House of Commons Journal Volume 1: 16-18 November 1606

Journal of the House of Commons: Volume 1, 1547-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1802.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.

'House of Commons Journal Volume 1: 16-18 November 1606', in Journal of the House of Commons: Volume 1, 1547-1629, (London, 1802) pp. 314-315. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/commons-jrnl/vol1/pp314-315 [accessed 19 March 2024]

Image
Image

In this section

The third Session of the first Parliament of our most gracious Sovereign Lord King James, begun and holden, by Prorogation, at Westminster, the eighteenth Day of November, in the Years of his Highness' Reign, of England, France, and Ireland, the fourth, and of Scotland, the fortieth, Anno Domini 1606, and there continued until the fifth Day of July, 1607, and then prorogued until the sixteenth Day of November next following.

Martis, viz. 18o Novembris, 1606

Corporations.

L. 1. B. TO make good Grants, and other Conveyances and Assurances, made to Corporations, notwithstanding the Misnaming of the same Corporations.

Reviving Bills.

Mr. Dammett moveth, that such good Bills as slept, or were left in the Hands of the Committees, the last Session, might be revived.

Message to attend the King.

Mr. Speaker publisheth his Majesty's Pleasure to be, that himself, together with the Members of the House, should attend his Highness in the Upper House, at Two a Clock in the Afternoon.

Message to attend the King.

Mr. Speaker, with the Commons, being assembled, were sent for to attend his Majesty, according to former Direction.

Lord Chancellor's Speech.

After some Speech used by the Lord Chancellor, touching the King's Presence, at that Time, being not usual: - The Matter of the Loan expected to be repaid :

- The Matter of Grievances presented by the Commons in the preceding Session of Parliament: - His Highness began to speak to this Effect:

King's Speech.

A jove principium; About this Time Twelve-month were we that be now here assembled, assembled also in this Place, to give Thanks unto God for the great Deliverance, not of myself, but of you all, and of all the Body of the State, from that Treason, which was most terribly intended against us all; for which we are bound for ever to be thankful to God. - And then proceeded, and said : That all Propositions, made in Parliament, were made in Two Sorts; either by the King to his Subjects, or by the Subjects to the King. That in the last Sessions were Propositions of both Sorts ; both concerning Matters of Government of the Commonwealth, proceeding from the King, and Matters of Grievance of the Commonwealth, which proceeded from the Subjects: And that himself would not be accounted one of those Kings, that would prefer any Propositions of his own before the Peoples just Complaints ; nor one of those, that would not reform any ancient Grievances, before he would propose any new Consultations. For the Grievances themselves, he said, they were collected with more Industry, than lawful or dutiful Diligence; yet the Form, wherein they were penned, and wherewith they were presented, was so full of Discretion and Moderation, that he was loth his Answer should smell of the Spirit of Roboam.

But for the Matters of Grievance, they were such as, if they were unlawful, ought to be reformed; or, if they were lawful, and yet unlawfully used, and abused in Execution, the Abuse was to be reformed; or, if they were doubtful in Law, were fit to be referred to Trial and Judgment: Which Order and Distinction he had observed

in all his Answers and Resolutions to every one of the several Grievances. Whereupon he observed, that it was not convenient for a Parliament to present any but apparent, publick, and just Causes of Grief; though his own Nature and Mind were ever prepared to relieve any private Complaint of any private Man, that might appear to be just.

But there is in Parliament (as there is in all Multitudes) Diversities of Spirits, as there was amongst the very Apostles themselves; and that some of them were more popular than profitable, either for that Counsel, or for the Commonwealth; and that there were some Tribunes of the People, whose Mouths could not be stopped, either from the Matters of the Puritanes, or of the Purveyance. But for himself, he would never make a Separation of the Peoples Will, and the Will of the King; and as for them that would make any Scissure or Rupture, either of the Church, or of the Commonwealth, and therein were such Schismaticks, he ever esteemed Schismaticks and Hereticks subject to the same Curse.

But for his Part, he wondered, how the Grievance of the Purveyance should extend so far as the Borders; and professed, that all his Study and Care had continually been, to abolish this Grievance of Purveyance. Then he said, he would make One Admonition unto the Lower House of Parliament; viz. that they ought to enter into a double Consideration of themselves : One, as they were Subjects in general; another, as they were specially called to be Counsellors of the Kingdom; and that the Thought of the One must not make them forget the Consideration of the other. That the Parliament was not so perpetual, but that they, being Subjects, were subject to an Account, as Kings themselves were; who, though they be exempt from any Censure or Correction, upon the Earth, yet after the Expiration of their Reigns and their Lives, must yield an Account to the eternal King: And therefore admonished them to beware, that they were not like Icarus, the Son of Daedalus ; that soared so near the Sun with his Wings of Wax, that the Wax melted, and his Wings failed, and down he fell: And therefore he would conclude, with Neptune in Virgil, Sed motos praestat componere fluctus; and wished that they would know him, and observe him; and if that any such Plebeian Tribunes should incur any Offence, or commit any such Error, they would correct them for it; and judge themselves as (St. Paul saith) that they be not judged ; and that the whole Body receive not a Wound by One ill Member thereof.

But the greatest and weightiest Matter of all is this Matter of the Union ; wherein (he said) the Goodness of the Matter must supply his Want of Premeditation; for that, which he should say, must proceed out of some Inspiration, because he had so small a Time of Respiration to consider it; but that Gold did not need to be guilded, nor Precious Stones any Ornament. He purposed no more, but to represent an Idea of the Inception and Perfection of all he required in this Matter of Union; wherein he would first answer all Objections, that, by Men of humourous or malicious Minds, were opposed against this Union: Secondly, he would shew the Motives of his

Desire: Thirdly, the principal Heads of his Desire: And lastly, the End and Effect, the Fruit and Benefit of this Union,

The first Objection is, that there is no Necessity of an Union ; and that therefore it is but superfluous : Whereunto he answered, and confessed, there is no Necessity to make an Union, for it is already made; but to knit and bind it, that it do not break into Flaws and into Cracks, as a Contract is necessary unto Marriage : And that this Union was necessary, not ad esse, but ad bene esse; not to the very Essence, but to the firm Continuance of this Union and Marriage of both these Kingdoms ; whereof the Creation or Constitution was not now required, but rather a Declaration and Confirmation.

The second Objection is a scornful Objection; that it is not so rich, or so wealthy, or so potent a Kingdom; but that the People are more impotent and more poor: Whereunto (though it where such an Objection, as were more fit to be answered fustibus, quam rationibus) he would answer them, that it was not his purpose to deprive England of its Laws, nor of Goods, nor of Lands; but to lay Scotland subject to the Laws; and that, if they were determined, that the poor People of England, or the poor or barren Countries of England, should be no Part of England; then perhaps there were some Cause he should be better content, that Scotland should stand still divided and distinguished from England: But if Wales were admitted to be Parcel of England; if the Borders, which are now naturally the middle Part of the Land; if all the barren Parts of England were received as Parcels thereof; he knew no Cause, why Scotland, which was not so barren or poor, as some Parts of them, should not as well be admitted to an Union with England: And if the Greatness of England be so great, what Decrease can it sustain by such a Participation ? or if Scotland be poor, what other Cause is there thereof, but the Want of this Union and Participation with England? and when was there ever any King, or Kingdom, to whom this Principle of amplianda dominia was not acceptable and honourable ?

But some (said he) are so suspicious, that they dare not trust the present Times, nor the present King, with this Union; that this King is a partial King; he had his Birth there; his Education there ; all his Acquaintance, Familiarity, and Conversation, during the first Part of his Age, hath been there; and therefore it cannot be, but there must be Partiality in this King: Wherein (he said) he would pardon them the double Wrong they did both to him and themselves. For himself he did profess, that so miraculous an Applause, as he received by the general Voice of all this Nation, at his first Entrance, had prevailed as much, and had as great a Part of his Heart, as the Place of his,Birth; and that, as Education was altera natura, so his Residence and Continuance here was altera educatio; and that there was no Reason to suspect, that either any Erection of that Nation, or any Suppression of this, should be endangered by this Union : Therefore, qui habet aures, audiat; let them that have Ears, hear, and know, that there can no Servitude nor Diminution, but Augmentation and Freedom, be brought by this Union to this Nation.

For the Motive of his Desire, he acknowledged his Affection to Scotland, wherein he had his Birth and Education, and wherein he had led the first Part of his Age; and if he should be unthankful to that Kingdom, wherein he had spent the first Part, what might they expect of him in this Kingdom, wherein he should spend the second and last Part of his Age : And that therefore he did so equally esteem these Two Kingdoms, betwixt which he was so equally divided, as Two Brothers, and as if they had equal Parts of his Affections; and did desire, they should be united, and subjected both to One Rule and to One Law. His second Motive was, that he knew himself to be mortal, as other Men are; and that after him there could never be any so equally and so amply affected to them both. His third Motive was this, that if that this Proposition should be disappointed of its due Success, being known, as it was, so publickly to so many Nations, and the Eye of all the World in Expectation of the Event; if it failed,

it would be imputed either to his Folly to propose it, or to the Obstinacy of his People, not to approve it. For the Three Heads of his Desire, he protested, he wished himself no longer alive but dead, if his Desires were not directed to the Commonwealth of both Kingdoms; which might appear to all such as did kindly and naturally examine and try the Reasons of his Desire, and did not prefer the Fear of future Apprehensions before present Truths: And his Desire was no more, but of the same Effect, which of himself he had Power to accomplish, without the Parliament: not that they should perform it, but that they should concur with him to the Perfection of it.

For the Three Heads, they were but these : The first, every Man would acknowlege, that there was now no Cause of Hostility or War; and therefore no Cause but that all Laws and Ordinances of Hostility might be extinguished. The second was that, which every Man must acknowlege to be commodious, and that, which all Nations in Amity and Peace, though foreign, and subject to several Dominions, did admit and embrace, Freedom of Commerce and Traffick. The third is but that his Subjects may be adjudged to be his Subjects ; and that those that were born his Subjects before he was King of England, may have this Benefit, to be esteemed his Subjects, now he is King: And since there is no Cause to account them Aliens, but because they were born under his Dominions, before he was King here; now that he is King, may be privileged as those that are born under him, being their King. As for Scotland itself (whereof was once made an Objection) it is content to embrace this Union. And therefore now let that which hath been sought so much, and so long, and so often, by Blood, and by Fire, and by the Sword, now it is brought and wrought by the Hand of God, be embraced and received with an Hallelujah ; and let it be as Wales was, and as all the Heptarchy was, united to England, as the Principal; and let all at last be compounded and united into One Kingdom. And since the Crown, and the Scepter, and Justice, and Law, and all, is resident and reposed here; there can be no fear to this Nation, but that they shall for ever continue continual Friends; and shall ever acknowlege One Church, and One King ; and be joined in a perpetual Marriage, for the Peace and Prosperity of both Nations, and for the Honour of their King.

And so concluded, that sithence Union was the very Essence of Divinity, and the Staff of all States; was the Bond of Marriage, the Strength of Families, the Increase of Kingdoms, and the Kiss of Enemies; let us all embrace it, that we may all enjoy it. And as the last Session made Provision for the State, and the Regiment, and the Policy of this Kingdom; let this, though the Labour be faschious and troublesome, provide for the Amplitude and the Union of both Kingdoms, to the Glory of God, and the Honour of the King.