old
barracks, vacated by the military between 1906 and
1908, (fn. 2) and an open-air retail and wholesale market
was established there. (fn. 3) In 1934 improvements to the
Barracks Market, as it was called, were set on foot
and in 1936 the improved markets were opened with
covered accommodation. In 1932 a new meat market
was opened as part of the public abattoir. (fn. 4) Meanwhile, by 1914 the Smithfield market was running
at a considerable loss, (fn. 5) and in 1915 it ceased to be
used as a cattle market. From 1917 it became a
general market in daily use soon returning a good
profit to the corporation. By 1919 and until 1921
it was also utilized for the sale of crocks at the annual
Great Fair. (fn. 6) It was closed in 1933. (fn. 7) Cattle sales
continued to 1939 in the private cattle sales yard off
the Butts. (fn. 8)
In the Second World War the Corn Exchange was
destroyed and has not been replaced. (fn. 9) The market
hall, together with Drinkwater Arcade, established
in Smithford Street in 1904, (fn. 10) was also destroyed,
and the wholesale section of the Barracks Market
severely damaged. Consequently the West Orchard
retain market for vegetables, fruit, and fish was
established in 1943. The temporary reinstatement of
the Barracks Market was completed in 1947. (fn. 11) Also
damaged in the war, but later reopened for a short
time, was the City Arcade consisting of 24 shops
controlled by the markets committee and constructed
in 1932 as a means of approach from Smithford
Street to the Barracks Market. (fn. 12)
Since the end of the war considerable reorganization of Coventry's markets has taken place. The
cattle yard off the Butts, used from 1939 as a
collecting centre on behalf of the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, ceased to operate in
1954 on the ending of government controls, and has
since been taken in for extensions to the public
abattoir. (fn. 13) In 1953 the Rex Market in Corporation
Street was opened to replace the West Orchard
Market, and about the same time the City Arcade
was demolished (fn. 14) as part of the general reconstruction of the whole central shopping area as a
pedestrian precinct. In 1955 a new wholesale fruit
and vegetable market covering over seven acres was
opened at Barras Heath, (fn. 15) and in 1958 a new
circular building to house the retail market, including a fish market, was completed on the west side of
the Precinct; this took the place of the Rex and
Barracks markets. (fn. 16) The site of the latter is now
occupied by a multi-story car-park.
The Great Fair continued in the early 19th
century to be held in the centre of the city, especially
in Cross Cheaping, Market Place, and Bishop Street
but as side-shows, stalls, and refreshment booths
multiplied the problem of congestion increased.
From 1823 the fair was thus removed periodically
to Greyfriars Green where there was more space. (fn. 17)
Even there, however, traffic was impeded by the
booths and householders were annoyed by the
throng and the revelry, (fn. 18) so that from time to time
the fair was brought back to the central area where
disturbances could be more easily controlled. (fn. 19) In
the early 1830s the fair took place between Silver
Street and Hertford Street, (fn. 20) and in the 1850s both
Greyfriars Green and Hertford Street were being
used. (fn. 21) From 1859 Pool Meadow began to be used,
sometimes with stalls in Hertford Street, (fn. 22) and from
1930 to 1939 Barras Heath was the site. From the
early 1940s it has been held at Hearsall Common. (fn. 23)
By the 19th century the fair was largely devoted
to amusement (fn. 24) and was regarded by householders
and to an extent by the city council as a nuisance. (fn. 25)
Certainly it was a focus of disorder. In 1844 it was
reported that the number of arrests of drunk,
disorderly, and destitute persons was greatest at fair
times, particularly at the Great Fair. (fn. 26) Disturbances
at the fair continued to be common, (fn. 27) and in 1866
the government found it necessary to require the city
council to take measures 'to prevent public decency
being outraged'. (fn. 28) From 1875 the duration of the
fair was reduced to five days beginning the Friday
after Corpus Christi and not including the Sunday;
from 1880 it has been held on the five days following
Whit Sunday. In the 20th century the fair remains
largely a pleasure fair but the sale of crocks has
increased gradually until it can be claimed to be
one of the chief crock fairs in the country. (fn. 29)
In the 19th and early 20th centuries live-stock
fairs were still important in Coventry. Monthly fairs
for cattle, sheep, and pigs were held at Spon End
from 1839 or 1840. (fn. 30) Until 1861 when they were
ordered to be removed to the Smithfield and Pool
Meadow. (fn. 31) Cattle were sold too on the Friday of the
Great Fair, (fn. 32) and the two three-day cattle fairs in
May and November were also important. Until
1874 they took place in Gosford Street, but in that
year they were ordered to be removed to the Smithfield. (fn. 33) It seems likely that a horse fair took place in
the late 19th century simultaneously with the cattle
fairs, and was held at the top of Much Park Street.
It was still being held in the streets in 1886. (fn. 34) After
the closing of the Smithfield as a cattle market in
1915 the cattle fairs continued at the private cattle
yard off the Butts. They were discontinued in
1939. (fn. 35)
In 1839 the city council instituted a cheese fair
to be held twice annually in Broadgate in April and
September, but although still in existence in 1850
it was not very successful. (fn. 36) In 1880 the May and
November fairs were said to be for cheese as well as
cattle. (fn. 37)
WATER, GAS, AND ELECTRICITY. (fn. 38)
Coventry
for long depended for its water supply on wells and
springs. Broad (or Throstle) Well, after which Well
Street was named, existed in the 12th century;
Dead Man's Well, on the north-west side of the
city, existed in the 13th; and Baron's Well in the
14th century. (fn. 39) The last was probably the well
in Much Park Street referred to in 1411, at which
date there were wells also in Bishop Street, Cook
Street (probably Agnes Well), Spon Street (Spon
Well), (fn. 40) and Gosford Street part of which later took
its name from Jordan Well, built next to his dwelling
by Jordan Shepey, mayor in 1347. (fn. 41)
The first communal attempt to improve the town's
supply was in 1332 when Edward III gave permission for a conduit to be built 'in a convenient
street'. (fn. 42) In 1404 there was a conduit supplying the
priory, (fn. 43) and by 1483 there were several others - in
Cross Cheaping (probably the first), West Orchard,
Smithford Street, and Bablake. (fn. 44) The amount of
water provided by these conduits cannot have been
plentiful, however, for throughout the 15th century
the corporation was quick to prevent unlawful
tapping and for the most part forbade the use of the
water by brewers, maltsters, and dyers. (fn. 45) The upkeep
of the public conduits was met by a rate on households and by 1497 six wards were contributing. (fn. 46)
By-laws were passed to prevent contamination. (fn. 47)
From the 16th to the 19th centuries wells and
conduits continued to be made both by the corporation and private individuals, and from the 17th
century pumps were in use. (fn. 48) In 1669 the corporation
licensed a public water cart. (fn. 49)
From the 17th century springs in the Swanswell
Pool area played an important part in Coventry's
water supply. An engineer was being encouraged by
the corporation to establish waterworks in or near
Pool Meadow in 1629 (fn. 50) and this may or may not
have had something to do with the waterworks, later
known as Swanswell waterworks, which was
established in 1632 by two other men, again with
official support. In this undertaking spring water
from the Priory Orchard (or Conduit Meadow) was
apparently forced by means of a wheel in Prior's
Orchard Mill through pipes which ran under the
city wall, through Pool Meadow, to a reservoir or
cistern built at first on top of one of two 'pillars of
stone', probably piers of the ruined priory church.
From there those citizens able to pay for it were
served with water in their houses. About 1652 the
original cistern was replaced by one in Cuckoo
Lane (later Trinity Lane) which was still in use in
1671. In the 19th century a 4 horse-power engine
was being used and the reservoir was situated in an
old windmill. The whole undertaking including the
Prior's Orchard Mill was controlled by the corporation, as trustees of White's Charity on whose
property the works was situated, but was leased for
200 years from 1646. (fn. 51)
About 1780 the corporation established what
became known as the City, the Spon Street, or the
Conduit Meadow waterworks. This also utilized
spring water from St. Catherine's Well in Conduit
Meadow, about half a mile north-west of Spon
Bridge, and supplied certain houses mainly in the
Spon Street ward. (fn. 52) A closer control was maintained
by the corporation over this than over the Swanswell
waterworks, the undertaking being let to tenants-atwill. (fn. 53) The well, which was estimated to have
yielded about 100,000 gallons daily while in use,
gradually ran dry after it had been superseded by
the new waterworks in 1847 (see below). The wellhouse, a small rectangular stone structure, with a
pointed doorway and a pitched stone roof, which
may date from the 15th century, still stands in a
garden to the north of Holyhead Road. (fn. 54)
When the Commissioners on the State of Large
Towns investigated Coventry in 1843 it was found
that the existing water supply was quite inadequate.
Of the 7,000 houses in the city only about 280
dwellings of the well-to-do in the centre were being
supplied by the Swanswell works, and about 200
others by the Conduit Meadow works. Even this
limited supply was frequently cut off for weeks at a
time because of the inadequacy of the mains and
there was little hope of improvement. The 'monopoly
of the water works by company and private individuals' was reckoned to be 'an evil felt by every
class of society'. Nevertheless the poorer inhabitants
were worst off. They derived their supply from
some 23 pumps and various springs, and the
physical labour involved in obtaining water, especially in times of sickness and bad weather, did not
encourage cleanliness. No water was available for
street cleaning, and pumps provided the sole means
of fighting fires. Coventry had no public or open
bathing places. (fn. 55)
The corporation sought to remedy this state of
affairs by obtaining in the Coventry Water Act of
1844 (fn. 56) the necessary powers to construct and
maintain an entirely new waterworks. The report of
the Commissioners on the State of Large Towns
suggested that the Swanswell springs were potentially capable of providing a supply of good water
sufficient for the city's needs. T. Hawkesley, the
engineer employed by the council to investigate the
provision of a new supply, however, reported that
this was not the case, and that both the old waterworks together could not supply half what was
required. The fact that the Swanswell works was
in a dilapidated state and its lease due to run out in
1846 reinforced the argument for a new system. (fn. 57)
A waterworks, planned by Hawkesley, was therefore begun in 1845 and completed in 1847. A deep
well and a storage and pumping station were set up
near Spon Bridge, and an elevated reservoir with a
capacity of 1 million gallons was built near St.
Nicholas Street. The Spon End pumping station,
as it became known, was joined to the reservoir by a
principal main running to Broadgate and out again.
Smaller mains ran along Gosford Street and
Warwick Road to the extremities of the town, and
service pipes from these three mains supplied the
rest of the town. (fn. 58)
The corporation sought to recoup its considerable
outlay on the new works by levying high charges (fn. 59)
and by promoting the principle that every house
should have an independent water supply. This
policy caused some criticism. It was held that the
rates levied by the council under the local Act were
higher than would have been the case if the waterworks had been administered under the Public
Health Act of 1848 by the local board of health,
established in Coventry in 1849. But for the existing
Act this board would have controlled water supply.
Another complaint was that public pumps and
conduits from which inhabitants were entitled to a
free supply, and which the corporation was legally
obliged to maintain, had been destroyed or damaged.
Thus poor inhabitants who refused to pay for a
new supply were deprived not only of this but also
of their original supply. (fn. 60) Under the 1848 Act,
however, the council, as the local board of health,
could compel households to receive a supply if it
could be provided at a rate of 2d. a week, a rate
considerably cheaper than the council's original rates.
This the council forced 613 houses without a supply
to do in 1849. (fn. 61) It is clear, too, that many pumps and
conduits were soon repaired. (fn. 62)
In 1852 water supply was extended to the
Earlsdon Lane estate with the aid of the Freehold
Land Society which paid £500 of the £700 costs,
the corporation laying the mains and the society
connecting the houses to the mains. (fn. 63) In 1895 the
Whitley waterworks and the Coundon reservoir
were completed. The expansion of population in the
early 20th century and the fact that water was not
available from Whitley from 1908 until a chlorinating plant was installed in 1915 (fn. 64) led Coventry to
seek further supplies. In 1907 powers were obtained
to lay pipes from the Whitacre pumping station at
Shustoke, belonging to the Birmingham corporation,
to Coundon and to purchase at first two million (fn. 65)
and later three million gallons a day. (fn. 66) In 1921 an
extra supply of 720,000 gallons a day, but with the
responsibility of supplying a wider area, was obtained
on the purchase of the North Warwickshire Water
Company. (fn. 67) During the 1930s Brownshill Green,
Watery Lane, Mount Nod, Meriden Shafts, and
Green Lane pumping stations were completed,
reservoirs were established or expanded at Corley,
Meriden, and Tile Hill Tower, and the Spon End
and Whitley works were reconstructed and electrified. The Second World War delayed a scheme to
bring water from the Severn at Upton-upon-Severn,
authorized in 1939, but in 1941 the River Avon
works was established as an emergency measure at
Ryton and this was enlarged in 1943. In 1947 work
began on the Severn scheme and in 1953 the first
instalment yielding six million gallons a day was
brought into commission and the River Avon works
taken out. Interim developments completed in 1957
and 1959 increased the yield to about eight million
gallons a day. (fn. 68)
As early as 1820 the city council considered a
proposition for erecting a gas works on land of which
the corporation was trustee, (fn. 69) and in 1821 the
Coventry Gaslight Company was incorporated by
Act of Parliament. The company was empowered
to acquire land for its works, to enter into contracts
with the street commissioners to supply lighting, and,
subject to agreement with the commissioners, to
erect gas works and lay mains and pipes. It was
anticipated that gas would provide better and cheaper
lighting than oil. (fn. 70) The works was erected immediately on the south side of Abbotts Lane, and
by 1824 the corporation was making regular
payments to the company for gas and repairs to
lanterns. (fn. 71)
In 1835 the reformed council took over the duties
of the street commissioners and thus became
responsible for providing adequate street lighting.
Further developments took place in the later 1840s
when arrangements were made for the nightly
lighting of street lamps, charges were revised by
agreement between the gas committee of the council
and the gas company, and it was agreed to light
St. Mary's Hall, a corporation property, with gas. (fn. 72)
As gas lighting was extended into new areas of the
city it was felt necessary for the powers of the
company to be extended. By an Act of 1856, (fn. 73)
therefore, a new company was incorporated to
replace the old one. It was to supply Coventry,
Stoke, Stivichall, Allesley, Foleshill, Coundon, and
Radford. The corporation was empowered to require
the company to lay additional mains, to approve
mains, and to appoint a tester and inspector of
meters. Street lighting was to be supplied by the
company at a fixed price, and a maximum charge
for ordinary consumers was laid down. In 1875 the
corporation appointed its medical officer of health
as gas analyst with instructions to produce an annual
report. (fn. 74)
In 1875, too, the corporation began to investigate
the possibility of manufacturing and supplying gas
itself, and in the following year consulted the gas
engineer on the subject. (fn. 75) Nothing happened for
some time and the company went ahead and made
alterations to the works in 1882. In 1884, however,
when the company sought a Bill to construct
entirely new works, a tramway, a subway, roads, and
gas mains, the general works committee found it
'most objectionable' and the corporation determined
to oppose it. (fn. 76) Within a month or two the corporation, despite the argument of some of its members
that electricity was the coming thing, had agreed to
promote a Bill for the purchase of the undertaking. (fn. 77) An Act was obtained in the same year, and
the corporation took over the powers of the company.
Charges for gas remained the same as before in the
central areas, but areas on the outskirts of the city
were to pay somewhat more. (fn. 78) The control of the
gas works was vested in the gas committee of the
council. (fn. 79) In 1888 the corporation was able to reduce
the price of gas (fn. 80) but as Coventry grew the gas works
became less economic, for coal had to be transported
in carts from the railway sidings half a mile away.
By an Act of 1898, therefore, the corporation
obtained authority to build a gas works at Foleshill
on a site with good canal and railway facilities, and
production was transferred there. As a consequence
the cost of manufacture diminished and prices were
reduced. (fn. 81)
By that time an electricity supply was being
established in the city. In this case the corporation
assumed direct control from the beginning. It
refused an application in 1890 by the Midland
House to House Electricity Company for permission
to supply Coventry with electricity, (fn. 82) and within a
year the corporation itself obtained powers to
establish works and itself supply electric light in the
city. (fn. 83) In 1895 the Sandy Lane generating station
was opened and an electricity engineer appointed. (fn. 84)
At first the electricity scheme failed to pay its way,
making a loss every year until 1904. Hardly any
industrial load was secured and reliance was placed
on income from supplying electric lighting. There
were only 72 consumers in 1896 and even by 1900
only 226. (fn. 85)
In the 20th century the supply of both gas and
electricity was extended. The electricity undertaking was made viable and a cheap supply provided
by a policy of concentrating on the power rather
than the lighting load. (fn. 86) In 1900 the corporation was
allowed to supply electric fittings, (fn. 87) and the practice
of hiring out electrical appliances to manufacturers
increased the demand for electric power. As a result
the electricity undertaking, from 1906, began to
make a good profit. (fn. 88)
Powers were obtained in 1907 to supply electricity
to St. Michael's and Holy Trinity Without (in
Coventry R.D.), Stivichall (in Warwick R.D.), and
Stoke, Foleshill, and Exhall (in Foleshill R.D.); (fn. 89)
in 1913 to supply part of Stoneleigh with electricity
and Keresley, part of Stoneleigh, and part of
Walsgrave-on-Sowe with gas; (fn. 90) in 1920 to supply
gas to Binley, Walsgrave-on-Sowe, and Wyken (in
Foleshill R.D.); (fn. 91) and in 1927 electricity to Binley,
Keresley, Stoke Heath, Walsgrave-on-Sowe, Willenhall, and Wyken (in Foleshill R.D.), Allesley,
Berkswell, and Coundon (in Meriden R.D.), and gas
to Corley and Fillongley (in Meriden R.D.),
Baginton (in Warwick R.D.), Bulkington U.D.,
Ansty, Shilton, and Willenhall (in Foleshill R.D.),
and Brandon and Bretford, Combe Fields, Rytonon-Dunsmore, and Wolston (in Rugby R.D.). (fn. 92)
By this time the sources of supply for both gas
and electricity were strained. Thus the Kenilworth
Gas Undertaking was purchased in 1927, (fn. 93) and in
the following year a new and very much greater
electricity generating station was opened at Longford, operating as part of the national grid. (fn. 94) The corporation's electricity undertaking was nationalized in 1948, and its gas undertaking in 1949. (fn. 95)
OTHER PUBLIC SERVICES. (fn. 96)
In addition to the services already treated something may be said
here of police and gaols in Coventry, and of passenger
transport, the fire service, and postal facilities.
POLICE.
In Coventry, as in other towns until the
19th century, unpaid constables dealt with offenders
and watchmen were hired by the burgesses to keep
watch and ward during the hours of darkness.
Constables for each ward were appointed by the leet
annually, though by the 1830s the same persons
tended to be re-appointed from year to year. (fn. 97)
There were then 60 to 80 constables regarded as an
efficient and respectable body, though 'rather
excitable on political occasions'. In emergencies the
magistrates swore special constables. (fn. 98) At different
times various officials set out the watch, but generally
it was the responsibility of the constables. An Act of
1790 (fn. 99) brought about certain changes. Watchmen
were advertised for, elected by the street commissioners, and paid out of the street rate. Watch
boxes were provided and inspected each night by
the high or chief constable, a permanent salaried
officer. By the 1830s the nightly watch consisted of
an inspector, a general superintendent, and eight
watchmen. The town clerk assured the Commissioners for Municipal Corporations that the
police were sufficient to protect persons and property
and that, except at parliamentary elections, the
inhabitants were remarkably well behaved. (fn. 1) Nevertheless the watch committee of the reformed council
reported in 1836 that the establishment was
altogether inadequate. Only the chief constable,
who had no paid staff, could apprehend felons, the
watch were not numerous enough and the watch
house sometimes had to hold more than twenty
prisoners. Taking as its guide Peel's Metropolitan
Police Act the committee suggested that Coventry
needed a paid force of one superintendent, an
inspector, a sergeant, and twenty constables. (fn. 2)
This new establishment was brought into being
almost immediately and the watch was dispensed
with. (fn. 3) At first, however, insufficient money was
spent on the force, impairing its efficiency, and the
new superintendent had also to act as superintendent
of streets and paving and inspector of weights and
measures. (fn. 4) In 1845, however, the superintendent
was permitted to give up his responsibility for the
streets, and in 1848 a policemen's superannuation
fund was started. (fn. 5) Nevertheless the force remained
too small, and in 1854 there were only two sergeants
and fourteen constables and these considered themselves underpaid for their arduous duties. (fn. 6) The
force was increased in numbers in the later 1850s
and from time to time the police station next to
St. Mary's Hall was enlarged; it had originally been
built in 1863 to replace the old watch house in the
Market Place. By 1879 the Coventry force was of
sufficient standard to receive the Home Secretary's
certificate of efficiency. (fn. 7) The central police station
continued to be situated in the offices adjoining
St. Mary's Hall until 1957 when it was moved to
new headquarters in Little Park Street. By 1964
the force had an establishment of 532, and two
divisional stations at Holmsdale Road and Fletchamstead Highway. (fn. 8)
GAOLS. (fn. 9)
The Prior of Coventry possessed a prison
in 1186-7 but since it is referred to in the pipe roll
under Gloucestershire, (fn. 10) it is by no means certain
that it lay in Coventry. Further references to it have
not been traced.
In the charter of January 1345 the Crown granted
to the burgesses of Coventry the right to keep a
prison within the town, and entrusted its custody to
the mayor and bailiffs. Later the same year the queen
mother and the Black Prince as her successor in title
were granted a gaol for the custody of those suspects
who might be arrested or attached within the liberty
of Cheylesmore. Its purpose was to hold those
whose offences could not be dealt with in the court
of the liberty but had to await trial before the justices
of gaol delivery sitting at Coventry. This right was
granted in 1345 to the queen mother with permission
to grant it in turn to the mayor and bailiffs, and
royal grants of 1346 make it plain that this was done,
and that the burgesses were to enjoy this gaol in
perpetuity. (fn. 11) It looks as if two distinct rights of
imprisonment were to be enjoyed and that to the
right of penal imprisonment for misdemeanants,
granted in the charter of January 1345, was now
added the right of custodial imprisonment for
suspect felons. Whether as a consequence two
prisons were constructed or only one is not known
but it seems unlikely that there were two. Of the
deliveries referred to in the first charter, there is no
earlier evidence, but there is a well-nigh continuous
record of them from 1351-3 to 1423-9 and a more
broken one from 1434 to 1451. (fn. 12) Deliveries thereafter continued, presumably with regularity, until
the mid 19th century. (fn. 13)
Although by the early 17th century there were
dungeons in the gatehouses for drunkards and
disorderly persons, (fn. 14) there appears from the early
15th century only to have been one gaol, which in
1515 had a gaoler and an under-gaoler. (fn. 15) Regulations
concerning the gaol were made periodically in the
15th and 16th centuries by the leet. These often
appear to have been in the interests of the prisoners
to prevent their exploitation by the gaolers. (fn. 16) In
1667 similar solicitude was being shown by the
council, which by then was controlling the gaol (fn. 17)
and appointing the gaoler. (fn. 18)
In 1675 the gaol was situated in St. Michael's
parish within the area bounded by Pepper Lane
(known in the 18th century as Gaol Lane), Derby
Lane, and Trinity Lane (then Cuckoo Lane). (fn. 19) In
1697 it was ordered that the part of the prison by
Cuckoo Lane should be taken down and the gaol
repaired and 'made very strong' (fn. 20) and this order
appears to have been carried out in the following
year. (fn. 21)
By 1772 the gaol was again in a state of disrepair
and said to be too confined. In 1774 it was rebuilt
on an enlarged scale. (fn. 22) When Howard visited it in
1776, however, he found a dismal state of affairs.
There were eight lodging rooms for better-off
debtors and one free ward for poor debtors, two
separate day rooms for men and women, and four
dungeons, all dirty, offensive, unhealthy, and dark.
There was only one courtyard for all prisoners. (fn. 23)
Things did not improve quickly. Howard found
them to be the same in 1779 and in 1787 and in the
latter year he reported that there was no proper
separation for debtors or for male and female
felons. (fn. 24) At the time of Neild's visit in the early 19th
century there was an almost exactly similar state of
affairs, and he considered the 'horrid dungeons' to
be a disgrace to the city. (fn. 25) The number of debtors
in custody in the years recorded by these two
investigators varied between two and sixteen, and of
felons between two and fifteen.
At the assizes in 1819 the gaol was presented by
the grand jury as inadequate. (fn. 26) Coventry consequently obtained an Act in 1822 for building a new
gaol and house of correction. (fn. 27) Despite objections
that the site chosen was 'damp, unwholesome and
unfit' building started. (fn. 28) Meanwhile Peel, then
Home Secretary, offered to insert a clause in the
proposed general Gaol Act authorizing the Coventry
magistrates to send all their prisoners to the county
gaol at Warwick, and enacting that all Coventry
prisoners might be tried at Warwick. This would
have done away with the need for a gaol at Coventry.
The Coventry magistrates, however, refused to
agree to a plan which would have infringed their
charter and were unwilling to give up their right to
a gaol delivery. (fn. 29) The general Act was thus passed
in 1823 without such a clause. It applied to Coventry,
among other towns, and gave the magistrates greater
powers. (fn. 30) When renewed objections to the suitability of the site on which the new gaol was being
erected were received, the chance was taken to
abandon the project. (fn. 31) Instead the Bridewell was
taken down in 1831 (fn. 32) and a new gaol and house of
correction built, in conformity with the requirements
of the Act of 1823, on a site adjoining the old gaol. (fn. 33)
The new establishment had 84 cells, mostly single
bedded, nine separate yards, and eight separate day
rooms. (fn. 34) It was regarded by the Commissioners for
Municipal Corporations as 'spacious, healthy, and
well regulated'. The gaoler managed both the house
of correction and the gaol with the assistance of two
turnkeys, a matron, a chaplain, and a surgeon. The
average number of prisoners in both the gaol and
house of correction was about 40 of whom about
five were debtors. (fn. 35)
The total expense involved in the provision of the
new gaol, amounting to over £16,000, was largely
responsible for an increase in the rates of the county
of the city in 1832 from 5d. to 1s. in the pound, (fn. 36)
and resulted in a considerable volume of complaint.
The choice of an unsuitable site and its abandonment and the rejection of Peel's offer were bitterly
criticized, and it was felt, perhaps wrongly, that an
adequate gaol could have been built much more
cheaply. (fn. 37) The rural districts particularly felt the
burden of rates to be excessive. (fn. 38)
When the county of the city was absorbed into
Warwickshire in 1842 the gaol became a gaol and
house of correction for the county of Warwick. (fn. 39)
At the time of its last inspection in 1858 it had a
total of 39 male felons, eight females, and four
debtors. (fn. 40) When a new county gaol was opened in
Warwick in 1860 prisoners from the Coventry gaol
were transferred there and the building was
abandoned and put up for sale. (fn. 41)
FIRE SERVICES.
The Commissioners on the State
of Large Towns reported in 1843 that in Coventry
water 'for the suppression of fires is derived from
pumps only. This has hitherto been found sufficient
in the rare instances of fire . . . but, in the event of
extensive fires, such means would prove altogether
unavailing'. (fn. 42) When water supply was improved (fn. 43)
a fire brigade committee was established. Advice
was obtained from other towns with brigades, and
subscriptions were received from a score of insurance
companies with agents in Coventry. (fn. 44) The Coventry
fire brigade was established in 1861, remaining a
volunteer force until 1898. From then the number
of paid firemen gradually increased until by 1934
the brigade was entirely professional. (fn. 45) In 1874 a
shed for the engine was planned on the site of the
old Bishop's Palace, (fn. 46) but in 1879 the force was
given accommodation in the new police station. (fn. 47)
In 1902 the central fire station in Hales Street was
opened. By 1964 there were two district stations,
one at Fletchamstead Highway, Canley, opened in
1957, and the other in Foleshill Road built in 1953.
The force became part of the National Fire Service
in 1941 but the council resumed control in 1948.
In 1964 the force had an actual strength of 163. (fn. 48)
PASSENGER TRANSPORT.
An organized passengertransport system can be dated from the later 19th
century. In 1879 the city council refused to support
two projects for a tramways system on the grounds
that the promoters lacked experience. (fn. 49) In the
following year, however, the Coventry and District
Tramways Corporation (later Company), with the
council's support, obtained powers to construct
tramways in and about Coventry. (fn. 50) The service was
begun in 1884. (fn. 51) Each tram consisted of a steam
locomotive with a trailer car, (fn. 52) and by 1886 there
were seven engines and six cars. In that year trams
from Coventry station to Bedworth and back were
said to pass in Broadgate every half-hour, and
traffic receipts were £6,400. (fn. 53) Nevertheless the
project was not a success. Only 5¾ miles of track
were ever completed, and operations were suspended
in 1890. (fn. 54) In 1893 a new company - Coventry
Electric Tramways - was registered. (fn. 55) By 1895 the
lines had been adapted for an electrified system and
in that year the first electric tramcar ran from
Foleshill depot to Coventry station. (fn. 56) In 1897
another company, the Coventry Electric Tramways
Company, was incorporated. It took over the assets
of the old company in 1898, and routes were
extended in 1899 and 1905. In 1911 there were
routes from Coventry station to Bedworth, Earlsdon to Gosford Green, Allesley Road to Bell
Green, and Coventry station to Stoke. When the
corporation purchased the undertaking in the
following year there were about 12½ miles of track
and the rolling-stock consisted of 42 double-deck
open-top tramcars. (fn. 57)
In 1913 Coventry became one of the first towns
in the country to obtain powers to run a fleet of
motor-buses as part of its municipal passenger
services. (fn. 58) Seven double-deck buses began in 1914
to serve routes from the fire station to Clay Lane
and to the Council House. During the First World
War the buses were commandeered but services
started again in 1919. (fn. 59) Powers to extend both bus
and tram services were obtained in 1920, (fn. 60) but in
fact none of the projected new tramway lines was
built. Indeed by 1933 trams were being superseded
by buses and the tramway route via Smithford
Street was discontinued; during the Second World
War all tram services were abandoned. In 1936 the
council had purchased the independent bus services
then operating in the city including the routes to
Baginton, Burton Green, and to Berkswell, and
after the Second World War the municipal bus
services were developed considerably to meet the
needs of the expanding population. (fn. 61)
POST OFFICE.
Postal services were, of course,
never under local-government control. There was a
postmaster at Coventry by 1623 (fn. 62) and a post office is
first recorded there in 1673. (fn. 63) Before 1748 the office
was apparently in the market place, for among some
houses there then offered for sale was one 'where
the post office was kept'. In the early 19th century
the office was housed successively in two small
rooms, the first probably in Hertford Street and the
second in Smithford Street. (fn. 64) It was presumably the
latter accommodation which was described in 1850
as 'one of the most miserable substitutes for a post
office that ever existed'. (fn. 65) Some citizens petitioned
against these conditions in 1846 and a large house in
Smithford Street, opposite the barracks, was leased
in 1847. (fn. 66) Larger premises were provided by the
acquisition in 1896 and 1899 (fn. 67) of a textile warehouse
in Hertford Street. (fn. 68) This, adapted at a cost of
over £8,000, was opened in 1902, (fn. 69) and remains
Coventry's main post office. A separate sorting
office was completed in Greyfriars Lane in
1923. (fn. 70)
A telegraph service was first operated in Coventry
in 1853 by the Electric Telegraph Company, in
Broadgate, and by the British and Irish Magnetic
Telegraph Company, in Cross Cheaping. (fn. 71) Both
undertakings were acquired by the Post Office in
1870 when private telegraphs were transferred to
state control; the head post office is first recorded
as a telegraph office in 1872. (fn. 72) A telephone service
was first provided in 1889 when the National
Telephone Company opened an exchange in Smithford Street; the company's property was transferred
to the Post Office in 1912. (fn. 73) A new exchange was
built on the site of that part of the Post Office which
was demolished in 1923, and an automatic exchange
was completed in 1926. (fn. 74) Another new exchange was
opened in 1960 in Little Park Street. (fn. 75)