HOUSES OF BENEDICTINE MONKS
2. THE ABBEY OF BURTON
The earliest religious foundation at Burton is
associated with St. Modwen, an Irish abbess who is
said to have come to England in the 7th century. (fn. 1)
She came to the Burton area with two companions
and built two churches there, one on an island in the
Trent that became known as Andressey, evidently
because the church was dedicated to St. Andrew,
and later another on the east bank of the river. After
some years, most of them spent at Burton, St.
Modwen returned to Ireland, leaving one of her
companions at Andressey as abbess. The saint is
supposed to have died in Scotland and to have been
buried at Andressey; her bones were later translated
to a shrine in Burton Abbey.
It is likely that any surviving religious house
would have been destroyed during the Danish
incursion into the area in the 870s. (fn. 2) At any rate it
was a Benedictine monastery on a new site on the
west bank of the Trent at Burton that was built at
the beginning of the 11th century. The founder was
Wulfric Spot, a king's thegn possibly descended
from King Alfred, who owned extensive property
in the Midlands and the area to the north-west. (fn. 3) The
Annals of the abbey give 1004 as the date of foundation, and King Ethelred's charter of freedom and
confirmation granted to the abbey in that year show
it as already in existence; Matthew Paris, however,
gives 1003 and John Brompton 1002. (fn. 4) On his death
(which according to one source took place in 1010
as a result of a wound received at the battle of Ringmere) Wulfric was buried in the abbey cloister where
his wife already lay. (fn. 5)
In his will Wulfric appointed the king as lord of
the abbey and Archbishop Alfric and Alfhelm,
brother to Wulfric, as 'guardians and friends and
advocates'. He gave Dumbleton (Glos.) to the archbishop and 'Northtune' to Ufegeat, possibly his
nephew, in the hope that each might 'the better be a
friend and support to the monastery'. (fn. 6) The first
abbot and monks came from Winchester — a connexion that was maintained for over a century and a
half, seven of the first eight abbots being monks of
Winchester. (fn. 7) The house was described as the monastery of St. Benedict and All Saints in royal charters
of 1008 and 1012 (fn. 8) but as the abbey of St. Mary in
Domesday Book. (fn. 9) Its dedication to St. Mary and St.
Modwen occurs fairly frequently in the later 12th
century, (fn. 10) and although there are occasional
references to St. Mary alone in the 13th century, (fn. 11)
the double dedication continued for the rest of the
abbey's existence.
The community was never large; in fact the monks
stated in 1310 that theirs was the smallest and poorest
Benedictine abbey in England. (fn. 12) The earliest available figure is that given in the History of the Abbots
which states that under Abbot Laurence (1229-60)
there were 30 monks. (fn. 13) In 1295 there were 31 professed monks. (fn. 14) The numbers in the earlier 14th
century were evidently between 15 and 30. (fn. 15) In 1377
there were 15 monks (including the abbot) and three
novices (fn. 16) and in 1381 17 monks (including the
abbot). (fn. 17) Nineteen monks took part in the election
of Ralph Henley as abbot in 1433, including Henley
himself. (fn. 18) Visitations of 1518, 1521, and 1524 show
a community of respectively 17 monks and 3 novices,
15 monks and 5 novices, and 22 monks. (fn. 19) At the
dissolution in 1539, however, the community seems
to have numbered only 12: 7 monks, including a
deacon and a novice, received pensions, while the
abbot and probably 4 other monks were appointed
to the new college at Burton. (fn. 20) The abbot's household in 1539 numbered 27. (fn. 21)
Burton was by far the most important of the Staffordshire religious houses. Its estates, lying in the
main on either side of the Staffordshire-Derbyshire
border in the Burton area but also extending further
afield, produced a gross revenue in 1535 more than
double that of the next richest houses in the county,
Tutbury Priory and Dieulacres Abbey. (fn. 22) The abbot
of Burton was not only a secular lord but also
exercised an independent spiritual jurisdiction. He
was a figure of some standing, regularly serving on
papal and royal commissions and acting as a collector
of clerical taxes within the diocese. (fn. 23) In 1257 he was
summoned to the Great Council held at Westminster on the eve of the departure of Richard, Earl
of Cornwall, newly elected King of the Romans. (fn. 24)
He was regularly summoned to Parliament between
1295 and 1322; after that, however, he was not summoned again until 1532. (fn. 25)
The abbey's position on a main road by a rivercrossing automatically give it some importance. In
the late 14th century the monks claimed that this
situation involved them in hospitality for 'a multitude of passers-by'. (fn. 26) Among these visitors were
many of the kings of England, the patrons of the
abbey — one of the rooms in the abbey was still
called the King's Chamber in the 16th century. (fn. 27)
William I came on a visit to the shrine of St. Modwen; (fn. 28) Henry II was at Burton in 1155, (fn. 29) John in
1200, 1204, and 1208, (fn. 30) Henry III in 1235 and 1251, (fn. 31)
Edward I in 1275 and 1284, (fn. 32) and Edward II in 1322
during the campaign against Thomas, Earl of
Lancaster. (fn. 33) The royal treasure was lodged at
Burton in 1186 en route for Chester in connexion
with John's proposed mission to Ireland, (fn. 34) and in
1232 and 1235 the proceeds of taxes collected in
Staffordshire were ordered to be sent to Burton. (fn. 35)
The Annals of Burton state that Wulfric gave the
abbey all his paternal inheritance, worth £700. (fn. 36)
Wulfric's will (fn. 37) does not substantiate this, but it
does show that his endowment was extensive: in
Staffordshire Burton, Stretton, Bromley, 'Bedintun'
(evidently near Pillaton in Penkridge), Gailey,
Whiston (in Penkridge), Darlaston (in Stone),
Rudyard, 'my little land at Cotwalton [in Stone]',
Leigh, Okeover, Ilam, Calton, Castern, and a hide at
Sheen; in Derbyshire Winshill (now part of the
borough of Burton), Sutton-on-the-Hill, Ticknall,
Morley, Breadsall, Morton, Pilsley, Ogston, Wingfield, 'Snodeswic' (evidently near Morton), the
'little land' at 'Niwantune' (probably Newton
Solney), and 'that land at Appleby [now in Leicestershire] that I bought with my money'; in Leicestershire land at Shangton and Wigston Parva and a hide
at Sharnford in Wigston Parva; in Shropshire Longford, Stirchley, Romsley, Shipley, and 'Suthtune'
(probably Sutton Maddock); in Warwickshire
Weston-in-Arden, Burton Hastings, and Harbury.
Other places whose identification is more uncertain
were 'Actune' (possibly Acton Round in Shropshire)
granted for two lives, 'Halen' (probably Halesowen,
Worcs.), 'Niwantun at the Wich' (possibly Newton
near Middlewich, Ches.), 'Tathawyllan' (possibly
Tathwell, Lincs.), 'Ealdeswyrthe' (either Awsworth,
Notts., or Aldsworth, Glos.), 'Alfredingtune' (either
Alvington, Glos., or Alfreton, Derb.), and 'Eccleshale' (possibly Exhall, Warws., Ecclesall, Yorks
W.R., or Eccleshall, Staffs.), and 'Waddune' (possibly Whaddon, Glos.). 'Waededun' has not been
identified at all. The abbey was also given a reversionary interest in Elford and Oakley, both in
Staffordshire, Wibtoft (Warws.), and 'Twongan'
(either Tong, Salop., or Tonge, Leics.). Half the
usufruct of 'Langandune' (probably Longdon,
Staffs.) was assigned to the monks, and also the
enjoyment 'of meat and of men and of all things' on
the land of the bishop at 'Bubandune' (evidently
Bupton, Derb.). Wulfric's lands between the Ribble
and the Mersey and on the Wirral were left to Alfhelm and Wulfage 'on the condition that when the
shad shoals come in, each of them give 3,000 shad to
the monastery at Burton'; similarly Conisbrough
(Yorks. W.R.) went to Alfhelm provided that the
monks had a third of the fish every year. Finally
Wulfric left the abbey 100 wild horses and 16 tame
geldings 'and besides this all that I possess in livestock and other goods except those which I have
bequeathed'. Most of these lands were mentioned
in the royal charter of 1004 confirming Wulfric's
endowment. (fn. 38)
Either Wulfric's intentions were never fully
carried out, or else the abbey soon lost much of its
original property, perhaps during the Danish Conquest in the early 11th century. At any rate many of
the estates given by Wulfric were not in the abbey's
possession at the end of the Confessor's reign, and
what remained was confined to Staffordshire and
Derbyshire. (fn. 39) In Staffordshire the losses had not
been great, and the property there still included
Burton, Stretton, Bromley, 'Bedintun', Whiston,
Darlaston, Leigh, and Okeover; Ilam, Calton, and
Castern, though not mentioned in Domesday Book,
were held by the abbey in the early 12th century and
may have been included under Okeover in the
Domesday Survey. In Derbyshire only Winshill,
Sutton, Ticknall, and Appleby remained. 'Ealdeswyrthe' and 'Alfredingtune' had been exchanged
by Abbot Wulfgeat in 1008 with the king for
Rolleston in Staffordshire, but Rolleston too had
been lost by 1066. (fn. 40)
There were, however, several permanent additions to the Burton estates during the 11th century.
In 1012 Abbot Wulfgeat bought Wetmore from the
king. (fn. 41) Between 1042 and 1050 Edward the Confessor gave the abbey Willington and Stapenhill in
Derbyshire, each apparently with a church; the
lands at Brizlincote and Stanton, held by the abbey
in the early 12th century, may have been included
with Stapenhill. (fn. 42) Earl Leofric (d. 1057) gave part of
Austrey (Warws.) to the abbey. (fn. 43) Coton-in-the-Elms
(Derb.) was given by Earl Morcar, taken by William
I, and restored by him while on his visit to Burton. (fn. 44)
In addition William gave the abbey Cauldwell and
Mickleover, both in Derbyshire; (fn. 45) the latter included
the berewicks of Littleover, Findern, and Potlocks,
and within the soc of the manor there lay Snelston,
Bearwardcote, Dalbury, Hoon, Rodsley, Sudbury,
Hilton, Sutton-on-the-Hill, and Rough Heanor
(Henovera). (fn. 46) In the town of Derby he gave 2 mills,
3 houses, 13 acres of meadow, and apparently the
church of St. Mary; by 1086 the abbot also enjoyed a
share of the church-scot rendered to the king by the
burgesses on the feast of St. Martin. (fn. 47) Branston in
Staffordshire was held by Countess Godiva before
the Conquest but had passed to Burton by 1086. (fn. 48)
The abbey held 5 messuages in Stafford borough in
1086, (fn. 49) but there is no indication when it acquired
them. It is likely that the abbey also held Horninglow, Anslow, and Field by this time, the first two as
appendages of Wetmore and the third as part of
Leigh; Horninglow and Field were among the
abbey's possessions in the early 12th century, and
Anslow appears by 1180. (fn. 50) In fact the Conquest
seems to have benefited the abbey. The English
Abbot Leofric died a few months after the Conquest,
but there were English priors well into the 12th
century. (fn. 51) It is also noteworthy that Burton was
one of the few houses which did not hold by
military service at the time of Domesday Book. (fn. 52)
The century following Domesday saw both gains
and losses, and two abbots were expelled during this
period for dissipating the lands and goods of the
abbey — Abbot Geoffrey Mauland (Malaterra) in
1094 and Abbot Robert in 1159. (fn. 53) The gains included Stretton-on-Dunsmore (Warws.), which
was given by Alan fitz Flaald probably during the
time of Abbot Niel (1094-1114), (fn. 54) and Wolston
nearby, which was given to Abbot Niel by Alan's
widow Adeliza. (fn. 55) Land at Hampton in Blithfield
was given by Meriet and land at Waterfall by
Aschetill the sewer (dispensator); both gifts were
probably made about 1120 since both occur in
the later of the two surveys of the abbey's property,
made respectively between 1114 and 1118 and
between 1116 and 1127 or 1133. (fn. 56) Shobnall too
appears in the second survey. (fn. 57) Tatenhill and Sheen
had been added to the estates by 1185 when they
occur among the possessions of the abbey as confirmed by Pope Lucius III. (fn. 58) Estates which were lost
included Coton, alienated by one of the abbots,
presumably Geoffrey Mauland, by the time of the
two surveys. (fn. 59) 'Bedintun' disappears after the reign
of Henry I, but it may have been absorbed into
Pillaton (in Penkridge) with which it was associated
and which the abbey held by the time of the first
survey. (fn. 60) Calton, Waterfall, and Sutton had presumably been lost by 1185 since they do not appear
in the papal confirmation.
A feature of the 12th century is the abbey's
tendency to make more and more grants of its
estates in perpetuity at fixed rents instead of the
leases, often for two lives, common in the earlier part
of the century. (fn. 61) The major 12th-century grants in
perpetuity included: under Abbot Geoffrey (111450) Ticknall, (fn. 62) Rough Heanor, (fn. 63) and apparently the
manor of Leigh with all its appurtenances except
Field; (fn. 64) under Abbot Robert (1150-9) Okeover (fn. 65)
and land at Horninglow; (fn. 66) under Abbot Bernard
(1160-75) Stretton, Brizlincote, Willington (including the advowson), Darlaston, part of the
property in Derby, Pillaton, (fn. 67) Wolston, and Strettonon-Dunsmore; (fn. 68) under Abbot Roger (1177-82)
Potlocks and Anslow; (fn. 69) under Abbot Nicholas
(1187-97) Field (fn. 70) and probably at this time Ilam and
Castern. (fn. 71)
By 1185 the abbey was also in possession of
numerous churches, chapels, and tithes. Although
most of these are not mentioned until various times
during the 12th century, the papal confirmation of
1185 seems to ascribe the majority to the gift of
Wulfric Spot and the rest to that of William I. (fn. 72)
Only in the case of Stapenhill and Willington is there
evidence to the contrary, but in view of the early
date of Wulfric's endowment it seems more than
likely that the churches ascribed to his gift were in
fact gradually founded on the estates that he had
given to the abbey. (fn. 73) Burton itself is the only church
which can be assumed to date from the original
foundation — although even there the first record
of provision for a priest to serve the parish dates
from the early 12th century. (fn. 74) According to the
History of the Abbots the churches at Stapenhill and
Willington, stated by the papal confirmation to have
been given respectively by Wulfric and William I,
were given by Edward the Confessor. If so, Stapenhill was subsequently lost for early in the 12th century Geoffrey de Clinton, treasurer and chamberlain
of the king, gave to Abbot Niel the church of Stapenhill and tithes in nearby Stanton in return for
enfeoffment with the part of Stanton owned by
Burton. (fn. 75) Pope Lucius mentions the church at
Mickleover with its chapels at Littleover, Findern,
and Potlocks, and also St. Mary's, Derby, as gifts of
William I; churches at Mickleover and Derby both
occur among the abbey's possessions in the first of
the early-12th-century surveys, (fn. 76) although the three
chapels are mentioned apparently for the first time
about 1180 when Abbot Roger granted them with
the church at Mickleover to John the priest.
Churches at Bromley and Ilam were listed in the
second survey, (fn. 77) and within half a century or so there
were several chapels dependent on Ilam: Blore
(where, however, the abbey's claim to the patronage
was surrendered between 1180 and 1187 in return for
an annual pension of 1 mark), Grindon (surrendered
about 1183 for a pension of 14s.), Sheen, Okeover,
and Cauldon. (fn. 78) The churches mentioned in a confir
mation of the abbey's possessions by Bishop Peche
(1161-82) included Leigh as well as Bromley, Ilam,
Stapenhill, Willington, and Mickleover. (fn. 79) The
advowson of Willington, however, was granted in
heredity with the abbey's other rights there by
Abbot Bernard (1160-75), (fn. 80) and the advowson of
Leigh was granted away in return for a pension
of 5 marks by Abbot Roger (1177-82). (fn. 81) Pope
Lucius mentions three chapels dependent on Stapenhill at Drakelow, Heathcote, and Newhall (all in
Derb.).
Burton also held many tithes by the 12th century,
though not all by the gift of Wulfric as the papal
confirmation of 1185 seems to imply. The tithes of
Burton parish were doubtless held from an early
date; by the early 12th century part had been
assigned to the parochial chaplain. (fn. 82) The tithes of
Stanton were granted to Abbot Niel by Geoffrey de
Clinton as mentioned above. By the time of the first
of the surveys the abbey had been given the tithes of
Newton in Blithfield by Ralph fitz Urnoi or Urvoi in
return for land at Hampton in the same parish; (fn. 83) the
tenant of Willington manor owed tithes 'in all things'
including horses; (fn. 84) and the abbey held all the tithes
of Mickleover. (fn. 85) When Field was leased out by
Abbot Geoffrey in 1116 the tenant had to give 'strict
tithes for his soul in fruits or in cattle or in cheeses
or in any other things' besides rent and service, and
a similar stipulation was included in a lease of
Potlocks also made by Abbot Geoffrey. (fn. 86) By the
1150s the abbey held the tithes of Newhall and
Heathcote, and Abbot Robert then granted those of
Stanton and Newhall and one-third of those of
Heathcote to the priest at Stapenhill. (fn. 87) Tithes from
Linton in Cauldwell were held by the time of Abbot
Roger (1177-82) who granted them to the nearby
church of Gresley (Derb.) in return for a pension of
2s. (fn. 88) Pope Lucius mentions the tithes of Sheen,
'Truelega' (perhaps Throwley in Ilam), 'Mosedene',
part of Waterfall, and Drakelow in addition to those
of Newton, Linton, Heathcote, and Newhall.
Although there were comparatively few important
changes in the abbey's property subsequently,
numerous acquisitions of lands, tithes, and money
continued to be made. Among these were a salt-pit
and salt-pan at Nantwich secured between 1189 and
1197, (fn. 89) Hunsdon (in Thorpe, Derb.) for which
property at Wetmore was exchanged in 1242, (fn. 90) and
further property at Austrey later in the century,
including half the manor and the recognition of the
abbey's claim to the advowson. (fn. 91) Assarted land at
Callingwood was held by the later 13th century. (fn. 92)
By about 1320 there was 'a place surrounded by a
ditch' in Shobnall Park, the later Sinai Park, which
was used as a retreat for monks undergoing bloodletting. (fn. 93) A house called 'Baconsyne' in the parish of
St. Sepulchre without Newgate, London, was left
to the abbey by John de Cauntebrigg, fishmonger
of London, by will proved in 1377, subject to the
life interest of his widow. It had passed to the abbey
by 1394 and was known in the 16th century as 'the
Abbot of Burton's House'. (fn. 94) The abbey was involved
in numerous lawsuits to defend its possessions,
both temporalities and spiritualities; a notable
example is the litigation in connexion with the
Austrey property in the late 13th and earlier 14th
centuries. (fn. 95) The reasons given in 1382 to explain the
abbey's poverty included 'lawsuits which it has
been obliged to undergo'. (fn. 96)
The spiritualities also continued to increase,
although St. Mary's, Derby, and some of the tithes
mentioned in 1185 do not occur again. In fact the
abbey was involved in extensive litigation in maintaining and enforcing its claims to tithe or payments
in lieu. In 1250, for example, a dispute with the
Rector of Hamstall Ridware over tithes from
'Lichlesaselis' claimed by the monks in right of their
church of Bromley was settled in their favour; the
rector was to pay a modus of 5s. and a pound of
incense. By the 1290s, however, the monks had
again gone to law to enforce payment. (fn. 97) Similarly
they were suing the Rector of Blithfield in 1252 for
tithes from Newton and Hampton; the dispute was
settled in the abbey's favour but had broken out
again by 1321. (fn. 98) By the 1530s, however, the Rector
of Blithfield was paying the monks £1 a year. (fn. 99) The
5 marks due from the Rector of Leigh was another
cause of litigation from the later 13th century to the
end of the 14th century. (fn. 100) On the credit side, the
churches of Ilam, Stapenhill, and Bromley were
appropriated in the earlier 13th century. (fn. 101) By 1280
there was a chapel at Cauldwell, the fourth dependency of Stapenhill. (fn. 102) Having secured its claim to the
advowson of Austrey the abbey was given royal
licence to appropriate the church in 1287; in fact
this did not take effect, and appropriation was not
finally secured until the early 15th century. (fn. 103) Endowments of anniversaries, chantries, and lights in the
abbey church were further increasing the revenues
of the house from at least the 13th century. (fn. 104) In 1535
St. Modwen's Chapel at Andressey, which had been
attracting pilgrims from an early date, had an
income of £2 a year from offerings. (fn. 105)
The abbey estates included two boroughs,
Burton and Abbots Bromley. (fn. 106) Burgage tenure was
established at Burton by Abbot Nicholas (1187-97),
but it was only under his successor, Abbot Melburne
(1200-14), that royal licence 'to make a borough'
was granted; in 1200 King John also granted a
market and fair. Abbots Stafford (1260-81) and
Packington (1281-1305) further enlarged the
borough, the latter because of a great famine about
1286. A borough was established at Abbots Bromley
by Abbot Richard de Lisle (1222-9) in 1222, also
under royal licence; in 1227 Henry III granted a
market and fair there.
The abbey enjoyed several other privileges. Henry
I granted Abbot Geoffrey (1114-50) sac, soc, toll,
team, infangentheof, and full jurisdiction for his
court (curiam suam plenarie de omnibus rebus et
consuetudinibus). (fn. 107) Stephen, Henry II, John, and
Henry III confirmed many of these privileges, and
Henry II added quittance of toll, passage, and
pontage, and also free warren as the abbot's predecessors had held it in the time of Henry I. (fn. 108) At the
Staffordshire quo warranto proceedings of 1293
the abbot successfully upheld his claim to view of
frankpledge, fines for offences against the assize of
bread and ale, free warren, gallows, waif, and
infangentheof. (fn. 109) At the Derbyshire proceedings of
1330 he maintained his privileges in the manors of
Mickleover and Stapenhill but had to pay a fine of
20s. to regain his right to infangentheof at Stapenhill; he had not been exercising this right there, and
he was ordered to erect a gallows. (fn. 110) In 1468 the king
confirmed existing privileges and added the right to
goods of felons, fugitives and outlaws within the
manor of Burton and its members and to various
fines from tenants there; the abbot was to act as a
justice of the peace in the town and the bailiff of
Burton as king's coroner, and the abbot was to have
return of writs; an extra fair at Burton was also
granted. (fn. 111) This grant was confirmed by the Crown
in 1488 and 1510. (fn. 112) In 1527 the abbey successfully
maintained against the king its right to appoint its
own coroner within the liberty of Burton. (fn. 113)
The abbey's main economic pursuit was the
management of its estates. Granges had been established at Shobnall, Stapenhill, Stretton, and Winshill
by 1325 and at Burton and Branston by 1327. (fn. 114) A
grange at Newton (Derb.) is mentioned in 1391, (fn. 115)
and one had been established at Hunsdon (Derb.)
by the later 15th century. (fn. 116) Another existed at
Findern at some unspecified period. (fn. 117) The granges
at Stapenhill, Winshill, Hunsdon, and Findern were
leased out in the 1520s and 1530s, (fn. 118) and the only
other mentioned at that time was Shobnall which
was still run directly by the abbey. (fn. 119) The monks
were also involved in the wool trade by the late 13th
century, and there was sheep-farming at Hunsdon
Grange in the 15th century. (fn. 120) They were evidently
engaged in the production of cloth by the early
1340s when Brother Robert of Stapenhill erected a
fulling-mill at Burton. (fn. 121) The abbey was running its
own quarry in the early 13th century, probably at
Winshill. (fn. 122)
The abbey property as listed in 1542, after the
transfer of most of it to the new college at Burton, (fn. 123)
consisted of the manors of Burton and of Abbots
Bromley with Bromley Hurst; Hunsdon Grange;
rents from Pillaton, Whiston, Darlaston, Field,
Leigh, Branston, Stretton, Wetmore, Anslow, Ilam,
Okeover, Stapenhill, Newhall, Stanton, Drakelow,
Cauldwell, Mickleover, Littleover, Findern, Willington, Potlocks, Ticknall, Derby, Austrey, Appleby,
and property in St. Sepulchre's parish, London; the
appropriated churches of Abbots Bromley and Ilam,
tithes in Newton (in Blithfield), and pensions from
Hamstall Ridware, Grindon, and Blore. (fn. 124)
In Domesday Book the abbey's estates were
valued at £39 8s. 6d. (fn. 125) Three valuations are available
for the 13th century: (fn. 126) £24 12s. 2d. in 1229, £42
12s. 6d. in 1254 (when some of the property was
temporarily in the king's hands and so was not
included), and £115 17s. 8d. in 1291. Since each
apparently includes items not in the other two,
proper comparison is not possible. Some indication
of the increase in valuation, however, is given by the
assessments of Burton church, which occurs on all
three occasions: £7 6s. 8d. in 1229, £9 6s. 8d. in
1254, and £10 in 1291. In 1535 the abbey was the
only house to be valued twice: at £357 1s. 3½d.
(temporalities £271 16s. 3½d. and spiritualities £85
5s.) and then at £513 19s. 4½d. (temporalities
£414 14s. 4½d. and spiritualities £99 5s.). Total
disbursements in each case were £89 2s. o½d. (fn. 127) In
1541-2 the gross value of the former abbey's
possessions was £646 17s. 3d. (fn. 128)
The officers of the abbey were those usual in
larger houses — abbot, prior, subprior, precentor,
sacrist, cellarer, kitchener, chamberlain, infirmarer,
hospitaller, almoner, pittancer, and martyrologer. (fn. 129)
By the mid 15th century there was a 'third prior',
and the precentor, sacrist, and cellarer each had a
deputy. By the 16th century one person often held
several offices. The prior acted as chamberlain
and pittancer. The precentor was also almoner and
in 1518 held the further office of 'third prior', an
office held by the sacrist in 1524.The hospitaller
acted as infirmarer. The cellarer was priest in charge
of St. Modwen's Chapel at Andressey and one of the
chantry priests; the martyrologer was in charge of
the other two chantries; the subchanter acted as
keeper of St. Mary's Chapel. At the visitations of
1518 and 1521 there was some complaint about the
duplication as it affected the cellarer and hospitaller.
The office of abbot's chaplain occurs from the 13th
century.
The abbot, though supreme ruler of the community, was expected to act to some extent in consultation with the chapter. Up to the time of Abbot
Bernard (1160-75) the chapter witnessed many of
the deeds of enfeoffment. (fn. 130) In 1306 the prior and
chapter drew up a set of regulations covering various
aspects of the life of the house, including the powers
of the abbot. (fn. 131) He was not to appoint any obedientiary without consulting the prior and senior monks
in chapter; he was not to alienate land or wood
without the chapter's approval; he was to render an
account of his administration once a year to the prior
and two of the brethren. Nevertheless the first of the
bishop's injunctions following the visitation of 1323
again had to stipulate that all common business such
as alienations and elections must be subject to
common deliberation and consent. (fn. 132) One of the
complaints voiced at the bishop's visitation in 1422
was that the abbot did not hold regular chapter
meetings, and the abbot himself stated that he did
not render an annual account of receipts and that it
was not required. (fn. 133) He had his own apartments on
the west side of the cloister by the 14th century, with
a separate kitchen for his household. (fn. 134) It was stated
at the 1422 visitation that the abbot did not sleep in
the dormitory or eat in the refectory. (fn. 135)
There was no formal division of revenues between abbot and convent, nor were the finances of
the abbey centralized under a single obedientiary.
Instead there were various main departments—
chamber, kitchen, infirmary, almonry — each with
certain revenues which were paid directly to it
without any central control beyond the abbot's
general supervision. (fn. 136) This system was taking shape
in the late 12th century when Abbot Nicholas
(1187-97) endowed the chamber and the kitchen;
his successor Abbot Melburne (1200-14) confirmed
the arrangement. Abbot Wallingford (1216-22)
increased the endowment of the kitchen because 'the
badness of the times' had rendered the existing
endowment inadequate. Abbot Nicholas's grant to
the chamber included skins, fleeces, and other
materials and also mentioned a tailor, two servants
in the tailor's shop, a shoemaker (corveisarius), and
a woman who washed the clothes of the brethren; all
these were assigned corrodies and wages. Further
grants to both kitchen and chamber were made by
later abbots and others. By 1295 the income of the
chamber amounted to £16 8s. a year, and the abbot
in that year issued an ordinance regulating the
amounts issued to the individual monks and the
spending of the rest by the chamberlain. By 1535
the kitchener received £8 6s. 8d. a year from property
in Burton and elsewhere. Both kitchener and
chamberlain had a lay representative outside the
abbey who was a burgess of Burton and a person of
standing.
The infirmary received a small endowment from
Abbot Melburne, and other gifts followed; the
infirmarer had a clerk of the infirmary under him
by the mid 13th century. (fn. 137) The almonry was
endowed for the maintenance of the poor and of
pilgrims by Abbot Melburne who also mentions
gifts from Herbert de Stretton. Abbot Wallingford
not only made new grants to the almoner for the
poor but assigned to the cellarer 300 loaves, 200
gallons of ale, and 600 herrings from the monks'
kitchen, and 3s. 3d. from the sacrist to add to the
alms distributed on the anniversary day of Wulfric
Spot and his wife. Subsequent abbots and others
made new gifts to the almoner, including a 'house
of stone next to the church for the reception of the
poor' given by Abbot Laurence (1229-60). By 1535
the almoner was in receipt of £8 a year from
property in Burton; in addition £23 os. 11d. a year
was being distributed to the poor in money, food,
drink, and clothing, £19 8s. of it allegedly by the
appointment of Wulfric Spot and the rest in accordance with the wishes of various abbots. The almoner
too had his secular counterpart by the 13th century. (fn. 138)
The prior was given the chapel of St. Edmund by
Abbot Richard de Lisle (1222-9) who had built and
endowed it. By the early 14th century the prior had
an income of £2 a year from property in Burton,
which he still received in 1535. (fn. 139) The sacrist and the
pittancer were in receipt of regular payments from
the time of Abbot Laurence, (fn. 140) and the martyrologer
had an income of £14 from property in Burton and
elsewhere by 1535. (fn. 141)
Of the lay officials and servants the most important
was the steward with his subordinate bailiffs. The
first recorded steward is Hernald who witnessed a
charter of Abbot Nicholas about 1190; in 1535 the
office was held by George, Earl of Huntingdon, at a
fee of £6 13s. 4d. and was presumably honorary by
that time. (fn. 142) The keeper of the abbey gate also seems
to have been of some standing. He occurs among
witnesses of abbey charters and by the 1240s was
provided with food and drink, fodder for his horse,
a wage of half a mark a year, and 'a serving-man at the
gate' who also received a corrody. The office was
granted in heredity in 1247 to Walter son of Ralph
de Shobnall, who surrendered his capital messuage
and lands in Shobnall in return for the office and a
burgage in Burton. (fn. 143) The maintenance of Burton
Bridge was the abbey's responsibility, and a bridgekeeper occurs from at least the early 14th century
and perhaps from 1284 when a monk was in charge
of repair work then in progress. By the 15th century
the keeper was a layman. (fn. 144) The ordinances of 1306
laid down that the abbot and obedientiaries were not
to retain any servant who was obstinatum et irreverenter se habentem erga conventum. (fn. 145)
There were also numerous lay people enjoying a
share in the spiritual and material life of the abbey,
usually in return for a grant of all or part of their
property; in fact Burton's early-12th-century
records probably provide the earliest available
examples of monastic corrodies. (fn. 146) At its simplest the
association was a mark of friendship. At some time
between 1114 and 1126 Robert de Ferrers, after a
dispute with the monks over a grove, came to an
agreement with them, 'pricked by the fear of God
and admonished by the prayer and order of the
king'; he promised to pay 20s. a year, and the monks
gave him the grove and received him into their
'fraternity and society ... as friend and guardian of
the church so that they should love him perfectly'
and pray for him, his family, and his ancestors. (fn. 147)
The system was also a means by which maintenance
in old age or widowhood could be secured. In 1295
a widow, Maud, daughter of Nicholas de Shobnall,
surrendered her hereditary keepership of the abbey
gate with the privileges that went with it and received instead a daily grant of food and drink for
life with grain, oats, hay, wood, and I mark a year.
Her son was to have good food and clothing for 10
years according to his needs and afterwards was to
serve the abbey, receiving due maintenance; if he
was prevented from serving it by illness, he was still
to receive food, drink, and clothing. (fn. 148)
The system could also involve a close association
with the life of the abbey. (fn. 149) William of St. Albans,
on receiving land at Stretton from Abbot Geoffrey
(1114-50), was given the food and drink (procuratio)
of one monk until he died or became a monk, when
it was to pass to his wife. He occurs as a lay witness
of abbey charters and in the 1150s became a monk
at Burton. His son Reynold was debarred from
inheriting the procuratio, but he was included as
heir in the grant of the lands and duly succeeded to
them. Subsequently Abbot Bernard (1160-75)
granted part of the property to him in perpetuity
and the rest to him and his heir. In 1166 Reynold
too became closely associated with the abbey. In
return for the surrender of the property granted to
him by the previous abbot and for the service of his
body, Reynold was to be received as a monk when
he should so desire and meanwhile be provided with
the food and drink of a monk. If he travelled far on
the abbey's business he was to have expenses for
himself, a squire, and horses, and if he was away on
pilgrimage or some other distant business he could
assign his corrody to someone else. He was free to
take the religious habit anywhere, but 'if he wishes to
submit himself to the yoke of religion with us, let
him come to us with a third part of his goods when
it shall please him'. Reynold is found witnessing
abbey charters as a layman under Abbot Roger
(1177-82).
From at least the early 14th century it was customary for the king to appoint a royal official to a
corrody in the abbey, even though the Crown was
wrong in claiming Burton as a royal foundation. In
1310 the monks were ordered by Edward II to
provide Sir Thomas de Bannebury with food, drink,
clothing, and a chamber within the abbey precincts
for life as a reward for his long service to the Crown.
The monks excused themselves on grounds of
poverty; the king replied that the excuse was
'frivolous, untruthful, and inacceptable' and
threatened to confiscate their temporalities. (fn. 150) The
outcome is not known, but in 1315 the king ordered
the monks to provide for Alice de Duffeld for life. (fn. 151)
The following year aged members of the garrison at
Berwick were assigned to various religious houses,
and Nicholas of Derby was sent to Burton. (fn. 152) For the
rest of the abbey's existence the Crown appointed a
succession of royal servants and officials to this
corrody, which was valued at £3 6s. 8d. in 1535. (fn. 153)
Since the Crown regarded Burton as a royal foundation, from at least 1316 the abbey on the election of
a new abbot had to provide a pension for a royal
clerk of the king's nomination until the abbot
appointed the clerk to a benefice; the amount of the
pension in 1535 was 40s. (fn. 154)
Financial troubles are a constant feature of the
abbey's history. As already seen two abbots were
expelled early on for dissipating the property of the
house, in 1094 and 1159. (fn. 155) The large-scale granting
of property in fee instead of for lives during the 12th
century has also been noted. (fn. 156) By 1225 the community sought to relieve the burden of debt by
granting one of its manors in fee for 100 marks,
binding itself under pain of excommunication not to
cancel the grant; since the manor was worth 20
marks a year in rents, it subsequently regretted the
transaction, and the Pope had to intervene in 1225 to
put the matter right. (fn. 157) The appropriation of Abbots
Bromley church at this period was allowed by the
bishop because the abbey was 'weighted by great
debts and altogether collapsed'. (fn. 158) It may be a sign of
continuing financial problems that in 1295 Abbot
Packington issued an ordinance regulating the expenditure of the chamber revenues and providing
for three-yearly accounting by the chamberlain to a
committee appointed by the abbot. (fn. 159) The ordinances
of the prior and chapter in 1306 included provisions
for annual accounting by the abbot and obedientiaries to the prior and certain other brethren
specially appointed for the occasion. (fn. 160)
Troubles continued. In 1319 at the request of the
community the king took the abbey into his protection because of its indebtedness and appointed a
royal clerk as keeper of the house and its possessions
for three years; the following year, however, the
protection was revoked, again at the request of the
community. (fn. 161) In 1323 the bishop forbade the
granting of further corrodies and annuities without
his permission and ordered the keeping of accounts
by obedientiaries, removing several from office. (fn. 162)
The abbey was allowed to appropriate Austrey
church for 10 years from 1382 because the house was
'so impoverished through dearness of corn and
mortality of cattle and lawsuits which it has been
obliged to undergo that the monks can no longer
maintain hospitality or even live decently'. (fn. 163) Two
years later the house was once more taken into the
royal protection 'on account of its oppression by
rivals and the consequent diminution of divine
service and works of charity', and Hugh, Earl of
Stafford, and Ralph Bassett were appointed keepers;
it was stated that this was to be without prejudice
to the abbey in the future. (fn. 164) An example of oppression is provided by the powerful Sir John Bagot,
to whom Abbot Southam (1366-1400) paid 30s. a
year to be the 'friend of the house'; Abbot
Sudbury complained that in 1402 Bagot, in
order to force a larger bribe, had robbed the park at
Abbots Bromley. (fn. 165)
The confusion seems to have been even worse
during the 15th century. In 1400 the king pardoned
the abbey all money due to the Crown as a result of
the voidance following Abbot Southam's resignation
'because the abbey has been impoverished by the
improvident governance of Thomas, late abbot'. (fn. 166)
In 1414 the king once more took the house into his
hands, blaming 'the bad governance of its abbots'
and 'its notable dilapidation' for the fact that it 'is
oppressed with annuities, pensions, and corrodies
and debt, and its goods and jewels have been wasted
and many of its manors, lands, and possessions improvidently demised at farm and otherwise alienated,
and the abbot and convent are so troubled that divine
worship and other works of piety are withdrawn'.
The running of the house and its lands was committed to the prior and cellarer under the supervision of a commission of four outsiders. (fn. 167) The
bishop's visitation of 1422 revealed no improvement.
Debts amounted to £100. No accounts were kept by
abbot, chamberlain, or pittancer, and Abbot
Sudbury stated that he had found no inventory of
goods when he was elected in 1400 and had made
none himself. Complaints were made that the abbot,
besides being negligent in his administration, was
selling the goods of the house and supporting his
own relatives. The bishop committed the administration of the goods to the cellarer and his own
sequestrator and ordered the restoration of alienated
property, an inquiry into all servants of the abbey,
and the drawing up of an inventory, a rental, and a
full account of pensions and corrodies. (fn. 168) Early in
1424 the abbey, having again been taken into the
king's hands, was put under the control of a group
of commissioners for a year. (fn. 169) Indeed the confusion
of its affairs may well have been the reason for
Abbot Sudbury's resignation later in 1424. (fn. 170) In 1433
the house was still impoverished, and the Crown
appointed Humphrey, Earl of Stafford, and four
others as keepers for seven years. (fn. 171) Among the
charges leading to Abbot Henley's suspension in
1454 (see below) were alienation of property and
general extravagance. (fn. 172) The new privileges bestowed
by the royal charter of 1468 were granted 'in consideration of the intolerable things which the abbey
daily sustains', (fn. 173) and in 1498 the bishop after a
visitation was again ordering the proper keeping and
presentation of accounts by the abbot and obedientiaries. The cellarer was a particular offender and
was suspended from all office for a year; the replacement of the existing sacrist was also ordered. (fn. 174) At
the visitations of 1518, 1521, and 1524, however,
there was no complaint about the financial state of
the house; it was in fact stated in 1524 that the abbot
and officials rendered accounts every Lent. (fn. 175)
Information about the spiritual state of the house
is confined mainly to the last 200 years of its existence. Standards in the later 12th century were
evidently high enough to satisfy the austere Abbot
Bernard (1160-75) who had resigned the abbacy of
Cerne (Dors.) 'because of the great embellishments
of the same house'. (fn. 176) The picture that emerges later,
however, is of a house that was frequently as unsound spiritually as it was financially; in fact, as
already seen, financial confusion was sometimes
blamed for the low spiritual standard. At the bishop's
visitation of 1323 the abbot was found to be lax in
imposing punishments, and two monks were
described as much given to frequenting forbidden
places in lay company. To guard against ignorance
the bishop ordered the papal 'constitutions' to be
read twice a year in chapter. (fn. 177) The period of Abbot
Sudbury (1400-24) was one of particular disorder.
In 1407 he and several others of the community
received royal pardon for numerous acts of violence,
thefts, and ravishings during the previous few years.
Sudbury himself was also declared guilty of having
on Christmas Day 1404 'in his chamber at Burton
ravished Margery, the wife of Nicholas Taverner'. (fn. 178)
At the bishop's visitation in 1422 Sudbury was
accused of failing to hold regular chapter meetings,
inflict proper punishments, eat in the refectory, and
sleep in the dormitory. The suspicion was voiced
that he spent the greater part of Sunday with women,
and the bishop in fact found him guilty of adultery
with two women. Laxity was in fact general: attendance at services was slack, and the monks often ate
and drank in the town with friends — the abbot was
again mentioned as a particular offender in both
instances. Two women of ill-fame stayed within the
precincts of the monastery, and dogs, hawks, and
horses were kept for hunting. (fn. 179)
Despite the bishop's injunctions laxity continued.
In 1454 Abbot Henley was suspended by the bishop
after a visitation that revealed not only his maladministration but his habitual absence from divine
service and night office, his gaming, and his drunkenness. He resigned in 1455 and was granted a pension
of 20 marks. (fn. 180) In the 1460s it was reported that a
common whore from Lichfield had gone several
times to Burton 'and there admitted the monks to
carnal copulation'. (fn. 181) In 1498 the bishop forbade the
frequenting of 'taverns and other suspect places' in
Burton by the monks and the keeping of hunting
dogs within the precincts of the abbey, a fault of
which the cellarer confessed himself guilty. The
abbot was not only to see that the abbey gates were
shut at the proper times but also to prevent women
from having frequent access to himself and the
monks and to have the locks of the outer doors
changed. (fn. 182) Yet the abbot at this time was William
Flegh (1493-1502), who is the only one of the abbots
listed in the chronicle to be noted for his good life;
the writer also stated that he left the house in a good
state. (fn. 183) No serious troubles were revealed at the
visitations of 1518, 1521, and 1524, (fn. 184) and about 1530
the subprior of Burton was on the waiting list for
admission to a new cell that was being founded by
the Carthusian monastery of Mount Grace (Yorks.
N.R.). (fn. 185)
On the credit side are the chantry and similar
foundations originating from within the community,
particularly in the 15th century. It had early on
been a custom for mass to be celebrated daily for the
souls of deceased abbots, priors, and benefactors,
but the practice had lapsed by the time of Abbot
Melburne (1200-14). He revived it and endowed a
chaplaincy for the purpose with the food and drink
of one monk and 10s. for vestments from the offerings of pilgrims. With the consent of the chapter he
also assigned 10s. rent from burgages in Burton 'for
the redemption of his soul and for an obit'. (fn. 186) Abbot
de Lisle (1222-9), a monk of Bury St. Edmunds who
returned there as abbot in 1229, built and endowed
a chapel of St. Edmund in the abbey church during
his time at Burton. (fn. 187) About the mid 13th century a
daily mass was instituted in the new chapel of St.
Mary in the church. (fn. 188) A daily mass was founded in
1292 for the souls of Sir Richard de Draycott and
his son Richard in return for the many benefits
received from Sir Richard. (fn. 189) In 1349 Abbot Ibstock
gave lands and rents to endow an anniversary for
himself, (fn. 190) and in 1386 another was instituted for
Reynold of Ibstock, a monk of Burton, in recognition of his gifts of property and goods. (fn. 191) Abbots
Southam, Sudbury, and Bronston each endowed a
chantry and an obit. (fn. 192) Abbot Bronston also founded
the weekly Jesus Mass and endowed the singers of a
mass in St. Mary's Chapel, including apparently boy
choristers. (fn. 193) A daily mass was instituted in 1488 in
this chapel in memory of James Norres, his wife
Alice, and her second husband William Prudhom in
consideration of many benefits received from James,
who was buried in the chapel. (fn. 194) In 1518 three
chantries were mentioned: Abbot Bronston's, that
of Norres and Prudhom, and one founded by a
Nicholas Ward. The last was either the monk of that
name who was nearly elected abbot in 1430 or the
Nicholas Ward who was professed a monk at Burton
in 1433 and was kitchener under Abbot Flegh (14931502). (fn. 195) A fourth chantry was founded by Abbot
Bene (1502-1530 or 1531). (fn. 196) By 1547 there was a
brotherhood of priests in Burton church stated to
have been endowed by several benefactors to pray
for their souls; the number of priests varied between two and four. (fn. 197) This may perhaps represent
the survival of the former monastic chantries.
Another sidelight on 15th-century observance at
Burton is the permission, granted in 1459 by the
Pope in answer to a petition from the abbey, for the
occasional celebration of mass even before daybreak,
provided matins was over; this was for the benefit
of the large number of laymen who went to the
church before daybreak in order to hear mass. (fn. 198)
In the intellectual sphere the abbey's most notable
achievement lay in its Annals which run from the
foundation to 1262. Though not of great local
interest, they are a particularly important source
for the political history of the 13th century. (fn. 199) For the
history of the house itself the account of St. Modwen's life and miracles written by Abbot Geoffrey
(1114-50), who sent to Ireland for material, and the
History of the Abbots are important sources. (fn. 200) A list
dating from the late 12th century of the books
owned by the abbey contains 78 titles, several of
them works in Anglo-Saxon. (fn. 201) In 1309 the Burton
archives were used for a certification of the date of
the election of Roger Meuland as Bishop of Coventry
and Lichfield. (fn. 202)
Burton, however, was a consistent defaulter in the
duty of sending monks to study at a university.
Defaulters were reported at four Benedictine
chapters between 1343 and 1426, and Burton is the
only house included on each occasion. (fn. 203) On the other
hand Abbot Sudbury, himself a bachelor of canon
law, (fn. 204) assigned a yearly pension out of the Austrey
revenues to a scholar at Oxford. The terms of the
arrangement seem to suggest that the abbey was
already paying £7 10s. 4d. to a scholar as a charge on
various endowed departments of the house. By 1535
£10 a year was being paid to Gloucester College, the
Benedictine house at Oxford. (fn. 205)
At the visitation of 1524 there were complaints
that the abbey had no instructor in grammar and
that the books in the refectory were in a bad state
of repair. (fn. 206) Abbot Boston (1531-3), however, was a
doctor of theology, (fn. 207) and in 1535 one of the community was a bachelor of divinity. (fn. 208)
As a normal Benedictine house Burton Abbey
was subject to episcopal visitation, despite its claim
in 1257 to be exempt, (fn. 209) and a few such visitations
are recorded from the 14th century. (fn. 210) Abbot Henley
challenged the bishop's right to visit Burton and
appealed to the archbishop. In 1454, however, in
Lichfield Cathedral he acknowledged his error and
recognized the bishop's right. (fn. 211) The bishop was
notified by the king of royal assent to the election
of new abbots so that he could institute, (fn. 212) and in
1329 the king referred a disputed election to the
bishop who made his own choice between the two
candidates. (fn. 213) In 1412 the prior and other monks
secured the bishop's support in a dispute with the
abbot over privileges, (fn. 214) while at the election of a
new abbot in 1430 the bishop imposed his own
candidate, a monk of St. Albans, in opposition to
the majority who favoured one of their own
number. (fn. 215)
The abbot, however, exercised a peculiar jurisdiction in the parishes of Burton, Abbots Bromley,
and Mickleover. In the late 11th or early 12th
century the bishop granted that the mother-church
of Burton should not pay customs for consecrated
oil or 'any parochial thing' nor send any man or
woman to chapters and synods but that it should
hold its own court for all causes; nor was the chaplain of Burton to pay any custom or exaction to the
Archdeacon of Stafford. The only qualification, 'so
long as justice is not wanting', presumably implies
a right of appeal to the bishop. This episcopal grant
was confirmed by Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (1139-54), by his successor, Thomas Becket, by
Walter Durdent, Bishop of Coventry (1149-59), by
the Archdeacon of Stafford about 1180 and again in
the early 13th century, by Archbishop Langton in
1215, and by Archbishop Pecham in 1280, who
stated that the chaplain of Burton paid nothing to
the bishop except 3s. for Peter's pence. (fn. 216) The bull
of Pope Lucius III in 1185 confirmed existing
liberties and recognized Burton's right of presenting
clergy to its churches, of receiving bodies for burial
within the abbey, of celebrating mass during a
national interdict, and of sanctuary; the bishop was
to grant chrism, holy oil, consecration of altars and
churches, and ordinations. (fn. 217) The Archdeacon of
Stafford in confirming the privileges of Burton
parish about 1180 added the exemption of Bromley
and Ilam from attendance at chapters and synods, (fn. 218)
but in 1293 the abbot paid procurations to the archdeacon in respect of both. (fn. 219) Bromley, however, was
included in the abbot's exempt jurisdiction by the
14th century. (fn. 220) By the 1270s the abbot was exercising a jurisdiction in the parish of Mickleover to
the exclusion of the Archdeacon of Derby, although
in 1295 the bishop in confirming the exemption
ordered the abbot to pay 3s. a year to the archdeacon. (fn. 221) The abbot presumably had the right of
parochial visitation within his peculiar, but there is
little record of the functioning of his jurisdiction. (fn. 222)
Burton had to fight for the maintenance of these
privileges. In the mid 13th century the bishop was
complaining to the Pope that the abbot was usurping
episcopal rights. (fn. 223) In the 1270s the jurisdiction in
Mickleover had to be defended against the Archdeacon of Derby, and, though the abbot had the
support of the papal judges and the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the dispute dragged on. As seen above
the bishop attempted a settlement in 1295 but
evidently without success since in 1298 the Pope
again intervened. (fn. 224) In 1324 there was a similar
dispute between the abbot and the Archdeacon of
Stafford over the abbot's jurisdiction in Burton and
Abbots Bromley; the abbot's rights were recognized
by a later archdeacon about 1350. (fn. 225) In the 1320s the
bishop himself challenged the abbot's rights in the
parishes of Burton, Bromley, and Mickleover, and
the suit went to Canterbury and then to the Pope
who in 1333 appointed judges to settle it; the result
seems to have been in the abbot's favour. In the
meantime the abbot complained to Canterbury
about the bishop's infringement of the abbey's
privileges by using or attempting to use Burton
church for general ordinations; the dispute was
cited to the archbishop's court in 1325 and again in
1333. There was also a dispute between the abbot
and the bishop over the appropriation of Stapenhill;
in 1326 this too was cited on appeal to the archbishop's court. In 1367 the bishop was evidently
again challenging the abbot's exempt jurisdiction,
and he visited Burton parish in 1390. (fn. 226) In 1378 the
Archdeacon of Derby was summoned before the
Court of Arches to answer the abbot's charge of
interference with his jurisdiction in Mickleover. (fn. 227)
By the 1530s the abbot was paying procurations to
the bishop for Burton, Abbots Bromley, and
Mickleover as well as for Ilam and Austrey; he also
paid procurations to the archdeacon for Abbots
Bromley and to the bishop for visitations of the
abbey. (fn. 228) The abbot's probate jurisdiction in Burton
eventually passed with the abbey's property to the
Pagets, who continued to exercise it until 1858. (fn. 229)
The dissolution of Burton was foreshadowed at
the election of 1533 following the promotion of
Abbot Bronston to be Abbot of Westminster, the
highest office known to have been attained by any
monk of Burton. Bishop Lee, under instructions
from Cromwell, went to Burton in June with
Richard Strete, Archdeacon of Derby, and David
Pole, the vicar general, and so 'sped the election'
that the community agreed to leave the choice of a
new abbot to the bishop and the archdeacon,
stipulating only that one of themselves should be
chosen before 1 August. Cromwell's original
candidate seems to have been 'the monk Baylye', but
William Edys, the 'third prior', was appointed. (fn. 230)
Early in 1538 Francis, Lord Hastings, wrote to
Cromwell to point out that Burton Abbey lay 'very
convenient' for him, adding that he would have
asked for it earlier but for an attack of measles. (fn. 231)
Later the same year the Crown tried to secure the
tithes of Austrey for a royal official, but the abbot
replied to Cromwell that the income was 'so necessary to our house that we cannot do without it'. (fn. 232) At
the same time Sir William Bassett, of Meynell
Langley (Derb.), removed the statue of St. Modwen,
defaced its tabernacle, and forbade further offerings;
he sent the statue to Cromwell by Francis Bassett,
his brother, a servant to Cranmer. (fn. 233) In February
1539 Dr. John London was at Burton, (fn. 234) and on 14
November the abbot and community surrendered
their house and its possessions to Dr. Thomas
Legh. (fn. 235) Pensions ranging from £6 13s. 4d. to £2 were
assigned to 7 monks: 5 priests, a deacon, and a
novice. The abbot and probably four remaining
monks became members of the new college at
Burton which was already being planned, though it
was not actually founded until 1541. (fn. 236) Robert
Heathcote, one of the deacons, and Humphrey
Cotton, the novice, were recorded as in receipt of
their pensions when they died in 1552 and 1563. (fn. 237)
The abbey precincts occupied an area bounded on
the east by the River Trent and on the west by the
present High Street and Lichfield Street. (fn. 238) The
church stood at the northern end of the site on
ground now occupied by part of the Market Place
and by the 18th-century church of St. Modwen.
The cloister and the conventual buildings lay
immediately south of the church, an area now largely
covered by the late-19th-century market hall.
Further to the south and west was a walled courtyard with an outer court beyond. (fn. 239) The latter was
approached from the west through the gatehouse.
South-east of the cloister and next to the river was a
detached building thought to have been the infirmary.
Apart from limited excavations of the later 19th
and early 20th centuries and a few surviving architectural features (fn. 240) the main evidence of the monastic
layout is provided by a plan of the church and
cloister, probably drawn in the mid 16th century. (fn. 241)
The church is known to have been divided into an
upper and a lower church, that is, a monastic east
end or choir and a non-monastic nave to the west,
although the plan does not indicate any clear
demarcation. It shows transepts on either side of the
chancel with a tower above the crossing. A tower is
also marked at the west end between two smaller
transepts or porches. The nave extends westwards
beyond the tower, and it has been suggested that
this projection may have been a galilee or large
western porch. (fn. 242) An engraving of the church from
the south-west by Wenceslas Hollar in 1661 (fn. 243) does
not entirely agree with the earlier plan, but some of
its discrepancies may be due to inaccurate drawing.
The chancel has apparently disappeared, having
fallen into ruin after the dissolution, (fn. 244) but a south
transept is shown, ending in an ornate gable which
has angle turrets and may be of late-13th-century
date. There is a polygonal central tower as well as an
embattled north-west tower with tall traceried
windows. Any westward extension of the nave has
either disappeared or is hidden by trees. It has been
suggested that the curious fenestration of the south
wall of the nave may be due to a lowering of the aisle
roof after the dissolution, and the consequent exposure of a Norman triforium which was afterwards
glazed. (fn. 245) The row of five arches, each enclosing a
pair of round-headed openings, may represent such
a triforium; the clerestory and embattled parapet
above appear to be of later medieval date.
It is possible to trace the history of several of these
features. The early-11th-century church seems
already to have been divided into an upper and a
lower church. (fn. 246) In 1114, at the end of his abbacy,
Abbot Niel began building at the western end of the
church, and his successor Geoffrey (1114-50)
erected an elegant (speciosum) tower, roofed with
lead, over the choir. (fn. 247) The nave shown by Hollar
presumably dates from this period. The east end
was remodelled in the late 13th and earlier 14th
centuries. The chancel was rebuilt under Abbot
Packington (1281-1305), and the work was evidently
completed about 1293. A new high altar was
dedicated by Abbot Burton (1305-16) at the end of
1305, and Abbot Brykhull (1340-7) was responsible
for a great window over the high altar. (fn. 248) The belltower (clocharium) mentioned in 1340 as adjoining
the market-place (fn. 249) is presumably the north-west
tower of the church, and this is probably the tower
mentioned early in the 14th century. (fn. 250) Abbot
Ibstock (1347-66), possibly while he was still
almoner, rebuilt the northern side of the lower or
parish church; Abbot Southam (1366-1400) recast
the three great bells in the tower of the lower
church. (fn. 251) Under Abbot Sudbury (1400-24) Richard
Creyhton while sacrist carried out some work in
stone in the chancel and reroofed the lower church;
Richard Babe as prior and sacrist was responsible
for some stone work in the tower of the upper
church and also for new stalls in the choir. (fn. 252) Under
Abbot Henley (1433-55) the tower of the lower
church was completed and a bell placed in it. (fn. 253) In
1474-5 the tower of the upper church collapsed,
causing extensive damage in that part of the building. Abbot Feld promptly repaired the damaged
walls, rebuilt one of the four pillars of the choir and
the arch between the upper and lower church,
erected a new high altar with steps to it, reroofed
the upper church, and began a new tower. (fn. 254)
There were several side chapels and altars in the
church. The altar of Holy Cross is mentioned in the
early 13th century and again in 1254. (fn. 255) Abbot de
Lisle (1222-9), having come from Bury St. Edmunds,
built and endowed a chapel of St. Edmund. This
was repaired by Prior Richard Lythum shortly
before 1428 when the bishop granted an indulgence
to all who said prayers and masses there for the dead,
and especially for the souls of Richard and his
parents. (fn. 256) The chapel of St. Mary was begun under
Abbot Laurence (1229-60), and in 1254 money was
assigned to the sacrist for the maintenance of a lamp
before the altar of St. Mary; probably about the
same time a further gift was made for a candle before
the statue of St Mary during the celebration of her
daily mass. The chapel was evidently completed
during the time of Abbot Stafford (1260-81) when
Prior Michael 'made' it. It was the most important
of the chapels, with its daily mass, its own keeper
and, by the 15th century, its own singers; in 1535
its revenue from endowments was £4 a year. (fn. 257) The
altar of St. Nicholas is mentioned in 1254, (fn. 258) and in
1305 Abbot Burton dedicated the altars of the
Apostles and the Martyrs; ex-Abbot Southam was
buried in the chapel of the Martyrs in 1401. (fn. 259) The
chapel of the Confessors was built by Abbot Longdon (1329-40), and ex-Abbot Sudbury was buried
there in 1425. (fn. 260)
Some time after the foundation of the abbey the
remains of St. Modwen were transferred there from
the nearby island of Andressey in the Trent. (fn. 261) A
shrine was built in the abbey; decorated with gold,
silver, and jewels, it was 'satis preciosum' by the
time of Abbot Leofric (1051-66), who despoiled it to
buy food for the poor during a famine. (fn. 262) William I
visited the shrine. (fn. 263) It was rebuilt early in the 15th
century by Prior Babe. (fn. 264)
Andressey, however, remained sacred to the
memory of St. Modwen. A chapel of St. Andrew
there was dedicated by the bishop early in the 13th
century and endowed by Abbot Melburne. (fn. 265) It had
its own keeper, (fn. 266) and in 1535 its income from offerings was £2. (fn. 267) It was rebuilt by Abbot Feld (147393) and was by then known as the chapel of St.
Modwen. (fn. 268) It was evidently here that the statue of
St. Modwen was kept 'with her red cow and her
staff which women labouring of child in those parts
were very desirous to have with them to lean upon
and to walk with it'. (fn. 269)
Doors from the upper and lower church gave
access to the cloister, (fn. 270) which the 16th-century plan
gives as 100 feet square. (fn. 271) Some rebuilding of the
cloister was carried out in 1431, beginning 'at the
corner against the almonry' — probably the northwestern corner. Bishop Heyworth's gifts to the
abbey at his death in 1446 included £40 for building
the cloister. The chapter-house led off the east walk
and was rebuilt by Abbots Longdon (1329-40) and
Brykhull (1340-7); traces have been found of the
doorway and also of burials inside the building. The
doorway to the south (which still survives) probably
led into the parlour. (fn. 272) According to the 16thcentury plan the east range continued southwards
beyond the line of the cloister, presumably to
accommodate the dorter on the first floor; a stairway
shown at the east end of the south walk presumably
gave access to it. It is not clear whether the plan
depicts the east range at the same level throughout.
The dorter is shown separated from the south
transept of the church by three 'chambers'. These
chambers may be intended to represent the sacristy,
chapter-house, and parlour, or, alternatively, rooms
above them, and this part of the east range was
evidently roofed separately from the dorter. (fn. 273) The
dorter is shown with six cells along each side and
what is presumably the rere-dorter at its south end.
The frater occupied the south range. The west range
was given over to the abbot's rooms; Abbot Ibstock
(1347-66) added the abbot's private chamber
between the great hall and the 'outward' chamber,
while Abbot Feld (1473-93) erected what was
described as the Abbot's Chamber. (fn. 274) The 'house of
stone next to the church' given to the almoner by
Abbot Laurence (1229-60) for the reception of the
poor probably stood in this area.
In 1428 Abbot Mathew began building the
southern part of the abbey gate on the west of the
precinct opposite the end of the present New
Street. (fn. 275) Abbot Henley (1433-55) built the northern
part. (fn. 276) The bases of these two parts were noted at
the end of the 18th century by Stebbing Shaw, who
also recorded that formerly the gate had 'a lofty
handsome arch'; the remains of the gate were
demolished in 1927. (fn. 277) Abbot Burton (1305-16)
erected 'a long building by the gates of the abbey',
and in 1326 his successor Abbot Bromley assigned
it to the chamberlain for use by the brethren as a
common chamber. (fn. 278)
'The great hall by the water of the Flete' built by
Abbot Bromley was probably part of the infirmary
near the Trent. (fn. 279) Remains of medieval building in
this area are incorporated in the house now called
The Abbey. They include what is thought to have
been a chapel which originally had a large pointed
window at each end; a range at right angles to it was
found in the late 19th century to be a partly timberframed structure with an open roof. (fn. 280)
Wulfgeat, by 1004, died 1026.
Brihtric, succeeded 1027, died 1050.
Leofric, arrived 1051, died 1066. (fn. 282)
Brihtric, succeeded 1066 or 1067. (fn. 283)
Geoffrey Mauland (Malaterra), succeeded 1085,
expelled 1094.
Niel, succeeded 1094, died 1114.
Geoffrey, succeeded 1114, resigned 1150. (fn. 284)
Robert, succeeded 1150, deposed and expelled
1159.
Bernard, arrived 1160, died 1174 or 1175. (fn. 285)
Robert, returned 1176, died 1176 or 1177. (fn. 286)
Roger Malebranche, elected 1177, died 1182. (fn. 287)
Richard, succeeded 1182, died 1187. (fn. 288)
Nicholas, succeeded 1187, died 1197. (fn. 289)
William Melburne, arrived 1200, died 1214. (fn. 290)
Roger the Norman, elected 1214, died 1216. (fn. 291)
Nicholas of Wallingford, elected 1216, died
1222. (fn. 292)
Richard de Lisle (de Insula), elected 1222,
elected Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds 1229. (fn. 293)
Laurence of St. Edward, elected 1229, died
1260. (fn. 294)
John of Stafford, elected 1260, resigned 1281. (fn. 295)
Thomas of Packington, elected 1281, died 1305. (fn. 296)
John of Burton, alias of Stapenhill, alias Fisher,
elected 1305, died 1316. (fn. 297)
William of Bromley, elected 1316, died 1329. (fn. 298)
Robert of Longdon, appointed by the bishop in
1329 after a disputed election, died 1340. (fn. 299)
Robert de Brykhull, elected 1340, died 1347. (fn. 300)
John of Ibstock, elected 1347, died 1366. (fn. 301)
Thomas of Southam, elected 1366, resigned
1400. (fn. 302)
John Sudbury, B.Cn.L., elected 1400, resigned
1424. (fn. 303)
William Mathew, elected 1424, resigned 1430. (fn. 304)
Robert Ownesby, imposed by the bishop 1430,
resigned 1433. (fn. 305)
Ralph Henley, elected 1433, resigned 1455. (fn. 306)
William Bronston, elected 1455, died 1473. (fn. 307)
Thomas Feld, elected 1473, died 1493. (fn. 308)
William Flegh, elected 1493, died 1502. (fn. 309)
William Bene, elected 1502, died 1530 or 1531. (fn. 310)
William Boston, D. Th., elected 1531, elected
Abbot of Westminster 1533. (fn. 311)
William Edys, appointed 1533, surrendered the
abbey in 1539. (fn. 312)
The earliest known seal of the abbey is that in use
under Abbot Geoffrey (1114-50), depicting what
may be intended as a view of the church from the
west; there are two flanking towers and what may
be the tower over the crossing. (fn. 313) No legend has
survived.
The seal in use by the early 13th century and until
at least 1284 is a pointed oval, 31/8 by 2½ in. (fn. 314) It depicts
a woman, probably the Virgin, crowned and seated
on a throne formed by a church with four towers;
she holds a book in her left hand and a fleur-de-lis
in her right. Legend, lombardic:
SIG[I]LLUM SANCTE MARIE D[E] [B]URTONA
An impression of the 1220s has as reverse an oval
counterseal, 15/8 by 11/8 in., depicting the head and
shoulders of St. Modwen. Legend, lombardic:
SANCTA MODWENNA
The common seal in use in 1493 is a pointed oval,
about 1½ by about 1 in. (fn. 315) It depicts the Virgin seated
with the Child on her left knee, and in the base the
head and left arm of a man, probably an abbot, under
a canopy. Legend, lombardic:
... ET CO ... E ... U ...