LINCOLN CATHEDRAL
It was probably about the year 1078 that
William I moved the see of Dorchester to
Lincoln, (fn. 1) and granted to Bishop Remigius sufficient land to build 'the mother church of all the
bishopric of Lincoln.' (fn. 2) The cathedral was completed within the lifetime of the first bishop, who
died, however, four days before its consecration
in 1092. (fn. 3) The charter which was granted to
Remigius by William II in 1090 makes no provision for the constitution of the capitular body, (fn. 4)
but Henry of Huntingdon, writing almost at this
date, mentions a dean, treasurer, precentor and
two other important members of the chapter, one
of whom was presumably the chancellor, and
seven archdeacons. (fn. 5) John de Schalby writing
from extant documents in the fourteenth century
states further that there were twenty-one prebends attached to the original foundation. (fn. 6) The
early historians of Lincoln believed that the
Rouen tradition was followed in the constitution
of their church, (fn. 7) but it seems probable that the
great secular foundations of England were largely
influenced by the cathedral of Bayeux, with
which they had in early days a close connexion
both personal and constitutional. (fn. 8)
So true it is that the cathedral body was
originally the council of the bishop, that for
more than a century it is difficult to differentiate
between episcopal and capitular history. The
immediate successors of Remigius were munificent benefactors. Robert Bloett doubled the
number of prebends, endowing the church with
rich gifts of lands and vestments, and Alexander
'the magnificent' continued this policy, though
the Lincoln historian complains that he dissipated
the wealth of his church by building castles and
monasteries. (fn. 9) A few valuable acquisitions are
also attributed to Robert de Chesney, but John
de Schalby accuses him of nepotism and of alienating a prebend to the order of Sempringham. (fn. 10)
His want of foresight as a ruler is proved by his
decree freeing the church and prebends of Lincoln
from all episcopal jurisdiction, (fn. 11) a step which
involved one of the greatest of his successors in
what was perhaps the most serious difficulty of
his episcopate.
Of the years between 1167 and 1183 there
is little to record. It was a period of confusion
throughout the diocese and it is probable that
the cathedral shared the general disorder. (fn. 12) With
the consecration of Bishop Hugh of Grenoble,
however, came a revival of spiritual zeal and
constitutional growth. He was zealous for the
spiritual efficiency of his canons and absolutely
refused either to allow them to be employed as
ambassadors, or to bestow prebends upon royal
nominees, courtiers, foreign students, or clerks of
any other cathedral church who were unlikely
to observe the required residence; (fn. 13) he also issued
a charter empowering the dean and chapter to
force all canons whose prebendal work obliged
them to non-residence to provide vicars to
represent them in the services of the church. (fn. 14)
Induced probably by disorders consequent on
the confusion from which his cathedral had just
emerged, he gave licence to the dean and chapter
to excommunicate anyone who unjustly withheld
the dues of the communa, (fn. 15) or inflicted any injury
on the tenants or possessions, of the church, (fn. 16) and
further forbade the archdeacons to remove such
excommunication without orders from the bishop
or chapter. He was a vigorous opponent of anything which tended to isolate the cathedral body
from the rest of the diocese, and the letter in
which he exhorted the dean and chapter to
encourage the parochial clergy to bring their
people and their oblations to the annual Pentecostal procession at Lincoln, though undoubtedly
prompted by financial needs, is full of indignation
at the apathy of the capitular body with regard
to the general indifference of the diocese to the
claims of the cathedral upon their affections. (fn. 17)
Apart from the question of the quarrel with
Grosteste the thirteenth century seems to have
been a time of quiet progress. At this period the
customs of the church, both constitutional and
ritualistic, were committed to writing, (fn. 18) and the
endowments of the cathedral were largely increased by Bishop Gravesend, (fn. 19) who also made
provision for the choristers, hitherto supported by
the alms of the canons. Oliver Sutton increased
the daily commons of the canons from 8 d. to
12d., (fn. 20) and at his instigation the dean and chapter
did much to provide for the decency and order
of the cathedral and community life. A chapel
was built for the parishioners of St. Mary Magdalen, on the site of whose original church the
cathedral stood, and who had accordingly hitherto
used the west end of the nave as their parish
church, to the great disturbance of the regular
services. (fn. 21) In 1285 licence was obtained from
the king to enclose the cathedral precinct by a
wall 12 ft. high, with gates to be closed at dusk
and opened before sunrise, for the better safety
of the canons from night attacks in passing from
their houses to service. (fn. 22) It was also determined
that in future the 'poor clerks' who served the
altars should live together in one house; (fn. 23) and after
the completion of the new wall the bishop enjoined
the dean and chapter to build a house for the
vicars choral, 'seeing that for the most part
solitude is the occasion of all evils amongst
them.' (fn. 24)
Thus by the close of the thirteenth century
the cathedral had reached in all essentials the
constitution which it was to retain throughout
the middle ages. The chapter consisted of the
dean, chancellor, treasurer and precentor, the
sub-dean, the eight archdeacons, and the simple
canons. (fn. 25) Every member occupied an endowed
prebendal stall to which he was appointed by the
bishop and installed by the dean. Chapter
meetings were as a rule attended by canons in
residence only, but upon great occasions every
member of the chapter might with the consent of
the residentiaries be summoned. At such full
meetings as these the dean was, nominally at
least, elected. (fn. 26)
Outside the capitular body, but next in importance to the canons, came the vicars choral; these
were the deputies in choir of such canons as were
non-resident or only kept the minor residence of
seventeen weeks and four days in the year. (fn. 27) The
exact date of their institution cannot be determined, but the dignitaries appear to have had
vicars early in the twelfth century, (fn. 28) and St.
Hugh's decree probably merely systematised an
existing custom. They were divided into two
'forms'—seniors in priests' orders, and juniors
being deacons, sub-deacons, or acolytes. (fn. 29) Before
admission they were presented to the dean and
chapter by their prebendaries, subjected to examination in reading and singing, and if competent admitted to two years' probation, during
which they had to learn by heart the antiphonal
hymnal and psalter. They lived a collegiate
life under two elected provosts, and received fixed
salaries over and above their share in the commons
of their society; they were also protected by
statute from arbitrary dismissal on the return of
their prebendary to residence. (fn. 30) Their number
of course varied with the number of non-resident
canons; in 1349 there were eight, in 1437 there
seem to have been as many as thirty-six, (fn. 31) and in
1440 they were sufficiently important to be constituted a legal corporation. (fn. 32)
Junior to the vicars were the poor clerks who
served the altars. Their appointments occur in
the first extant chapter acts of the fourteenth
century. About that time they were five in
number, and from an entry of the year 1492
they appear to have ranged in age from nineteen
to twenty-four, and throughout the fifteenth
century they were frequently exhorted to be
more diligent in their attendance at the schools.
Last of the organized groups of the cathedral
body were the choristers. These under Gravesend's ordinance numbered twelve, and lived
together in one house with a master at their head,
and under the general control of the precentor.
The boys were to be admitted by the dean and
chapter, who were also to appoint the master
and a canon to oversee his administration. (fn. 33)
The chapter acts also contain mention of
chantry priests and brethren and sisters. The
former seem to have been of about the same
standing as the vicars, but that they were not
themselves necessarily vicars is proved by the
fact that about the year 1349 five priests are
mentioned apart from the eight vicars. The
brethren were generally people of some rank or
wealth who took an oath of fealty to the
cathedral, and were admitted as partakers in the
benefits of its prayers. In the fourteenth century
Richard II and his queen, Henry earl of Derby,
afterwards King Henry IV, (fn. 34) Philippa Chaucer
and Sir Henry Percy were all solemnly admitted
as brethren or sisters, and in the fifteenth century
there were a large number of such admissions,
including merchants of Lincoln and a prioress of
Stainfield. (fn. 35)
As was usual in the middle ages the power
of the cathedral was further enhanced by
royal concessions at the expense of the central
and municipal government. Henry II granted
to the dean and chapter and ail their servants a
long list of franchises and the right to hold a
court, called the Galilee Court, weekly for
residents and daily for non-residents, to hear all
pleas within the limits of the close, both pleas of
the crown and others. These extensive liberties
naturally became a source of dispute with the
city, but the church made good its claim (fn. 36) and
there are records of suits in the court held 'at
the west door of the church in the porch called
the Galilee porch' throughout the middle ages. (fn. 37)
In the quarrels of the fifteenth century one of
the complaints urged against the dean was that he
allowed suits which should have been judged in
the Galilee Court to be brought before the royal
courts. (fn. 38) A steward of the Galilee Court occurs
as late as 1793. (fn. 39)
That so important and well-organized a body
should be free from all exterior control, as under
Bishop Chesney's decree it must have been, involved such a menace to the welfare of the church
as could not be allowed to pass unchallenged,
and already in the first half of the thirteenth
century Grosteste had fought and won the battle
of authority. He had himself been a canon of
Lincoln, (fn. 40) and it may be that personal knowledge
led him to believe that some definite exterior
control was needful. He was opposed not only
by his own chapter, who, it is said, openly
regretted having raised a man of so low birth to
a position of such authority, (fn. 41) but by all the
exempt ecclesiastical foundations of England
and by the bishops themselves, who feared
that Grosteste's triumph might be used as a
precedent in a case then pending as to the right
of the archbishop of Canterbury to visit the sees
of his province. (fn. 42)
The course of the struggle is not easy to
follow, but it would seem that the dean and
chapter showed signs of revolt at the first suggestion of episcopal visitation, and in consequence
Grosteste obtained a licence from the pope, in
January, 1239, to carry out his intention. (fn. 43) By
the following Whitsuntide the canons had sent
a proctor to represent their case at Rome, (fn. 44) and
when the bishop gave notice that he should visit
the cathedral on 18 October, 'convocatis . . .
per decanum et capitulum omnibus canonicis in
crastino Sanctae Fidis in capitulo Lincolniae, et
habito super praedictis tractatu die Dominica
proxime sequente ad pulpitum in ecclesiae Lincolniae, accepta a populo publice licentia adeundi
sedem Apostolicam et interpositis appellationibus
propter injurias quas eis, ut dixerunt, faciebam
et facere conabar,' the cathedral dignitaries
and many of the other canons set out at once
for Rome, and sent letters to all the chapters
of England, inciting them against Grosteste.
When the bishop reached Lincoln for his visitation the whole cathedral body absented itself;
but, hearing that he had been summoned to meet
the archbishop of Canterbury on 3 November,
the dean and chapter, instead of pursuing their
journey to Rome, waited for him in London.
The bishop was in doubt whether or not to
suspend and excommunicate the contumacious
canons, but after various proposals of arbitration, (fn. 45)
it was finally decided to ask the pope to entrust
the cause to the bishop of Worcester and the
archdeacons of Worcester and Sudbury. (fn. 46) In
January of the following year Gregory IX issued
a commission to the bishop of Worcester, the
archdeacon of Worcester, and the abbot of
Evesham, bidding them exhort the dean and
chapter to obedience, and, failing that, to hear
and judge the cause themselves. (fn. 47) It would seem
probable that the pope issued this mandate on his
own initiative as soon as he realised the gravity
of the quarrel, for three months later the cause
was committed to the arbitrators chosen at
London by the contending parties. (fn. 48) There
seems to be no evidence as to what took place
under their jurisdiction, but there is reason to
believe that a second meeting was held between
the bishop and the canons at the end of 1240
or early in 1241, when the chapter swore to a
new form of procedure. (fn. 49) It may have been
on this occasion that Richard de Kirkham was
chosen to be associated with the bishop of
Worcester as arbitrator. (fn. 50) Certainly he was an
active judge during the autumn of 1241 and the
early part of the year 1242, (fn. 51) and proved himself
to be of an independent spirit; for, in spite of
the fact that he was appointed at the request of
the canons, he did not hesitate to suspend several
members of the chapter when they persuaded
the king, by means of a forged history of their
foundation, to remove the suit from the ecclesisiastical to the secular courts. (fn. 52) It was by such
expedients that the suit was prolonged throughout
the years 1242 and 1243. At the end of the
latter year the dean and chapter appealed from
the decision of the bishop of Worcester to the
pope, and the case was referred to fresh judges
by Innocent IV. (fn. 53) At length, in 1244, the
bishop and the dean both sought the pope at
Lyons, and on 25 August, 1245, a judgement was
obtained. (fn. 54) It is usually said that the pope's
decision was entirely in favour of Grosteste,
and it has been insinuated that the bishop
induced the dean to consent to the arrangement
by securing his promotion to the see of Coventry.
In defence of Grosteste it may be urged, however, that though the right of visitation was
secured to him, the other points of his contention, as mentioned in the pope's award, were
given in favour of the canons. (fn. 55) Moreover,
the papal authority had from the first been inclined to favour the bishop, (fn. 56) and Dean Roger
de Weseham, as Grosteste's own nominee,
appointed on the deprivation of William de
Tournay, would hardly have required a bribe. (fn. 57)
Further, though the canons in 1243 refused to
accept an arrangement with the bishop made
by the dean without procuratorial authority, (fn. 58)
their confidence in the latter must certainly have
been restored before they employed him as
their representative at Lyons; and the fact
that Matthew Paris, always a severe critic of
Grosteste, records Dean Roger's promotion
with approval (fn. 59) ought in itself to be sufficient
to dispel any remaining suspicion.
In the absence of evidence in favour of the
dean and chapter it is impossible to determine
on whose side justice is to be found. All that
is known of Grosteste's character makes it
hardly possible to doubt that he only engaged in
this unseemly strife because he felt that a grave
principle was at stake; his letters, moreover,
are full of affection for the dean and chapter,
and he asserted repeatedly that no one could be
more anxious for peace than he was himself,
but it must be a true peace to bring satisfaction. (fn. 60)
Again, though the canons probably based their
claim to exemption upon de Chesney's charter in
all good faith, it is difficult to find any excuse
for the means which they employed to prolong
the suit; and even if Grosteste were wrong in
the motives to which he attributed their frequent
visits to the king, the absurd forgery of the
re-foundation story, and their protest against
Richard de Kirkham's right to suspend the sub-dean
and chancellor, must be pronounced unworthy.
At the same time it should be remembered that
contemporary opinion for the most part blamed
the bishop for persisting in his claim, and even
Adam Marsh wrote in remonstrance, reminding
his friend that the divine command bids masters
strive to inspire love rather than fear. (fn. 61)
The rest of Grosteste's episcopate passed in
peace for the dean and chapter, but on the death
of the bishop the cathedral body were obliged to
defend their privileges against the archbishop of
Canterbury, who claimed the guardianship of the
property of the see during vacancy. (fn. 62) The dispute
was settled in favour of the canons in May, 1261. (fn. 63)
The fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries
were marked by a constitutional struggle if
possible more unedifying than that of the
thirteenth. At the root of the matter lay the
frequent absence or non-residence of the deans.
Though bound by oath to reside, it was always
possible for them to obtain licence from the
pope to be absent for periods of greater or less
duration; this was sometimes obtained on the
plea of being engaged in the king's service,
sometimes in order to go on pilgrimage or to
study at some foreign university, and once, in
the case of John de Schepey, in order to avoid
the expense of maintaining a household both at
Lincoln and on his prebendal estate. (fn. 64) This
condition of affairs gave rise to a quarrel between
dean and chapter as to whether the authority
which the dean was in the habit of exercising in
chapter, in the matter of visitation, correction,
sequestration of vacant prebends, and presentation
of vicars and chaplains, was really his by virtue
of his dignity as dean or by virtue of his position
as head and therefore agent of the chapter.
The first recorded occasion of dispute was in
1312, when Roger de Martival and the canons
referred the case to Bishop John Dalderby. (fn. 65)
The arguments on both sides have been preserved at considerable length by John de Schalby,
who conducted the case for the chapter. (fn. 66) They
are characteristically mediaeval in their dialectical
form and somewhat far-fetched deductions, but
there can be little doubt that the bishop, in pronouncing in favour of joint authority, correctly
interpreted the spirit of the constitution. (fn. 67) With
the next dean, Henry de Mammesfeld, similar
difficulties arose, with regard both to the right
to present chaplains to the; altar of St. Peter (fn. 68)
and the right to visit prebendal churches without
consulting the chapter. In 1324 the sub-dean
went so far as to order the succentor to record
and report the exact length of the dean's
absence upon his unsanctioned visitation, in
order that his share of the commons might be
deducted, since he was away purely on his own
authority and for his personal advantage. (fn. 69)
The friction increased under the succeeding
deans. In 1332, when Anthony Bek was
abroad, the sub-dean and chapter denied the
right of his vicar-general to appoint vicars to
two prebendaries also out of England. (fn. 70) No clear
account of the dispute seems to be extant, but
apparently the dean adhered to his position.
An appeal was made to Rome, and the case
ultimately referred to the prior of Warter. (fn. 71)
No decision, however, was reached before Bek
was promoted to the see of Norwich, and
the suit was prolonged under his successor,
William of Norwich. Talliata, the papal
auditor, gave judgement unreservedly in favour
of the dean, and on the appeal of the chapter
this sentence was confirmed, with a proviso that
in case of the dean's continued absence or
neglect the sub-dean and chapter might act. (fn. 72)
That the chapter were determined not to
acquiesce in any such decision is clear from the
fact that in 1341 they repudiated the conciliatory
attitude of their proctor at Rome. (fn. 73) In spite,
however, of the firmness of their resistance,
and a favourable judgement given by the
archbishop of Canterbury in March, 1343-4, (fn. 74)
they were still unsatisfied, and on the eve of
Dean William's promotion to the episcopate
both the sub-dean and the chapter wrote to him,
imploring him to make the desired concessions
before it was too late. The bishop also wrote
in the same strain, and the chapter addressed
two letters to the pope, speaking of the evils
caused by the absence of the dean, and desiring
him to provide some one who would be willing
to reside personally. (fn. 75)
The decree of the papal auditor was not
reversed, but the whole question seems to have
remained in abeyance for some forty or fifty
years when it was revived under Dean Schepey.
In December, 1403, Boniface IX made a statute
that in future the right of visitation should belong
to the dean, sub-dean, and chapter conjointly. (fn. 76)
This was nominally done by the pope 'ex mero
motu et ad nullius alterius instanciam' on account
of the confusion in the prebendal churches arising
from the cessation of all visitation for the last
forty years; but it is evident that Dean Schepey
had already revived the old claims, for in the
same month Henry IV committed the case to the
bishop of Lincoln, hearing that 'Master John
Schapeye, dean of Lincoln, is striving to infringe
certain ancient customs of the chapter.' (fn. 77) Four
years later the king ordered that the statute of
Pope Boniface should be observed, and forbade
the dean to remove the case from the jurisdiction
of the bishop of Lincoln to the Court of Christianity. (fn. 78) In March, 1405-6, however, on
Schepey's appeal Innocent VII confirmed the
decision of Peter Fabri, (fn. 79) and in the winter of
1407-8 the case was once more committed to a
papal auditor, and the archbishop of Canterbury
and English bishops forbidden to take further action
in the matter. (fn. 80) From this time, however, the
bishops of Lincoln seem more and more to have
considered the case as one affecting the internal
discipline of the cathedral body, and as thus
coming within their own jurisdiction. In 1410
Bishop Repingdon on his visitation ordered that the
statutes should be written out and put in a place
where all could see them, and in 1415, after the
death of Schepey, Dean Macworth was peremptorily reminded that his oath of office bound him to
residence. (fn. 81) Fragments also remain of an award
pronounced by the bishop some time between
1412 and 1420, (fn. 82) but apparently without effect,
for in 1421 the dean and chapter promised adherence to a decision delivered by Bishop Flemyng
in the presence of the king, whereby the dean was
to be allowed to convoke the chapter under his own
name and seal for triennial visitations, but the
chapter were to appoint two canons with whose
advice the dean was to administer correction; in
the absence of the dean the sub-dean or other
president of the chapter was to act. (fn. 83)
Such a judgement was not calculated to satisfy
the chapter; and, though they seem to have
acquiesced in it for the time being, (fn. 84) in 1433
they once more appealed against Macworth both
to Rome and to Canterbury, and the bishop of
Lincoln issued an inhibition against the dean and
ordered him to appear before him in chapter. (fn. 85) The
quarrel was how complicated by the existence of
what appear to have been real abuses on both
sides; each accused the other of having failed to
observe the award in the matter of jurisdiction,
but the dean added grave charges of misappropriation of revenues on the part of the canons,
and the chapter accused the dean of offences
against ritual and custom, of abuse of patronage,
and of the betrayal of chapter secrets to seculars. (fn. 86)
Bishop Gray's compromise pronounced in
August, 1434, was strongly in favour of the
canons, and in December Macworth asserted that
he had not assented and would not assent to it
without better consideration. (fn. 87) In these circumstances the quarrel dragged on for another two
years, (fn. 88) and in 1437 Bishop Alnwick, who had
lately been translated from Norwich, came to
visit his cathedral and found a deplorable state of
division and confusion. He visited again in
March, 1437-8, and in June, 1439, having
annulled his predecessor's pronouncement as
lacking authority, he summoned a chapter to establish his own award and to draw up a book of
customs. (fn. 89)
The award of Bishop Alnwick, unlike those of
his predecessors, bears the impress of the hand of
the statesman. He gave judgement in favour of
joint jurisdiction, but he also pronounced against
numerous abuses which were rife amongst the
canons, and he saved the dignity of the dean by
ignoring all complaints which were merely personal or irremediable. At first Macworth appeared to be submissive; both he and the chapter
accepted the award, and at the bishop's suggestion
decided that it would be well to compile a complete book of cathedral statutes to take the place
of the fragmentary and in part unwritten
customs which were all that had hitherto existed; (fn. 90)
but before very long the dean broke out into
open rebellion against the bishop's authority, he
denied his right to visit the prebendal estates,
he stated his intention of refusing to accept any
new statutes and protested more than once in
chapter against the holding of convocations to
discuss those which Alnwick had compiled, and
he attempted to force the sub-dean to acknowledge the authority of the award of Bishop
Flemyng. (fn. 91) The bishop bore his insubordination
until February, 1444-5, then at length sentence
of excommunication was passed, (fn. 92) which remained
in force certainly until September, 1448, and
possibly until the end of the following year. (fn. 93) In
1451 Macworth died.
The award of 1439 has been said to mark the
close of the legislative period of Lincoln Cathedral
history; certainly no fresh constitutional questions
of importance arose until the nineteenth century,
and what changes were introduced were merely
the gradual modifications which were the natural
outcome of an age when community life in
the church was little understood and everything
older than the sixteenth century regarded with
suspicion as savouring of popery. (fn. 94)
Of the internal condition of the cathedral before the beginning of the fourteenth century
there is very little evidence. It is probable that
the greatest menace to the life of the church, here
as elsewhere, was the papal and archiepiscopal
power of provision. The archbishop claimed
the right to present to one prebend in return for
the confirmation of each bishop, and the pope
claimed patronage on a yet larger scale, and over
and above this expected the bishops to provide
for such men as he should suggest to them. (fn. 95)
The canons thus provided were frequently
foreigners and cardinals, and nearly always held
one or more prebends in other cathedrals, (fn. 96) so
that not only did the revenues of the church go
out of England to the foreign beneficiaries, (fn. 97) but
it was impossible that the canons should be
resident either at Lincoln or in their prebendal
parishes.
St. Hugh's objection to the appointment of
foreigners to Lincoln prebends has already been
mentioned. In 1253 Bishop Grosteste made an
equally determined and possibly even bolder stand
when the pope required him to provide for his
nephew Frederick de Lavinia. (fn. 98) This, however,
appears to have been without permanent result,
for in 1289 all the prebends of Lincoln except
five were said to be in the hands of Romans, (fn. 99)
and Clement V between his consecration in
November, 1305, and Michaelmas, 1309, provided thirty people to positions in the cathedral,
at least twelve of whom, to judge by their names,
must have been foreigners. (fn. 100)
With the fourteenth century knowledge of a
more intimate kind as to the discipline of the
cathedral can be gathered both from the chapter
acts and the episcopal registers, and it becomes
evident at once that visitors had two distinct
classes of men to deal with. On the one hand
there were the vicars, poor clerks, and chantry
priests, who seem to have been of much the same
standing as the ordinary monk and to have shared
his temptation to gambling, drinking, irreverence
in choir, and immorality; and on the other there
were the canons, whose offences seem to have
been rather in the direction of self-interest,
favouritism, and neglect of the care and consideration for their juniors which were essential to the
welfare of the cathedral.
In the early years of the fourteenth century
the charges against the vicars and poor clerks
brought before the chapter were few. In 1307
Robert Coty, a vicar, was twice convicted of
having lost all his clothes and even his choir
vestments at the gaming table, and consequently
resigned his post, (fn. 101) and in 1310 the canons complained to the bishop that in spite of the small
number of residents the vicars refused to help at
the celebration of chapter mass. (fn. 102) In 1334
William of Dunham seems to have been ejected
by his fellow vicars from his lodging in the vicars'
court and to have been restored by the dean and
chapter (fn. 103) with an admonition to lead an honest
life. A more serious state of affairs is perhaps
indicated by the injunctions issued in 1392 to
vicars of both forms, chaplains, and poor clerks, forbidding them to take any woman except a mother
or a sister to their own rooms except in the
presence of a third person, and imposing fines for
frequenting taverns. (fn. 104)
The chapter acts of the succeeding century
contrast unfavourably with these. Quite early
there are complaints of insolence to the dignitaries and of evil life, (fn. 105) and from the year 1454
onward there is scarcely a page without some
record of irregularity, insolence, negligence,
debt, (fn. 106) or immorality. In 1508 such was the
laxness of morals among the poor clerks that the
treasurer undertook specially to visit and oversee
them, (fn. 107) and in 1509 new ordinances were passed
against neglect on their part and that of the
vicars. (fn. 108)
At the same time it is probable that the contrast between the fourteenth and fifteenth century
chapter acts was due to a stricter idea of discipline entertained by the canons at the later
date or to a more regular keeping of the act
books; it is certain that as early as February,
1347-8, Bishop Gynwell (fn. 109) found considerable
negligence to exist among the vicars and poor
clerks who absented themselves from the canonical hours and processions, walked and talked in
the cathedral during service, and wandered about
at night wearing arms, and the example of the
canons at the time was evidently not edifying, for
though the bishop told them that he found many
things to commend he was obliged to reprove
them also for talking loudly in choir and absenting themselves from service, for withholding alms from the poor and, in the case of
the non-residents, subtracting the salaries of their
vicars. The general decency and order of the
cathedral also left something to be desired, vestments were described as minus decentes and the
ordinale
(fn. 110) was not properly followed by the vicars.
A general injunction was issued to all members of
the cathedral body not to frequent the houses of
women living within the close, however honest.
A few years later a terrible state of affairs was
revealed; in January, 1359-60, the bishop had
already twice given orders that all women should
be removed from the close. Finding that he was
not obeyed he issued a third injunction, pointing
out at the same time that women with their
husbands kept taverns within the close which
were haunted by clerks and others at night, with
the result that robberies and murders and other
crimes were rife, and under the steps by which
the people went up to the great altar a secret
passage had been discovered which had an
outlet into the room of one of the poor clerks. (fn. 111)
Apparently admonition was in vain, for three
months later a yet more stringent injunction was
issued, and a yet worse state of affairs revealed,
women of evil life having even been admitted to
the house of the dean. (fn. 112)
The next sixty years undoubtedly saw some
improvement, but the archbishop of Canterbury,
on his visitation in 1390, still complained of
talking and laughing in choir, and of vicars
and others leaving the church in the middle
of the service. Obits of kings arid bishops
and feasts of apostles and doctors were not
properly observed, and vicars were admitted
by favour and without proper examination.
Great disorder was caused by the indecent celebration of All Fools Day on the Feast of the
Circumcision when the vicars played practical
jokes even during the services. (fn. 113)
A certain amount of laxness at this time is
scarcely matter for surprise. The quarrels with
successive deans, which must have been seriously
detrimental to discipline, had now been carried on
intermittently for almost a century, and Schepey,
who was elected dean in 1388, seems to have
been utterly careless of anything but his own interests. In January, 1393-4, he came into conflict with Bishop Bokyngham, certain of his
servants having polluted the cathedral by bloodshed. When the bishop visited the dean refused
to profess obedience to him and would not show
his title to office; he was consequently suspended
and excommunicated, and as he remained obdurate
the case was brought before the archbishop of
Canterbury. Schepey was ultimately induced to
submit, but in the meantime grave charges had
been brought against him by the canons, who
complained of his derisive treatment of them in
chapter, of his remissness in correction, and his
unpunctuality. They stated that he did not
appoint a chaplain to celebrate for him daily, but
retained the salary for his own use, that he misappropriated the common funds and imposed
excessive fines upon the vicars, that he refused the
feedings and omitted the celebrations to which
he was bound, (fn. 114) that he was extravagant in buying
unnecessary pictures and images, and was in the
habit of frequenting public games and shows and
of allowing their performance in the close.
In these circumstances it is hardly to be
wondered that there were serious complaints to
be brought against the junior members of the
church. The vicars, it was said, were noisy in choir,
the chaplains wandered about and were disorderly
and the poor clerks were negligent; a clique of
vicars and chaplains sowed discord between dean
and chapter, several of the vicars were rectors of
parish churches, one was in the habit of coming
to choir in a state of intoxication, and fifteen
people were suspected of laxness of morals. Little
appears to have been said at the time about the
canons beyond a charge of slackness against the
precentor. It is evident, however, from the complaints of the dean, that there was much discord
between him and the chapter, and much partisanship among the vicars. (fn. 115) The friction appears to
have increased, and when Bishop Repingdon held
a visitation in 1410 a very similar state of affairs
was revealed. Games were carried on in the
cemetery, the statutable feedings were not observed,
the vicars wore noisy wooden shoes, and wandered
about in secular habit outside the church at service
time. (fn. 116) Bishop Gray's injunctions of 1432 show
that the general carelessness had not lessened.
Vicars were appointed without examination and
were consequently open to the usual charges of
negligence, irreverence, and dissipation, repairs
were needed both in the fabric and the vestments,
and stipends were not punctually paid to vicars
and chaplains. Here, as elsewhere, some of the
chantries had become so much impoverished that
they had been united, (fn. 117) and the bishop enjoined
that in such cases measures should be taken to
secure the fulfilment of the wishes of the founders
at least in part, and that the chantries thus united
should be given to priest vicars lest they should be
forced by lack of means to resign or to seek some
undignified employment outside the church. Such
was the poverty of the vicars that certain provisions
had been made without authority, obliging new
members of the body to live for a certain time
at their own expense. These were annulled, as
they prevented suitable people from joining the
community. (fn. 118)
Such complaints, however, were as nothing
compared with the confusion revealed when
Alnwick visited the cathedral at the time of his
award in 1437. As the comperta at this visitation have been printed at length elsewhere, (fn. 119) it
will be sufficient here to say that the dean seems
to have been guilty of unbearable arrogance and
lack of consideration, that the precentor and
treasurer were negligent, that the chancellor was
guilty of scandalous conduct in his opposition to
the dean, that the canons were in many cases
arbitrary in action and withheld the stipends of
their vicars, that the standard of morality was low
amongst the latter, and that the sacrist had abused
his position as confessor.
Of the next sixty years no record appears to
exist, and when Bishop Smith visited in 1501
matters seem to have considerably improved. The
dean said he hoped everything was satis prospere, and
several of the vicars returned the verdict omnia
bene. Evil reports had indeed arisen from the
fact that a woman had access to the rooms of one
of the chaplains, and the dean and precentor had
not been sufficiently careful in admitting vicars,
clerks, and choristers, otherwise the bishop seems,
to have been satisfied with his visit. (fn. 120) Two years
later a more serious state of affairs had again arisen.
The bishop enjoined that chantry clerks should not
take their meals in taverns, that women of evil
life should not be admitted to live within the
close, and that an overseer should be appointed
for the vicars and poor clerks. There seem to
have been certain cases of misappropriation, and
vestments and jewels had been given away without the dean's consent, chapter secrets had been
revealed to seculars, and a quarrel had arisen
between the dean and treasurer as to the right of
the latter to absent himself from the cathedral
without leave, and his obligation to provide good
wine for the celebration of the sacrament. (fn. 121)
Bishop Longlands seems to have visited about the
year 1524, and at some subsequent time wrote to
insist that the dean should make the required
corrections; he added that the residents were
fewer in number than of old, the dignitaries ought
to reside, especially the treasurer, and as the
latter had long been absent he was sending Mr.
Richard Parker to fulfil that office, as he was
willing to keep residence. (fn. 122) In 1539 he issued
further injunctions empowering major residents to
profess minor residence after three years if ill,
and making one or two other regulations. (fn. 123)
The first half of the sixteenth century
was a period hardly less critical for the secular foundations of England than for the monasteries. It was very early in his reign that
Henry VIII began to show an alarming interest
in Lincoln, and issued a decree that none of the
singing men or boys of the cathedral should be
taken away unless it were to sing in his own
chapel. (fn. 124) By the year 1528 Bishop Longlands
seems even to have considered it a favour that he
was allowed by Wolsey to bestow the deanery
according to his own ideas of fitness—there is a
touch of irony in the words in which he thanks
the cardinal for his 'goodness in suffering me to
bestow my own livelihood.' (fn. 125) In August, 1534,
the acknowledgement of the royal supremacy
was signed by the dean and seventy-one others. (fn. 126)
Two years later the Lincolnshire insurrection
broke out. It is not quite clear what attitude
was adopted by the dean and chapter. It would
seem that the rebels, on coming to Lincoln, met
with a favourable reception at the hands of
members of the corporation, (fn. 127) and by some means
they obtained access to the chapter-house of the
cathedral. According to one witness the gentlemen lodged one night with the dean and canonsand were well entertained. (fn. 128) At the same time,
when the mayor was at a loss how to defend the
town in case of attempted plunder, the sub-dean
and chancellor who were in residence, being
unable to send men to his assistance, promised
and collected £30, which they forwarded to the
town hall. (fn. 129) Suspicion of complicity, however,
seems to have fallen on the dean, but the Duke of
Suffolk wrote to the king assuring him that
Henneage was absent from Lincoln at the time
and that he had had no communication with the
rebels, and either through innocence or influence
the cathedral suffered nothing worse than the
exaction of a loan from the residentiaries, to be
repaid before the issue of the king's pardon. (fn. 130)
In June, 1540, the dean received orders to
take down and convey to London Tower 'a
certayn shryne and divers feyned Reliques and
Juels' in the cathedral, whereby 'all the simple
people be moch deceaved and brougbte into great
supersticion and idolatrye.' (fn. 131) From the memorandum of the execution of this order, it appears that
the king thus appropriated 2,621 oz. of gold,
3,285 oz. of silver, besides pearls, precious stones,
the pure gold shrine of St. Hugh, and the pure
silver shrine of St. John Dalderby. Between the
years 1548 and 1553 yet further plunder was
taken, (fn. 132) and it is perhaps scarcely surprising that
the treasurer threw away the keys of his office,
which became from that time extinct in Lincoln
cathedral. (fn. 133)
The story of the next few years is soon told.
In April, 1548, after a visitation by commissioners, the dean read the royal injunctions
exhorting the whole of the cathedral body to
charity, studiousness, and general good discipline,
providing for a certain number of sermons and
for portions of the service to be conducted in
English, abolishing certain observances of the
cathedral, and making provision for choristers who
'have ther voices chaunged,' with a few other
regulations. (fn. 134) In 1552 Matthew Parker was
installed as dean. Parker had modified an early
enthusiasm for Lutheran teaching by Patristic
study, but he was a married man, and on the accession of Mary espoused the cause of Lady Jane
Grey. (fn. 135) The Chapter Acts make no comment on
the revolution which involved his downfall, simply
recording the installation of Dean Mallet in
September, 1555, and the significant injunctions
of the bishop of Lincoln in 1556—that services
were to be performed in accordance with the Use
of Sarum, that prebendaries were to wear ecclesiastical dress and to shave their beards, and that
married men were not to administer the sacrament. (fn. 136) There seems to be no evidence as to
how the prebendaries and other ministers of the
cathedral received these quickly succeeding
changes of ritual or the injunctions of 1559, (fn. 137)
whereby Elizabeth practically reverted to the
position of 1548, only as late as June, 1580, the
episcopal visitor learnt that one vicar did not
'feel right about religion,' and thought it no
'derogation to the dignity of our Lord to invoke
the Virgin.' (fn. 138)
With the close of the sixteenth century began
the gradual slackening of those ties which had
originally bound every member of the cathedral
body and every parish under its jurisdiction into
a closely knit community. In the early years of
the fourteenth century there seem generally to
have been about ten resident canons, (fn. 139) in 1433
there were eight beside the dean, (fn. 140) and in 1492-3
an order was issued that each prebendary might
pay one visit to Rome so long as he left at least
five canons in residence at the cathedral (fn. 141) ; it was
therefore an innovation when it was decreed in
September, 1589, that in future the number of
residents should not exceed four. (fn. 142) Other signs
were not wanting that the ideal of the old community life had been lost sight of, for in answer
to articles issued by Bishop Chaderton, in 1607,
it was stated that visitations had so long been
omitted that jurisdiction over prebendal places was
lost; thus the connexion between the non-resident
canons and their cathedral was practically reduced
to the visits necessitated in keeping their preaching
turns, and even these were in some cases
neglected, (fn. 143) and on the occasion of a metropolitical
visitation in August, 1634, it appeared that some
prebendaries had never seen the cathedral, and
appointed insufficient deputies to preach for them. (fn. 144)
Unfortunately the new era in the cathedral
history does not seem to have been a more
vigorous one. Other complaints at Bishop Chaderton's visitation were to the effect that the dean
and chapter were 'dissolute and careless' in their
government; that the choir was inefficient and
irreverent; that the master of the fabric and the
vergers and bell-ringers were negligent; that
preachers were usually much disturbed by the
'prophane walking and talking of idle and irreligious persons'; that the close had become 'a
place of great licentiousness, especially in alehouses,' and that 'no course was taken for
beggars . . . who . . . trouble every stranger
with their importunity.'
Archbishop Laud's vicar-general in 1634
seems to have found an even more deplorable
lack of fitness, the communion table was 'not
very decent and the rail worse,' the organ 'old
and naught,' the copes and vestments had been
embezzled, and alehouses, hounds, and swine
were kept in the churchyard. A few years later
the senior vicars complained of the financial
oppressions which they were suffering at the
hands of the residentiaries. (fn. 145) The only activities
of the period seem to have been a renewal of the
dispute as to the rights of metropolitical visitation, (fn. 146) and the formation of a company of ringers.
This curious organization was very similar in
character to the craft gilds of the fifteenth century, its members were chiefly tradesmen of
Lincoln, and the company had its own feasts and
constituted itself a kind of provident society.
Its ordinances were drawn up in 1612 and
received the acknowledgement of the dean and
chapter in 1614; the last master was apparently
appointed in 1725. (fn. 147)
The civil war involved the cathedral in the
common ruin which overtook the church and
the crown. In 1649 deans and chapters were
abolished by Act of Parliament, (fn. 148) and between
that year and 1658 most of the cathedral estates
were sold. (fn. 149) Mr. Edward Reyner and Mr.
George Scotereth, or Scottericke, the former of
whom had been lecturer in the city since 1635, (fn. 150)
were appointed ministers in the cathedral church
in April, 1649. (fn. 151) In March, 1655-6, they were
empowered to appoint an assistant preacher, and
Reyner and one Abdy are spoken of as 'ministers
and lecturers of this city' as late as September,
1660. (fn. 152)
Michael Honeywood, the first dean of the
restoration, was worthy of the work of reconstruction which he was called upon to undertake. He
devoted his whole energy to the vindication of
the lost franchises of the cathedral, the restoration of choral services with an efficient choir, the
repair of the cathedral and the vicars' houses, and
the improvement of the library. (fn. 153) Apart from
this there is little evidence of the condition of
the church in the later seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries; such visitations as were
made were more or less formal, and apart from
occasional complaints as to omissions of prebendaries' preaching turns, and of the presence of
idlers in the church, throw very little light on
the life of the community; that Samuel Fuller,
whose portrait hung in the 'drinking-room' at
Burley, (fn. 154) should be one of the best known of the
deans of this period was perhaps a sign of the
times.
The nineteenth-century settlement was the
natural outcome of the gradual oblivion to which
the early organization of the cathedrals of the old
foundation had been consigned. By legislation
of the year 1840 it was provided that the chapter
was to consist of the dean and four canons (fn. 155)
—the precentor, chancellor, sub-dean, and one
archdeacon—and the terms of residence were
fixed at eight months in the year for the dean
and three months each for the canons, the dean
was to be appointed by the crown, and the
prebends were disendowed and their estates
vested in the ecclesiastical commissioners, as were
also the separate estates of the cathedral dignitaries. (fn. 156) The silence of this statute, and still
more the character of the report issued by the
royal commissioners in 1854, show how little
either the framers of the Act or those for whom
it was framed realized the extent to which they
had deviated from the original constitution of the
cathedral. The unhistorical differentiation between the greater and lesser chapters, the narrowing of the duties of the canons to the superintendence of the fabric and services of the
cathedral and of education in the city, and the
failure to realize that the old statutes had not
regulated ritual and liturgy only, but the whole
activity of a vigorous social life, were the main
characteristics of the return. The entire report
would probably have admitted of the same
explanation as that given by the priest-vicars of
their doubt as to the date of their foundation—
namely, that no one could read their charters. (fn. 157)
No immediate legislation followed, but in 1870
the estates of the dean and chapter were surrendered to the ecclesiastical commissioners, (fn. 158) and in
1873 new regulations were made as to the reestablishment of certain prebends and honorary
canonries. (fn. 159) In the meantime the spirit of
historical inquiry took possession of the cathedral
body. The 'Novum Registrum ' was carefully
studied and its authority called in question, and
the status of the non-residentiary canons became
a matter of dispute. On the one hand certain of
the prebendaries claimed to be summoned to
occasional meetings of a 'greater chapter,' both
as a matter of right and as an expedient to
secure closer union between the parishes of the
diocese and the mother church. The dean on
the contrary denied the historical foundation of
the greater chapter, and stated that in the middle
ages only major and minor residents were entitled
to summons to chapter meetings, thus excluding
all modern prebendaries as non-resident. (fn. 160)
The whole dispute was embodied in the
report issued by the Cathedrals Commission of
1884. The commissioners in this report proposed to supplement the old custom by new
statutes which they said to a large extent
represented existing custom. Against these Dean
Blakesley issued a vigorous protest, to the effect
that he could not give his sanction to the vague
and unhistorical greater chapter which was to be
created in accordance with the wishes of the prebendaries, and that he objected to the proposals to
dissolve the corporation of priest-vicars, to curtail
the rights of the dean, canons, and non-residentiary prebendaries in favour of the bishop, and
to extend the canons' term of residence from
three to eight months. (fn. 161) Only one of the suggestions embodied in the supplementary statutes was
ultimately adopted—namely, that of the creation
or revival of the greater chapter, which may now
be summoned by the dean for specified purposes.
In all other respects the cathedral continues to
be governed by the constitution of 1840. (fn. 162)
While the grants to the common fund [communa] of the canons were very numerous about
A.D. 1200, (fn. 163) these were for the most part grants
of small quantities of land, and the grants of
manors were chiefly in early times for the endowment of prebends, and later in connexion with
chantries. William I granted (fn. 164) to Remigius the
manors of Welton near Lincoln and Sleaford,
when the seat of the bishopric was translated to
Lincoln; and in 1086 the bishop held both
manors of the king, six canons of Lincoln holding the Welton lands under the bishop; (fn. 165) later
we hear of the prebend of Sleaford (Lafford),
though the manor continued in the bishop's
hands. Roger Fitz Gerold and Lucy his wife
gave the vill of Asgarby as the endowment of a
prebend, and William de Romara confirmed
the gift of his father and mother, which gift
had also been confirmed to St. Mary of Lincoln
and Canon Robert de Grainvill by King Henry. (fn. 166)
King Henry I granted to St. Mary of Lincoln
the church of Brand, priest of Corringham, and
2½ carucates of land as the endowment of a
prebend, so that he, and his son after his death,
should hold the same as a prebend of St. Mary. (fn. 167)
Bishop Robert de Chesney alienated the prebend
of Canwick to the canons of the hospital of
Lincoln of the order of Sempringham, and
Bishop Hugh confirmed the gift c. 1190 with
the consent of Haimo, the dean, and the chapter
of Lincoln. (fn. 168) In 1292 the abbot and convent of
Fécamp conveyed to the dean and chapter their
manor of Navenby, which they had received
from Henry III in exchange for Winchelsea and
Rye, because the safety of the realm did not
admit of these being held by them, and King
Edward I granted a licence of alienation on condition that a chantry be founded at Harby in
honour of Queen Eleanor, who died there. (fn. 169)
The manor of Normanby by Spittal was
granted to the dean and chapter by Henry Beck,
nephew of Bishop Thomas Beck, to maintain
two chantries in Normanby church and one in the
cathedral. (fn. 170) In 1324 a licence was granted for
the manor of Aunsby [Ounesby] to be alienated
to the dean and chapter, who were to find three
chaplains to pray for the souls of Robert de Lacy,
formerly treasurer of the cathedral, Richard de
Rowell, formerly canon, and Hervey de Luda,
custodian of the altar of St. Peter. (fn. 171) The
manor of Glentham was conveyed to the dean
and chapter by three executors of John duke of
Lancaster to keep the anniversaries of Kings
Henry IV and V, and of the duke. (fn. 172) The
manor of Greetwell was conveyed to the dean
and chapter in 1480, (fn. 173) and the Valor shows that
100s. was paid therefrom to the chantry of Dean
Robert Flemyng. The manor of Scamblesby
was in the hands of feoffees in 1497, (fn. 174) and the
Valor shows that after its grant to the dean and
chapter there was a payment therefrom to the
chantry of Bishop John Russell. There are
court rolls of the manor of Friesthorpe in 1314,
1339, and 1400, (fn. 175) but nothing to show how it
was acquired.
In 1303 the dean and chapter held one-fourth
of half a knight's fee in Heydour, one-fifth
and one-hundredth of a fee in Mumby and
Theddlethorpe, one-tenth in Timberland, onesixteenth in Lissington, one-tenth and onehundredth in Searby, one-ninth in Scredington,
one-fourth and one-twentieth in Fotherby, onesixth in Tetford, one-tenth in Owmby, and
smaller portions in Thurlby, Hackthorn, Somersby,
and Langton. (fn. 176) In 1346 the return is the same
with the exception of the omission of Mumby
and Theddlethorpe, and the addition of half a
knight's fee in Claypole, a quarter in Stoke, a
quarter in Ormsby, a tenth in Thurlby, three
quarters, a fifth, and one fifty-fourth in Aunsby.
In 1401-2 the chapter held one-tenth of a fee
in Willingham, and £10 of annual rent in
Boothby and Graffoe wapentakes. In 1428 no
mention was made of Timberland, Claypole,
Stoke, Thurlby, Scredington and Tetford, but a
quarter of a fee is mentioned in Thorpe-in-theFallows, a quarter in Fillingham and in Hemswell, and lesser portions in North Ormsby and
Utterby. (fn. 177)
The date of the foundation of each prebend
cannot be determined, but besides those already
mentioned we find that King Stephen endowed
that of Brampton. (fn. 178) The endowments of several
other prebends consisted of the great tithes of
churches, such as St. Lawrence, Lincoln, and
St. Paul, Bedford, which had - been granted or
confirmed to Remigius by William I, or which
belonged, as Caistor and Stow, to episcopal
manors.
According to the Taxatio of Pope Nicholas
the church was assessed in 1296 to about
£1,398 3s. (fn. 179) In 1536 the clear yearly value of
the appropriated churches was £247 0s. 8¾d.,
and that of the manors of Friesthorpe, Navenby,
Normanby, Glentham, Fillingham, Marton,
Ormsby, Croxton, Greet well and Scamblesby in
Lincolnshire, and Marston in Oxfordshire, held
in lay fee, was £93 18s. 7¾d. The annual
septisms of prebends were worth £74 10s. 7d.,
the vicars' estates £145 11s. 2d., and those of the
choristers £34 13s. 4½d.; pensions, oblations, fabric money, and tithes, amounted to £128 7s. 6d.
net, and the keeper of St. Peter's altar received
£20 10s. 10d. At the same date the deanery
was valued at £187 14s. 2d., and the precentorship at £8 2s. 4d., the clear yearly revenue
of the chancellor was £54 1s. 5d., that of the
treasurer £10 13s. 4d., and that of the subdean £32 12s. Of the prebends the wealthiest
at this time seems to have been Leighton
Manor whose clear value was £57 15s. 1d.;
St. Botolph's, on the other hand, was only worth
£1 a year, and Thorngate was returned as valueless. Of the others Clifton was valued at
£19 4s. 2d., South Scarle at £11, Farrendon at
£30 11s. 2d., Welton Beckhall at £5 2s. 1d.,
Welton Brinkhall at the same, Welton Ryvall
at £7 7s. 5d., Welton Painshall at £5 8s. 9d.,
Welton Westhall at £9 6s. 8d., Heydor at
£26, Corringham at £38 16s. 6d., Carlton cum
Thurlby at £17 6s. 8d., Carlton cum Dalby at
£12 15s., Sutton in the Marsh at £19, Asgarby
at £12 10s., Louth at £36 3s. 4d., Scamblesby at
£23 13s. 4d., North Kelsey at £16 10s. 2d.,
Sleaford at £11 19s. 5d., Caistor at £3 4s.,
Stowe in Lindsey at £10 19s. 1d., Norton Episcopi at £7 3s. 2d., Dunholme at £9 4s. 2d.,
Decem Librarum at £6 18s. 7d., Sexaginta
Solidorum at 60s., Centum Solidorum at £4 9s. 4d.,
Crackpole at £4 8s. 2d., All Saints Thorngate at
£4 7s. 1d., St. Martin's at 38s. 4d., Saint Cross
at £4, Empingham at £25 6s. 5d., Ketton
at £29 10s. 2d., the farm of Nassington at
£5 2s. 2½d., Leighton Ecclesia at £13 14s.,
Brampton at £26 7s. 4d., Long Stowe at
£33 2s. 2¾d., Bugden at £17 7s. 4d., Bedford
Minor at £2 16s. 6d., Biggleswade at £42 7s. 4d.,
Aylesbury at £36, and Marston at £12 5s. 6d. (fn. 180)
The value of the chantries in the cathedral as
given in the Valor was £177 16s. 5½d.; the list,
however, even for this date is very incomplete.
A register begun apparently about the year 1330
mentions the following chantries:—that of King
Edward II and Queen Isabella at the altar of St.
John the Baptist, of Hugh of Wells at the altar
of St. Hugh, of Henry de Lexington at the altar
of St. John the Baptist, of Oliver Sutton, of John
Dalderby at the altar of St. John the Evangelist,
of William de Tournay (Thornaco) at the altar
of St. Mary, of Simon de Barton, of Hugh de
Normanton, of Nicholas de Hiche, of William de
Hemingburgh, of John de Widdington, of
William de Aveton, of William son of Fulk at
the altar of St. Denis, of Peter de Hungaria (or
Hundegarde) at the altar of St. Nicholas, of
William de Thorenton and of William de la
Gare, of Henry de Beningworth at the altar of
St. John the Evangelist, of Robert de Lascy,
Richard de Rowell (or Rothwell) and Harvey of
Louth at the altar of St. Mary Magdalene, of
William de Lexington at the altar of St. Michael,
of William de Winchecumbe at the altar of St.
John the Baptist, of Ruffus called 'physicus' at
the altar of St. John the Evangelist, of deceased
bishops at the altar of St. Peter, of Richard de
Faldingworth at the altar of St. Giles, of Geoffrey
de Mawdlin, of William son of Ulf, of Gilbert
of Kent, of brethren and sisters of the canons, of
Geoffrey Pollard, of Henry de Mammesfeld in
the chapel of St. John the Baptist, of Nicholas
and Joan Cantelupe at the altar of St. Nicholas,
of Bartholomew, Henry and Robert Burghersh in
the chapel of St. Katherine, of Hugh Walmesford
at the altar of St. Giles, of Richard Whitwell at
the altar of St. Stephen, of John Bokyngham at
the altars of St. Hugh and St. Katherine, of
Walter de Stanreth at the altar of St. Andrew, of
John Gynwell at the altar of St. Mary Magdalene, of Richard Stretton and of Hervey Beck at
the altar of St. Katharine. (fn. 181) Of these that of
Nicholas de Hiche was united with those of
William Lexington and John Widdington, that
of William Aveton with those of Geoffrey Pollard,
Geoffrey Mawdlin, and William Hemingburgh,
that of Henry de Beningworth with Richard
Faldingworth's, (fn. 182) William Fulke's with Peter
de Hungaria's, Stretton's with Wolfe's, and
Stanreth's with that of Antony Goldesburgh or
Goldsmith. (fn. 183) The chantries of Dalderby, Normanton, Winchecumbe, Ruffus, deceased bishops,
brethren and sisters, Henry de Mammesfeld and
Hervey Beck do not occur again, but in the certificate drawn up prior to the dissolution of the
chantries at the beginning of the reign of
Edward VI there is mention of the chantries
of Bishop Russell, Henry Edenstow, Robert
Flemmyng and Umfraville, (fn. 184) and yet another
list of the years 1547-9 omits these and adds
the chantries of William Smith, Katherine countess of Westmorland, Thomas Alford, canon,
Agnes Cause, widow, Roger Benyson and Joan
his wife, Richard Ravenser and William Walthan, and two 'Works' chantries, sometimes called
chantries of the Fabric. (fn. 185) In addition to all these
there appear to have been chantries for the souls
of Bishops Alnwick and Longlands, of Katharine
Swyneford, and of Henry duke of Lancaster, and
others known as Swilling's, Crosby's Colynson's,
and Wellbourne chantries. (fn. 186) With the exception
of the Lancaster and Westmorland families
nearly all those commemorated were connected
with the cathedral, having been either bishops,
deans, or canons. Most of the chantries were
served by one, or sometimes two priests, but
Bishop Hugh's grant in 1234 provided for three
chaplains, a deacon, and a sub-deacon. (fn. 187) Bishop
Bokyngham made provision for two chaplains,
and, if the chantry certificate be correct, for two
poor boys to be kept at school from the ages of
seven to sixteen, (fn. 188) and the chantry founded by
Bartholomew Burghersh in 1340 appears to have
been the largest of all, being served by five chaplains, one of whom was master or warden; (fn. 189)
according to the chantry certificate six boys were
kept at school from the revenues, and at the
dissolution part of the endowment was set aside
to support additional choristers, now known as
the Burghersh chanters. (fn. 190)
A survey of the estates of the dean and
chapter 1649-50 mentions these manors in
Lincolnshire: Glentham, Fillingham, Navenby,
Normanby (2), Crosholm, Osbournby, Greetwell, Aunsby, Willingham, Southrey, Welton
Panshall, Westhall with Goringhall, Beckhall,
Brinkhall and Rivehall, Friesthorpe, Asgarby,
Scamblesby, Maltby, Caistor, Corringham and
South Scarle; also the manors of Hambledon,
Empingham and Ketton in Rutland; of Gretton, Nassington and Marston St. - Lawrence in
Northamptonshire; of Great Paxton in Hunts;
of Walton in Bucks; of Langford in Beds; of
Chesterfield in Derbyshire; and of Mansfield
and Edwinstowe in Notts. (fn. 191)
Deans of Lincoln
Ralph, 1092 (fn. 192)
Simon Bloet, c. 1110 (fn. 193)
Nigel, (fn. 194) between 1123 and 1147
Philip de Harecourt, (fn. 195) 1141
Adelelmus or Ascelinus, (fn. 196) called fourth dean,
but occurs 1163, and according to Dugdale
in 1145 and 1162
Geoffrey Kirtling, (fn. 197) or Kytlynge, c. 1169 and
1176
Richard Fitz Neale, (fn. 198) occurs 1186, became
bishop of London 1189
Haimo, (fn. 199) occurs 1189 and 1194
Roger de Roldeston, or Rolveston, (fn. 200) occurs
1200 and 1222. According to Dugdale
and Le Neve, 1195-1223
William de Tournay, (fn. 201) occurs 1225. According to Dugdale and Le Neve, 1223-39
Roger de Weseham, (fn. 202) 1239 or 1240-5
Henry de Lexington, (fn. 203) 1245-54
Richard de Gravesend, (fn. 204) 1254-8
Robert Marsh, (fn. 205) died in 1262
William de Lessington, (fn. 206) 1262-72
Richard de Mepham, (fn. 207) 1272, occurs 1274
John de Maydestun, called dean, (fn. 208) 1275
Oliver Sutton, (fn. 209) 1275-80
Nicholas Heigham, (fn. 210) occurs 1281, executors of
his will mentioned 1288
Philip Wilughby, (fn. 211) occurs 1288-1305
Joscelin de Kirnington, (fn. 212) 1305
Reymund del God, (fn. 213) or Goth, cardinal of New
St. Mary's, 1305-10
Roger de Martival, (fn. 214) 1310-5
Henry de Mammesfeld, (fn. 215) 1315-28
Anthony Bek, (fn. 216) 1328-37
William of Norwich, (fn. 217) 1337-44
John de Offord, or Ufford, (fn. 218) 1344-8
Thomas de Bredewardyn, (fn. 219) 1348-9
Simon de Bresley, (fn. 220) 1349. He died, according
to Le Neve, in 1360
John de Stretle, (fn. 221) occurs 1364; he was dead
in 1371
Simon Langham, (fn. 222) to 1376
John de Schepey, (fn. 223) 1388-1412
John Macworth, (fn. 224) 1412-51
Robert Flemyng, (fn. 225) 1452-83
George Fitzhugh, (fn. 226) 1483-1505
Geoffrey Simeon, (fn. 227) 1506-8
Thomas Wolsey, (fn. 228) 1509-14
John Constable, (fn. 229) 1514-28
George Henneage, (fn. 230) 1528-39
John Taylor, (fn. 231) 1539-52
Matthew Parker, (fn. 232) 1552-4
Francis Mallet, (fn. 233) 1555-70
John Whitgift, (fn. 234) 1571-7
William Wickham, (fn. 235) 1577-84
Ralph Griffin, (fn. 236) 1585-93
John Reynolds, (fn. 237) 1593-8
William Cole, (fn. 238) 1598-1601
Laurence Stanton, (fn. 239) 1601-13
Roger Parker, (fn. 240) 1613-29
Anthony Topham, (fn. 241) 1629-49
Michael Honeywood, (fn. 242) 1660-81
Daniel Brevint, (fn. 243) 1681-95
Samuel Fuller, (fn. 244) 1695-9
Abraham Campion, (fn. 245) 1700-1
Richard Willis, (fn. 246) 1701-21
Robert Canon, (fn. 247) 1721-2
Edward Gee, (fn. 248) 1722-30
Edward Willes, (fn. 249) 1730-43
Thomas Cheney, (fn. 250) 1744
William George, (fn. 251) 1748-56
John Green, D.D., (fn. 252) 1756
Hon. James York, D.D., (fn. 253) 1762
Robert Richardson, (fn. 254) died in 1781
Richard Cust, D.D., (fn. 255) 1782-3
Sir Richard Kaye, bart, (fn. 256) 1783-1809
George Gordon, D.D., (fn. 257) 1809-45
John Giffard Ward, 1845-60
Thomas Gamier, B.C.L., 1860
James A. Jeremie, D.D., D.C.L., 1864
Joseph William Blakesley, B.D., 1872
William John Butler, D.D., 1885
Edward Charles Wickham, D.D., 1894
The pointed oval twelfth-century chapter seal (fn. 258)
of Lincoln Cathedral ishows the Virgin, crowned,
holding in her right hand a sceptre terminating
in a flower, and with the left hand supporting
the Child seated on her knee. The Child is
of larger proportion than usual, with cruciform
nimbus, and the right hand raised in benediction;
in the left hand is an orb (?). The throne has
projecting terminals at the sides and a plain footboard.
The legend on a concave bevelled edge
runs—
✠SIGILLV CAPITVLI SANCTE MARIE
LINCOLINEN . . .
Another twelfth-century pointed oval seal (fn. 259)
shows the Virgin and Child designed in a
manner similar to the last, but more artistic,
on a carved throne; in her right hand a lily
sceptre; the Child holds in the left hand an
open book. Footboard with two small arches
below.
The legend on a concave bevelled edge runs—
SIGILLVM - CAPITVLI - SANCTE - MARIE LINCOLNIENSIS - ECCLESIE.
The N'S in LINCOLNIENSIS are reversed.
A pointed oval seal of the fourteenth century (fn. 260)
shows in a double niche, with Gothic canopy,
trefoiled arches, and open work at the sides, the
Virgin (?) holding a small model of a church, an
angel addressing her. The corbel at the base is
enriched with foliage. In the field, over the
canopy, a crescent and estoile.
. . . CAPITVLI - ECCL'IE - LINCOLR: AD: CAVSAS:
ET: NEGOCIA: NEC: NON: AD: ALIEN(ANDVM:)
The pointed oval seal of Dean William de
Tournay (fn. 261) shows the dean, full length, holding a
book.
SIGI . . . . . LELMI DE TOVRNA . . .
The letters U, R are conjoined.
The seal of Dean Roger de Weseham (fn. 262) is a
pointed oval showing the dean, full length, lifting up his hands.
✠ ROGERVS LINCOLNIENSIS ECCLESIE DECANUS.
The seal of Dean William de Lessington, (fn. 263)
also a pointed oval, shows the dean seated on a
carved seat to the right reading at a lectern.
✠ S' MAGIST[RI] WI . . . . . DE LINC . . . . .
The seal of Dean John de Stretle of 1366 (fn. 264)
represents within a carved Gothic panel, and
suspended by the strap from a forked tree, a
shield of arms: gyronny of eight, on a canton, a
covered cup, Stretle.
SIGILL': IOH'IS: DE: STRETELE: CLERICI -
The letters D, E are conjoined.
The pointed oval seal of Dean John de Schepey (fn. 265)
shows a male saint, perhaps St. John the Evangelist, enthroned, with a flight of steps and rocky
sides in the foreground. On the left an unidentified figure, full length, probably the dean,
on the right suspended by a strap from a tree
a shield of arms, the bearings obliterated by
pressure. The legend was a rhyming hexameter
verse.
SHEPEYE: DECANUM . . . . . IA: QZ: SANUM.
The pointed oval seal of Dean John Constable (fn. 266)
represents in a carved niche, with a heavy canopy
and tabernacle work at the sides, the Virgin,
holding a long sceptre, with the Child. In base
a shield of arms: quarterly 1-4 vairé, over all a
bend. Constable.
S': IOH'IS: CONSTABLE: DECANI: ECCL'IE:
LINCOLNIE.