26. THE ABBEY OF RIEVAULX
The abbey of Rievaulx, the earliest Cistercian monastery in the county, was founded in
1131 by Walter Espec, (fn. 1) who gave to certain
of the monks sent to England about 1128 by
St. Bernard from Citeaux land near Helmsley,
in the valley of the Rye, on the north side of
which the monastery was built. From its position it received the name of Ryevale, or Rievaulx.
Although the house was meagrely endowed
by the founder, it speedily received other donations of land of considerable extent and value,
so that within probably half a century from the
foundation of the abbey it had acquired possession
of no less than 50 carucates of land besides
other property; all are fully described in alphabetical order by Burton. (fn. 2)
It has been suggested that the mission of monks
sent to England by St. Bernard from Citeaux
was largely directed to Yorkshire, through the
influence of Archbishop Thurstan. (fn. 3) Not only
did Rievaulx send out a detachment of monks
to people the abbey of Warden in Bedfordshire, founded by Walter Espec in 1135,
almost before the settlement at Rievaulx itself
can have been fairly established, but in the year
following another colony went to inhabit the
abbey of Melrose, founded by David I in 1136;
and in 1142 yet a third body of monks left
Rievaulx for the abbey of Revesby in Lincolnshire, founded by William de Roumare, Earl of
Lincoln, and in 1146 or 1148 another draft of
monks went to Rufford.
All this points to the fact that the number
of monks who first came to Rievaulx must
have largely exceeded the number usually sent
to form a new convent, and it implies that
Rievaulx was regarded as the source from which
other Cistercian monasteries might be peopled.
This may explain Walter de Gant's gift of
Stainton as the site of an abbey to be founded
(ad abbathiam construendam ibi) by Rievaulx, (fn. 4)
as well as the gift by Olaf, king of Man, of land
in that island, for the foundation of an abbey at
Rushen. The strain on their numbers in
founding the abbeys already mentioned perhaps
exhausted the power of the monks of Rievaulx
to undertake the work proposed to them by
King Olaf, and his gift was afterwards transferred
to Furness, the abbey of Rushen being colonized
from that house. (fn. 5)
As to Stainton, the same reason may have
prevented the monks of Rievaulx from establishing a monastery there, and so led them to
exchange Walter de Gant's land with Henry II
for other land nearer Rievaulx than Stainton,
which was in the parish of Downholme, not
very far from Richmond. (fn. 6)
Having founded the abbey of Warden,
Walter Espec entered the abbey of Rievaulx
as a monk, and died and was buried there. (fn. 7)
Quite early in the history of the house a
strange agreement was entered into between
the monks of Rievaulx and the canons of
Kirkham, (fn. 8) whereby the latter were to cede to
Rievaulx the whole of Kirkham, with its church
and the canons' buildings, gardens, and mills,
as well as Whitwell and Westow, and 4
carucates of land in Thixendale, and of their
stock a wagon and 100 sheep, on condition that
the patron would give them the whole of Linton
and ' Hwersletorp.' Their prior and his
assistants (sui auxilarii) were to build them a
church and other monastic offices. It seems
that there must have been a proposal that
Kirkham should become Cistercian (a proposal
which caused a division in that house), and that
it was intended that Rievaulx should take over
Kirkham as a Cistercian monastery, the dissentient canons having a new house built for
them elsewhere. It is clear that Walter Espec
was living (fn. 9) when the agreement was drawn up,
and his preference for the Cistercian order as
evidenced by his entry as a monk at Rievaulx,
may have made him wish that his three foundations, Kirkham, Rievaulx, and Warden should
be of the Cistercian order; the agreement,
however, fell through.
Another incident in the early history of the
house is also difficult to understand. It is
revealed in a rescript from Pope Alexander III
(1159-81) (fn. 10) to the Bishop of Exeter, the Abbot of
St. Mary, York, and the Dean of York directing
them to see that amends were made for the
spoliation of the property of the abbey of
Rievaulx by certain persons named, and the
strange thing is that the offenders were some
of the chief benefactors of the abbey. Robert
and William de Stuteville had been guilty of
various acts of depredation, and the pope ordered
that within thirty days they were to make
restitution, under pain of excommunication.
Seven other offenders are named, including
Roger de Mowbray and his son Nigel.
In 1143 Roger de Mowbray granted Old
Byland to the convent of monks who had left
Calder, intending that they should build their
monastery on the south side of the River Rye,
but the site was too near Rievaulx, and each
house heard the bells of the other. In consequence of this the monks of Byland moved
further off, but the lands of the two houses were
coterminous, and to avoid possible disputes an
agreement was entered into between Aelred,
Abbot of Rievaulx, and Roger, Abbot of Byland,
about 1154. (fn. 11) This agreement began by a
mutual engagement of masses and prayers for
deceased brothers of the two houses and a combined action against oppression or misfortune by
fire or otherwise, and then defined the relations
of the two houses as to their adjoining lands,
both the homeland of the two houses and their
properties at a distance, where they adjoined
each other. As to the homelands, the Byland
monks conceded to their brethren of Rievaulx
that they should have their bridge so constructed
that it should hold back the wood they conveyed
by the River Rye, and also a road from the
bridge through the wood and field of Byland to
a place called Hestelsceit, 18 ft. in width, which
the monks of Byland were to keep in repair.
They were to have mutual rights on each others'
banks of the river. The monks of Byland
should peaceably retain the house they had built
at Deepdale (near Cayton), and all that they
possessed or might obtain in Gristhorpe, Falsgrave, Seamer, Irton and West Ayton, except
the meadowland of the last-named, none of
which they were to hold except with the consent
of the monks of Rievaulx. In Hutton and
Brompton neither house was to accept anything
for the purpose of building without the consent
of the other. The beasts of the grange of Griff
(belonging to Rievaulx) were to have pasturage
within the wood of Scawton only from Burnsdale
to Sproxton, the rest of Scawton was to remain
the property of the Byland monks. Then
followed in the agreement a description of the
boundaries between other of their properties
both at hand and in the West Riding. This
conventio karitatis was in 1170 again confirmed
with certain additions, Sylvanus being then
Abbot of Rievaulx and Roger still holding office
at Byland.
A very severe rebuke was addressed by Alexander III to Archbishop Roger Pont 1'Eveque (fn. 12)
for placing Rievaulx under an interdict and
threatening the monks with excommunication
until they should pay his clerk the tithes from
which they had been exempted by papal authority.
Another letter (fn. 13) from the same pope rebuked
Bishop Hugh and the Prior of Durham for extortion in the matter of the annual payment to
be made by the abbey in consideration of the
tithes of Cottam. In 1243 (fn. 14) Innocent IV
extended a papal grant to the Abbot and convent
of Rievaulx, exempting them from payment of
tithes of property acquired after the said indult
in regard to which they were being molested by
prelates and clerks of the diocese of York.
Rievaulx being a Cistercian abbey and so
exempt from episcopal visitation, very little is
known of its internal affairs or history. One
incident of interest is recorded in 1279. William
de Aketon, a monk of Rievaulx, evidently wishing to abandon monastic life, came to the prior,
Nicholas of York, and said that he was a leper
and could no longer dwell with the brethren,
and therefore begged leave to depart. Another
monk, Jordan de Normanton, came up and
wished to examine William to see if he really
was leprous, whereupon the malingerer drew his
knife and stabbed him in the hand and fled into
the woods. Abbot William de Daneby was at
once told, and he immediately sent two of the
monks to pursue him. The fugitive was caught
in the woods and so severely beaten that he died
a few days after he had been brought back to
the monastery. (fn. 15) William de Daneby seems to
have succeeded another Abbot William, who had
apparently been deposed and banished, as in 1279
it was reported that certain lay brethren of
Rievaulx who had been concerned in the
murder of John de Slarebrond had been sheltered
by 'William, then Abbot of Rievaulx, now a
monk of Byland.' (fn. 16) In 1380-1 (fn. 17) besides the
abbot and prior, John de Layton (or Lanton),
there were thirteen other monks and three
conversi.
In 1406 (fn. 18) a glimpse of the inside life of the
abbey is afforded, with one of those little touches
which give life to a picture, by a mandate of
Pope Innocent VII, which states that each monk
in priest's orders was bound in turn for a week
at a time to sing mass solemnly (alta voce ad
notam) at the high altar, and to say the invitatory,
such monks being called ebdomadarii, but that
Thomas Beverley had an impediment of tongue,
on account of which he could not do this becomingly, so he was granted a dispensation from
performing the office.
What is generally known as the battle of
Byland took place in October 1322, and must
have greatly affected the two abbeys of Rievaulx
and Byland, but nothing certainly is known as to
what happened to Rievaulx in consequence of it.
The encounter between the English and the
Scots took place on the high ground between the
two houses and near Byland, but according to
the most trustworthy accounts the English king
was at Rievaulx and not Byland Abbey when
he received news of the defeat of his army. (fn. 19)
He fled at once to York for safety, leaving,
according to the chronicler of Lanercost, his
silver plate and a great treasure behind him at
Rievaulx. This fell into the hands of the Scots,
and we are left to realize the sinister significance
of the words et monasterium spoliaverunt without
being told any details of the spoliation.
The concluding years of Rievaulx were stormy,
and it is clear that the abbot, Edward Kirkby,
was ill affected towards the impending religious
charges. It was desirable, therefore, to get him
out of the way. On 1 September 1533 (fn. 20) the
king's commissioners complained that Abbot
Kirkby had written a letter ' to the slaundare
of the kinges heygnes, and after the kynges
lettars receivyed, dyd imprison and otharways
punyche divers of hys brethren whyche ware
ayenst him and hys dissolute liwing; also dyd
take from one of the same, being a very agyd
man, all hys money.' Further they complained
that 'all the cuntre makythe exclamations of
this Abbot of Rywax, uppon hys abhomynable
liwing and extortions by hym commyttyd, also
many wronges to divers myserable persens don,
whyche evidently duthe apere by bylles corroboratt to be trwe with ther othes corporal, in the
presens of the commissionars and the said abbott
takyn, and opon the same xvi witnessys examynyd, affermyng ther exclamations to be trwe.'
The commissioners concluded by stating that
they had ' remowyed hym from the rewlle of
hys abbacie and admynistration of the same.'
The convent refused to accept the deprivation
as canonical, and did not proceed to elect a
successor. On 13 September (fn. 21) another commission was issued, addressed to the Abbots of
Fountains and Byland, recounting that the
abbacy of Rievaulx was vacant owing to the
deposition of the late abbot by four of the royal
commissioners, and that the licence of the Earl
of Rutland, the patron, had been given for the
election of a new abbot. The commissioners
were ordered 'to repaire unto the sayd monasterie to procure, by all the lawfull means and
ways ye can, the convent of the same to proceed
with the licence of our sayd cousin, theyr patron,
to the election of a new abbote, and to certifie
unto us all that ye and the sayd convent shall
have doon therein, for that we moche desyre
the goode establishement of the sayd monasterye
as we doo of all others.'
The Abbot of Fountains being engaged on a
mission to Cockersand Abbey, the Abbot of
Byland reported that on 15 October, (fn. 22) accom
panied by Brian Lewty, notary, Dan Robert
Harom, Prior of Byland, and Dan Thomas
Wenesley ' my chapleyn,' he had visited Rievaulx,
' and did procure by all the lawfull means and
wayes I couth the convent of the same to proceed to the election of a new abbcte, and theym
beyng in nombre xxiijth secretly and oon by oon,
did call before me, the abbote beyng absent, and
then examynyng by inquisicion according to the
statutes of my religion, exortyd, aduertysed, and
induced as byfore to proceed to election according
to the tenor and effect of youre sayd grace is
commission, soo that none of theym did know
what was the answer of the other.' Only seven
of the twenty-three monks would consent to a
fresh election or. admit that Abbot Kirkby had
been duly deprived. The detailed answers of
each of the monks are given in the Abbot of
Byland's report, (fn. 23) and they evince the courage
and constancy of monks.
Abbot Kirkby, without admitting the validity
of his deprivation, appears to have acquiesced
in his forcible removal, and even went so far as
to precent the Te Deum at the installation of
Robert Blyton, Abbot of Rufford, as Abbot of
Rievaulx. (fn. 24) This forcible intrusion of Abbot
Blyton was only effected after a further letter
had been sent to the Abbots of Fountains and
Byland ordering them to procure the election of
a new Abbot of Rievaulx at once. (fn. 25)
A yearly pension of £44 was confirmed to
Abbot Kirkby by the convent on 7 May 1534,
but from two letters written by him to Cromwell (fn. 26) it appears that Abbot Blyton refused to
pay the pension, and endeavoured to excuse the
convent from an obligation to pay more than
half the promised sum. In these letters Abbot
Kirkby speaks of himself as ' Abbott of Rievall'
(one indeed being signed 'Edward Abbott of
Rievall'), and of Blyton as ' the Incumbent Abbott
at Rievall.' Inclosed in the second letter is a transcript of a letter which Cromwell had previously
written to Blyton, and which Abbot Kirkby
asked him to enforce. In this letter Cromwell
is made to say that if Blyton continued to withhold the appointed pension, ' and handle your
saide predecessour after such extreme fascion
then vpon hys forther complaint to the Kynge
and hys cowncell of his iniuryes and wronges
end also iniuste depriving from hys saide Abbaye
I assure youe I can no less doo of good conscience
and equitie then to fynde some meanes to
restore hym to hys abbaye agayne like as I have
heretofore written to youe in that behalfe.' It
has been commonly believed that Abbot Kirkby
suffered death at Tyburn for complicity in the
Pilgrimage of Grace, and it is pleasant to find
that this was not the case. His later history is
unknown.
The value of the temporalities in 1291 was
£241 10s., (fn. 27) and in 1535 (fn. 28) the gross income
amounted to £351 14s. 6d., the clear annual
value being £278 10s. 2d. The house was
surrendered on 3 December 1538. (fn. 29) At the
suppression there were twenty-one monks in
addition to the abbot who received yearly pensions, varying from £7 13s. 4d. to £4, the
abbot's pension being 100 marks. (fn. 30) At the
inquiry (fn. 31) as to the payment of pensions in the
North Riding thirteen names are entered. Of
one (Richard Jenkynson) it is said ' is dead, how
long of goo it is to be inquired, he died at
London ut dicitur.' Three others appeared with
their patents and were seriously behind, ' and
did axe it and cold not gett it.' Six others
appeared, and three did not.
Although there is no record of any indult to
the Abbots of Rievaulx to wear the mitre, there
is an indication that they possessed this privilege.
In an account of the plate possessed by the
abbey at the Dissolution is included not only a
'crouche' of silver, but also a 'mitour of paest
set with perles.' (fn. 32)
Abbots Of Rievaulx (fn. 33)
William I, 1131, died 1145
Maurice, 1145
[Waltheof] (fn. 34)
Aelred, 1147, 1160, 1164, died 1167
Sylvanus, (fn. 35) occurs 1170
Ernald, 1192, resigned 1199
William Punchard, occurs 1201-2, died 1203
Geoffrey (or perhaps Godfrey), 1204
Warin, occurs 1208, died 1211
Helyas, resigned 1215 (Abbot of Melrose 1216)
Henry, 1215, died 1216
William III, 1216, died 1223
Roger, 1224 to 1235, resigned 1239
Leonias, 1239, died 1240
Adam de Tilletai, 1240-60.
Thomas Stangrief, occurs 1268 (fn. 36)
William IV (de Ellerbeck), (fn. 36a) 1268-75 (fn. 37)
William Daneby, 1275-85 (fn. 38)
Thomas I, 1286-91
Henry II, 1301
Robert, 1303
Peter, 1307
Henry, occurs 1307 (fn. 39)
Thomas II, 1315
Richard, occurs 3 June 1317 (fn. 40)
William VI, 1318
William de Inggleby, occurs 1322 (fn. 41)
John I, 1327
William VIII (de Langton), 1332-4
Richard, 1349
John II, occurs 1363 (fn. 42)
William IX, 1369-80
John III, occurs 1380 (fn. 43)
William X, 1409
John IV, occurs 1417 (fn. 44)
William (XI) Brymley, 1419
Henry (III) Burton, (fn. 45) 1423-29
William (XII) Spenser, 1436-49
John (V) Inkeley, 1449 (fn. 46)
William (XIII) Spenser, 1471, 1487 (fn. 47)
John (VI) Burton, (fn. 48) 1489-1510 (fn. 49)
William (XIV) Helmesley, (fn. 50) 1513-28
Edward Kirkby, (fn. 51) 1530-1533
Rowland Blyton (fn. 52) 1533-8
The 12th-century (fn. 53) seal is a vesica with the
abbot seated receiving a confession from one of
his monks. Of the legend there only remains:
✠. . . N . . ERTI A TEGO . . . . . CLAVSA
REVELO
An abbot's seal (fn. 54) in use at the end of the
12th century is a vesica, 1½ in. by 1 in., with
the abbot seated reading at a lectern and holding
his crozier. The legend is:
✠ SIGNVM ABBATIS RIEVALLIS
A 13th-century abbot's seal (fn. 55) has a fulllength figure of the abbot holding his crozier
and a book. The legend is:
✠ SIGILLVM ABBATIS DE RIEVALLE