THE CHAPTER OF HEREFORD CATHEDRAL TO 1300
The diocese of Hereford was established in the late seventh century when a seewas created for the people living west of the Severn, the Westerna (later knownas the Magonsaetan).
(fn. 1) However, the first references to the church of Herefordcome from the turn of the eighth and ninth centuries,
(fn. 2) and the earliest mention ofthe community serving the church can be found in a charter of Bishop Cuthwulfof Hereford, datable 840 × 852, where it is referred to as a congregatio.
(fn. 3) Unfortunately this is one of only a tiny handful of pre-Conquest Hereforddocuments to survive;
(fn. 4) nonetheless, few though the surviving charters are, theyallow us to observe that there was no attempt to introduce Benedictine monasticismto Hereford, as happened at the cathedral of the neighbouring diocese ofWorcester.
(fn. 5) Instead, Hereford, like most pre-Conquest English cathedrals, wasserved by clerks.
Even though our information for the early history of the diocese and thecathedral is extremely limited, we can be fairly certain that the majority of theendowments which formed the episcopal and chapter estates of the centralmiddle ages were bestowed on the church in the middle Saxon period. A bull ofInnocent II for Bishop Robert de Béthune confirms the libertas granted by'Mereduth, Anglorum rege' to Hereford, specifying particularly the woodsbelonging to the church of Hereford, notably the woods of Malvern.
(fn. 6) This probablyrepresents a garbled version of the cathedral tradition that the earliest endowmentof the see had been made by Mildfrith, a late seventh-century king of the Magonsaetan.
(fn. 7) The core of the church's estates was formed by territories in thevalley of the Lugg and the central part of the Wye valley, with another sizeablegroup of estates in the Malvern Hills, and, because of their compact siting andchoice locations, all these territories are likely to represent early grants, quitepossibly by Mildfrith. Furthermore, Hereford's early possession of Prestbury andSevenhampton in Gloucestershire is suggested by the dispute between its bishop,Wulfheard, and Deneberht, bishop of Worcester, over rights due from theminsters of Cheltenham and Beckford in Gloucestershire in 803.
(fn. 8) Gerald ofWales in his Life of St Ethelbert records a tradition that the great episcopalmanor of Lydbury North in Shropshire was given by 'Egwinus quatiens caput'to the church of Hereford following the murder of King Ethelbert of East Angliaby Offa, king of Mercia (757-96) and the establishment of Ethelbert's martyrcult at Hereford. This story cannot be relied on, but the grant of Lydbury to thechurch of Hereford is unlikely to have been late, since the estate was a verylarge one, assessed at 53 hides in Domesday.
(fn. 9) According to the cathedral obitbook, two benefactresses, Godiva and Wulviva, granted the manors of Pyon,Norton, Woolhope (whose name, Wolvythehope in an early thirteenth-centurycharter, contains the name of its mistress) and Preston.
(fn. 10) These grants cannot bedated but must predate the Norman Conquest, since the church of Herefordpossessed these properties already in the time of Edward the Confessor.
By the middle decades of the eleventh century some attempt had been made toascribe some lands to the particular use of the clerks serving the cathedral, bothindividually and collectively.
(fn. 12) However this slow process of splitting up episcopaland chapter estates had been overshadowed by the sack of Hereford cathedral byGruffudd ap Llywelyn and Earl Ælfgar in October 1055, during which three canonsand the four sons of one of them were killed.
(fn. 13) The death of the admittedly alreadyelderly bishop Æthelstan early in 1056 must have been hastened by this attack;his successor, Leofgar, was killed in a revenge attack on the Welsh 16 June 1056,and the see of Hereford was then held for some years by Ealdred, bishop ofWorcester.
Meanwhile, some of the lands of the church of Hereford were taken over byHarold in his capacity as earl of Hereford.
(fn. 15) Only in 1061 was a new bishop ofHereford appointed, Walter, and he was faced with new problems on the arrivalof the Normans in 1066.
(fn. 16) Walter's episcopate leaves few traces in the sources;even the year in which he died is not known. Probably he faced an uphill strugglein trying to restore the economic fortunes of the church of Hereford; perhaps hedid not make much of an effort to do so. His successor, Robert, a fellowLotharingian, was much more dynamic. During his episcopate (1079-95) thechurch's finances improved
(fn. 17) and the cathedral community began to be reshapedalong continental lines, with the appearance of the first archdeacons
(fn. 18) and,probably, the first dean.
(fn. 19) The earliest dean, Gerald, who was Robert's brother, isnot termed such in the only contemporary document in which he appears, eventhough he is noted as the leading cleric in Robert's entourage, but he is given thetitle in the obit book.
(fn. 20) It is possible that the obit book was attributing to him adignity which only came into formal existence later than his time, but equally, ifnot more, likely that Robert was responsible for its introduction. If so, it is worthnoting that he chose a dean to head the chapter rather than a provost, thus electingto follow the example of French cathedral chapters rather than that of his homelandin the Empire. It suggests that Robert was taking his cue from Norman andNorman-trained bishops in the post-Conquest English hierarchy. The significanceof having a dean rather than a provost in charge was that the responsibilities ofthe former were chiefly disciplinary and liturgical, whereas the latter would havecontrolled the properties assigned to the cathedral community and paid a share ofthe revenues to each canon.
(fn. 21) Opting for a dean made it possible for each canonto have his own prebend and also to have a say in the running of those propertieswhich the chapter chose to maintain for its communal use.
The dates when the other dignities were established are unknown. A cantorand treasurer were in office by 1132, shortly after the start of Robert de Béthune'spontificate, but it is quite likely that a treasurer existed earlier,
(fn. 22) and not impossiblethat there was an earlier cantor also.
(fn. 23) The change of the cantor's title to precentorcame with the appointment of William Foliot to the office, not long after Williamde Vere's consecration as bishop 10 August 1186.
(fn. 24) The final dignitary to appear,the chancellor, emerged late at Hereford, for although the cathedral probably hada school at least as early as the 1130s, when a grammaticus is referred to,
(fn. 25) nodignitary in charge of the schools is attested until late in the twelfth century.Nicholas divinus, otherwise attested as a theology teacher, is once given the titleof chancellor, but probably did not hold the office formally: at any rate, his entryin the obit book refers to him as theologus and canon.
(fn. 26) An otherwise untraceablechancellor, Ranulf, is attested in the obit book and may well have lived in thetwelfth century; the earliest datable chancellor who formally held the dignity isHenry de Vere, who was appointed in the mid 1190s.
(fn. 27) Robert de Béthune'sepiscopate has been viewed as a formative period for the cathedral hierarchy, butthis may be a misleading impression, caused by the greatly improved quantity ofdocumentation available at Hereford from 1131 onwards. Robert the Lotharingian'swork was fundamental; moreover at least two of his successors appear to haveleft their mark on the cathedral: bishop Gerard (1096-1100), previously cantor ofRouen cathedral, is probably the person responsible for introducing the Use ofHereford, which shows links with Rouen, while his successor, bishop Reinhelm(1107-15), began the Romanesque rebuilding of the cathedral.
(fn. 28) Quite possiblyone of these might have established the dignities of treasurer and cantor.
The principle that individual members of the cathedral community shouldhave their own territorial holdings appears to have predated the NormanConquest at Hereford, and good evidence that each member of the communityhad his own holding is supplied by the cathedral's Domesday returns, whichmay well have been drafted by Robert the Lotharingian.
(fn. 29) However, the termprebend does not occur in a Hereford context until the pontificate of bishopGeoffrey de Clive (1115-19), to whom Henry I addressed a writ allowinghim to take back into episcopal control all land granted out in prebendamsince the death of bishop Robert (1095).
(fn. 30) Moreover, as will emerge, it tooktime for the endowments of some of the prebends to be fixed. Nonetheless,of the final 28 prebends in existence by the mid thirteenth century, no fewerthan 14 can be traced back to the individual holdings of cathedral clergyrecorded in Domesday,
(fn. 31) and it is probable that Robert the Lotharingian wasthe formative figure in this process. In what shape Robert found the chapterwhen he became bishop we do not know. We cannot tell, for example, howlarge it was before Robert's time. The church's Domesday returns inHerefordshire in 1086, however, show tenancies for 21 clerks, four episcopalclerks and four chaplains, a total of 29, to which we can add William, Robert'sclerk with a tenancy at Lydbury North in Shropshire. This figure closelyresembles the total of 28, excluding the archdeacon of Shropshire, stated inthe mid thirteenth-century cathedral statutes, and the discrepancy of one canbe explained by developments in the intervening period. Robert de Béthuneremoved the endowments of four prebends to benefit the foundation of thepriory of Llanthony Secunda (Lanthony by Gloucester);
(fn. 32) bishop GilbertFoliot (1148-63) tried to counteract the effects of this by encouraging, or atleast allowing, local landowners to create new prebends, endowed with parishchurches. Robert de Chandos founded the prebend of Wellington inHerefordshire and Roger Parvus established another endowed with thechurches of Moreton and Whaddon in Gloucestershire.
(fn. 33) The final prebendto be founded had no endowments, and was funded simply with a share inthe commons: this was the prebend Episcopi, set up by bishop Ralph ofMaidstone (1234-9) to provide for the office of the penitentiary, which healso set up.
In addition to the 14 prebends which can be traced back to individualclerical holdings in 1086, a further seven were founded on lands belongingto the church of Hereford in 1086. Most of these were on land described aschurch demesne, or specifically as episcopal demesne, in 1086, but one ofthe prebends in question, Nonnington, had in 1086 been held by 'the nuns ofHereford' (possibly survivals of the nunnery of Leominster?) from the churchof Hereford.
(fn. 35) Meanwhile, some of the lands occurring as individual clericalholdings in 1086 were taken into episcopal demesne.
(fn. 36) Some internalreorganisation of the ecclesiastical estates must have occurred in the twelfthcentury, as the estates for bishop and chapter were slowly separated from eachother.
(fn. 37) Robert the Lotharingian, in drawing up the returns of his church in1086, appears to have wished to create the impression to the outsider that bishopand clergy owned their land together: the lands held in Herefordshire are statedto belong to the church of Hereford, not to the bishop alone, and, after an initialsection dealing with property in the city of Hereford and with waste, a subheadingis inserted: 'These lands mentioned below belong to the canons of Hereford'.
(fn. 38) Since the bulk of the lands listed below this heading were episcopal estates in themiddle ages, this heading was probably not intended to tell the reader that theproperties which followed were the sole property of the canons, but perhaps ratherthat the canons had some claim to be considered co-owners of the whole. Robert'ssuccessors, however, gave the chapter little toehold into the property, thoughGilbert Foliot, who may have acquired Hunderton from earl Roger, evidently musthave passed it on to the chapter as a prebendal endowment.
(fn. 39) The process by whichBullinghope and the two Pratum prebends were endowed is unclear. PerhapsBullinghope represented yet another establishment of a prebend by a local family.
(fn. 40) The meadow which provided the rents for one, perhaps both, of the two Pratumprebends was at Marden, and may have been given to Hereford when it receivedthe church of Marden as a grant from the abbey of Cormeilles in 1195.
Most of the Hereford prebends were poorly endowed, particularly incomparison with the much more valuable prebends available at Lincoln, York andSalisbury.
(fn. 42) Part of the reason for this appears to be the fact that only three of theHereford prebends - Inkberrow, Moreton and Whaddon, and Wellington - wereendowed with parish churches, whereas many of the prebends at Lincoln, Yorkand Salisbury were.
(fn. 43) Hereford was also less able than the other three, andnoticeably less able than Lincoln, to acquire grants of prebendal endowment fromoutside. In contrast, Lincoln and Salisbury, for example, acquired numerous grantsof land in prebendam from Henry I and Stephen.
(fn. 44) Prebendal incomes at Herefordwere mostly formed from rents.
(fn. 45) In addition each canon, whether resident or not,was entitled to an equal share of the small commons, one of the three forms inwhich distributions were made from the common fund. The other two payments- great commons and quotidian commons - were payable only toresidentiaries.
(fn. 46) This was laid down in the 1240s, firstly in a separate statuteconfirmed by the pope at the request of bishop Peter of Aigueblanche, and thenin the earliest full set of chapter statutes, drawn up by bishop Peter probably shortlyafter 1246.
(fn. 47) However, it is not impossible that it reflected an existing state ofaffairs.
All the Hereford prebends were in the gift of the bishop. It is clear from thelitigation pursued by Hugh Parvus over Moreton and Whaddon that the Parvusfamily felt that they had a right to decide who the prebendary holding Moretonand Whaddon should be, but Hugh lost the dispute and the family's claim was notraised again.
(fn. 48) Recruitment into the chapter therefore reflected, by and large, theviews of individual bishops, and of course the people who influenced them.Unsurprisingly quite a few prebends were bestowed on episcopal relatives: thenumerous Foliot canons, William de Vere's nephew Henry de Vere the chancellor,Peter of Aigueblanche's four nephews and a noticeable contingent of Swinfieldsare all examples.
(fn. 49) However, usually many more prebends would fall vacant in agiven pontificate than the number of episcopal relatives able and willing to acceptthem, and the most significant group of clergy seeking rewards consisted of theclerical members of the episcopal households.
(fn. 50) Moreover, bishops might well bepersuaded by the king, colleagues and acquaintances to bestow prebends on certainclerics. There is documentary evidence that Peter of Savoy and Nicholas deGeneville acquired their prebends at Hereford through royal influence;
(fn. 51) royalpressure was applied, but unsuccessfully, in the case of a clerk of Edward I calledM. Giles,
(fn. 52) and it is likely that royal influence led to the collation of Elias ofBristol, John of Scarborough, Mathias de Cigogné, Ralph de Hengham, RichardBarre, Robert Burnell and Thomas the king's chaplain.
(fn. 53) Kings would haveopportunities to exercise their will directly in episcopal vacancies, and we haveinformation about several royal appointments sede vacante in the thirteenth centuryand even one in the twelfth (M. Geoffrey of Winchester).
(fn. 54) Occasionally, writtenevidence about the operation of the job market survives: Gerald of Wales, himselfa protégé of William de Vere, wrote a letter recommending his patron to employthe young Robert Grosseteste, and William took him into his household, but diedbefore he was able to promote him further.
(fn. 55) By the middle of the thirteenth centurypapal provision was beginning to make an impact, though Hereford seems not tohave held much interest for thirteenth-century popes, probably because its prebendswere not valuable.
(fn. 56) Overall, the canons who owed their appointment to direct orindirect royal or papal pressure formed only a small minority.
The proportion of canons who were normally resident cannot be ascertaineduntil late in the thirteenth century, when it was about half.
(fn. 57) Nonetheless it ispossible, by assembling evidence for offices and activities in which canons engagedoutside Hereford, to guess at the likely proportion of non-residentiaries in the latetwelfth and early thirteenth centuries, when it seems to have been about a quarteror a third.
(fn. 58) In any case, Hereford's residence rules were quite generous about theamount of time which could be spent away from the cathedral; moreover a list ofcommons payments surviving from the year 1273 suggests that even canons whowere non-residentiaries might attend the cathedral for some of the year.
(fn. 59) Alreadyby the very early thirteenth century, if not before, deceased canons had the rightto a year's prebendal income after their deaths, to be used by their executors asthey saw fit, for Hugh Foliot extended this right, which he said had been grantedto the canons by his predecessors (i.e. at least Hugh de Mapenore, 1216-19, andGiles de Braose, 1200-15), to the dignitaries.
The minor clergy of Hereford cathedral begin to be referred to in charters fromthe episcopate of Robert Foliot.
(fn. 61) Their numbers and conditions of service areuncertain in the late twelfth century, though it is possible that they were notnumerous and likely that most of them would have been employed on an ad hocbasis by individual absentee canons. From the 1170s onwards, however, it ispossible to ascertain the names of several dean's chaplains, increasingly referredto as subdeans: M. Aldred, Roger, W. and Peter.
(fn. 62) The subdean at Hereford didnot deputise for the dean in choir but was in charge of jurisdiction in the dean'speculiar, which covered the city of Hereford.
(fn. 63) In 1195 another cathedral vicaragewas secured on a permanent basis for Hereford cathedral through a confraternityarrangement with the Norman abbey of Cormeilles, according to which the abbotof Cormeilles was made an honorary prebendary of the cathedral, his prebend toconsist of the churches held by Cormeilles in the diocese of Hereford (Dymock,Newent and Kingsland, together with the chapel of Pauntley), and his duties inchoir to be supplied by a vicar.
(fn. 64) Between 1216 and 1219 a similar arrangementwas made between Hereford cathedral and another Norman abbey, Lire,
(fn. 65) and bythe mid thirteenth century both agreements had been adapted to make the twoNorman abbeys supply two vicars each.
(fn. 66) Canon Philip Rufus, who died in orbefore c. 1220, established a perpetual vicar to say mass for his soul and the soulsof the faithful departed.
(fn. 67) Bishop Ralph of Maidstone persuaded a further Frenchabbey, St Martin of Sées, to give its church at Diddlebury in Shropshire to him in1236, and in the following year he proceeded to appropriate it to the dean andchapter to provide two chaplains and two deacons to serve the church of Herefordon a permanent basis, with a plan to add two subdeacons when the then rectorand vicar of the church of Diddlebury should die.
(fn. 68) By the mid thirteenth centuryall six vicars on bishop Ralph's foundation were in post;
(fn. 69) two decades and twoappointments later, on 3 June 1269, his arrangements were slightly revised bybishop John le Breton, to ensure that the vicars would promise to serve thecathedral continuously at the hours and matins, and would be required to learnthe antiphoner and psalter by heart within a year of appointment.
(fn. 70) The earliestcomprehensive set of cathedral statutes, drawn up under bishop Peter ofAigueblanche (1240-68) at some point after, but probably not long after, December1246,
(fn. 71) also specifies that the precentor, treasurer and chancellor each had toappoint a deputy, who had to serve the cathedral as vicar.
(fn. 72) M. John Bacon, canon,set up a perpetual vicarage in January 1248/9.
(fn. 73) The cathedral obit book recordsseveral foundations of vicarages which cannot be closely dated but which musthave been set up in the mid or late thirteenth century by: canon Roger deCalkeberge, who died after 24 June 1249; M. Philip of Hay, canon, who also diedafter 24 June 1249; William, clerk of Holme Lacy; Rannulf, chaplain of Brocton',who died after 1253; canon Stephen Banastre, who died after 12 June 1264, andwhose vicar was expected to serve daily at the altar of St Nicholas; M. AlexanderSecular, who died after May 1273; Absolon the clerk, probably identifiable withthe Absolon, clerk of the sheriff of Hereford who occurs in a document of 9 October1285, and whose perpetual vicarage was set up to serve the altar of Holy Trinityin the cathedral; and M. William of Hay II, canon, who died on or by 31 May1290 and whose vicar was expected to serve the altar of St Francis.
(fn. 74) In comparisonwith the richer English cathedrals, Hereford thus had only a relatively small groupof permanently endowed posts for minor clergy by the late thirteenth century: atSalisbury, by contrast, every canon, whether absentee or resident, had to providea vicar from the early thirteenth century onwards.
(fn. 75) However, it is clear from thetwelfth- and thirteenth-century charters and the obit book that the cathedralattracted quite a few minor clergy, many of them perhaps in a freelance capacity:for example, the obit book mentions three sacrists and a clerk of the organs.
The principal sources for the chapter of Hereford cathedral 1066-1300 are thecharters, some of them collected into cartularies, associated with the cathedral,and, from 1275 onwards (though also including copies of some earlier material),the episcopal registers. The cathedral obit book records the names of dignitariesand canons dying in post between the middle of the eleventh and the late thirteenthcenturies, and sometimes also ones who resigned their posts, if they made a bequestto pay for post-obit prayers. In addition, as for other cathedrals, royal and papalrecords are very valuable for the thirteenth century. Estate records for Hereforddo not survive in any quantity until the late middle ages.
Charters and cartularies
Hereford cathedral's fine collection of charters, Hereford Dean and ChapterMuniments, is largely unpublished. B. G. Charles and H. D. Emanuel prepared aninventory of the collection shortly after the Second World War while the charterswere still in the temporary keeping of the National Library of Wales atAberystwyth, to which they had been removed in 1943.
(fn. 77) Charles's and Emanuel'sinventory, giving detailed summaries of the contents of about 5,000 charters, wasnever published but a limited number of copies was circulated by the NationalRegister of Archives.
(fn. 78) A guide to the cathedral archives was produced by F. C.and P. E. Morgan, and a short history has recently been written by Brian Smith.
(fn. 79) The muniments which survive from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries fall intoseveral separate categories: firstly, a very large number of charters concerningthe hospital of St Ethelbert in Hereford, founded by canon Elias of Bristol c. 1225and placed under the control of the dean and chapter from its foundation;
(fn. 80) secondly, a small number of charters and a cartulary concerning the hospital of StKatherine in Ledbury, founded not long after St Ethelbert's hospital by bishopHugh Foliot and similarly placed in the hands of the dean and chapter;
(fn. 81) thirdly,charters concerning the dean and chapter themselves, in particular the chaptercommons, many of which were published by Canon William Capes in 1908;
(fn. 82) and finally, a collection of charters from Gloucester abbey, which may have beengiven to Hereford cathedral as early as the mid sixteenth century.
By the end of the thirteenth century, the dean and chapter had commissionedtheir first cartulary, now Bodleian MS Jones 23;
(fn. 84) it was soon afterwards followedby a larger one, compiled at the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, nowthe second item in Bodleian MS Rawlinson B.329, which preserves many chartersof which the originals are no longer extant. One of the aims behind its compilationseems to have been to copy charters recording, or otherwise associated with, disputesettlements.
(fn. 85) In the fifteenth century a third cartulary was compiled, principallyto preserve charters associated with the funding of obit payments, and it was laterbound up with the second cartulary and forms the first item in Bodleian MS RawlinsonB.329.
(fn. 86) Most of the charters in Rawlinson B.329 have never been published.
The cartulary of St Guthlac's priory, Hereford, also hitherto largely unpublished,survives as Oxford, Balliol College, MS 271,
(fn. 88) and contains frequent referencesto canons of Hereford cathedral. Some references are also to be found in severalother cartularies from the Welsh Marches and the West Midlands, notably thoseof the abbeys of Shrewsbury, Haughmond and Gloucester.
The charters of the bishops of Hereford 1079-1234, many of which containreferences to members of the cathedral chapter, have been published in the BritishAcademy's English Episcopal Acta series, and a further volume, to cover the years1234-75, is projected.
Hereford's series of episcopal registers begins with that of bishop Thomas deCantilupe (1275-82); it is likely that Cantilupe was the earliest bishop of Herefordto keep a register.
(fn. 91) The registers were published by the Cantilupe Society andsimultaneously, or nearly simultaneously, in the same editions, by the Canterburyand York Society. The originals are now housed in the Herefordshire CountyRecord Office in Hereford (previously in the Diocesan Registry in Hereford). Auseful overview is provided by David M. Smith in his Guide to Bishops'Registers of England and Wales.
(fn. 92) The Hereford registers most often usedin this volume are those of Thomas de Cantilupe and Richard de Swinfield(1283-1317).
Hereford cathedral produced no historians in the 1066-1300 period, but some localhistorical works, notably John of Worcester's Chronicon ex Chronicis and theannals of Worcester and of Tewkesbury, contain information about Herefordbishops and a few members of the cathedral community.
(fn. 94) William of Wycombe,who had been a canon of Llanthony while Robert de Béthune was prior there,and who had later become prior of Llanthony himself, wrote a Life of Robert whosecomposition can be dated to the period between 1148 and the mid 1150s, the dateof the death of prior Reginald of Wenlock, one of the dedicatees.
(fn. 95) Several of thecanons of Hereford were authors, above all Gerald of Wales, whose letters throwvaluable light on the chapter at Hereford at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenthcenturies,
(fn. 96) and Walter Map, whose De Nugis Curialium preserves someHerefordshire and Shropshire traditions.
(fn. 97) Simon de Freine was a capable versifierin Anglo-Norman and Latin, and one of his poems describes the subjects taughtat Hereford c. 1200.
An extremely valuable source for the prosopography of the cathedral chapteris the cathedral obit book, now Bodleian MS Rawlinson B.328, fos. 1-54r.
(fn. 99) Although the main hand of the MS is fourteenth-century, the compilationtranscribed by this hand was made in the late thirteenth century, essentially in the1270s with only a few later additional names up to 1299. Further additions wereinserted in the fourteenth century and later in different hands.
(fn. 100) The obit bookcontains hundreds of names, including those of most of the canons and dignitariesof the cathedral from the late eleventh to the late thirteenth century and a largenumber of burgesses of Hereford and members of local landowning families,chiefly of the late twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth centuries.
Previous work on Hereford Fasti
In the eighteenth century attempts to compile lists of Hereford canons were madeby John Le Neve as part of his compilation of all English cathedral clergy, byRichard Rawlinson as part of his history of the city and cathedral of Hereford andby Browne Willis as part of his Survey of Cathedrals; Le Neve's work was reedited in 1854 by T. Duffus Hardy with (in the case of Hereford) informationadded from Rawlinson, and in 1869, F. T. Havergal, compiling a list of Herefordclergy, essentially followed Hardy for the central middle ages.
(fn. 101) The inaccuracyof these compilations has been long recognised. In the mid 1940s Z. N. and C. N.L. Brooke made a fresh start, working out the dates of the twelfth-century dignitariesfrom first principles;
(fn. 102) later, C. N. L. Brooke with Adrian Morey collected materialabout canons of Hereford during the pontificate of Gilbert Foliot.
(fn. 103) The compilerof the current volume began in about 1980 to work on the Fasti of Hereford dignitariesand canons to help date episcopal acta of the period 1163-1219 for her doctoralthesis;
(fn. 104) this list was then gradually corrected and expanded to cover the wholeperiod 1066-1300, and in advance of the publication of this volume some briefnotes on the datings of particular dignitaries and canons were made in an appendixto EEA VII.
(fn. 105) Simultaneously Diana Greenway made notes on Hereford canons,particularly in the thirteenth century, which she kindly made available to the compiler.
The editorial conventions are those used in the earlier volumes in this series. Theintention is not to provide full biographical information about each member ofthe chapter, but the minimum necessary to establish correct chronology. Crossreferences to other volumes in this series are made where relevant.
The given names of individuals are anglicized as far as possible. Surnames aregiven in the form most often found in the sources, except where the name is anidentifiable place-name, in which case the modern form is given. Men normallyappearing as magistri in the sources are given the title 'M.'. Where possible,references are supplied to A. B. Emden's biographical registers of the universitiesof Oxford and Cambridge. In cases where the identity of a member of the chaptercan only be conjectured, or where an appointment did not take effect, the entry isplaced in square brackets.
Dates are governed by the following conventions. Two dates linked by a rule,as 1186-98, indicate a term of years from 1186 to 1198. Two dates linked by amultiplication sign, as 1186 × 1198, indicate a specific but unknown date betweenthe opening and closing limits, thus a point between 1186 and 1198. C. for circais used for approximate dates, but only where these can be pinpointed betweentwo or three years.