110. [p. 136] A copy of a paper &c taken to Richard Hutton, steward of
friends' workhouse.
15 January 1723.
Loving friend, Thou art desired to acquaint John Albury that his
misbehaviour in friends' workhouse has been considered by us and that
unless we hear of a speedy amendment we shall be obliged to complain to
the committee in order that he may be turned out of the house. Also thou
mayst let the said John Albury understand that after he is turned out of
the house for his disorderly conduct therein . . . it is probable that friends
will think themselves entirely clear of him and if so, he may not expect any
relief from the monthly meeting for the future, notwithstanding necessity
and distress he may bring upon himself by his wilful, inconsiderate and
disorderly behaviour as aforesaid. And for caution thou art desired to
read this to him which he would do well to consider before it be too late.
Gilbert Molleson, George Wingfield, Richard Saunders, Phillip Storrey,
Richard Hutcheson, Nathaniel Beard, John Russell.
111. Laid out for John Wilson when sick, weak &c.
|
|
6 December 1718 |
Quarter pound chocolate |
|
10½d. |
| 12 |
Physic |
|
3d. |
| 16 |
Anastringent juleps |
|
10d. |
| 29 January 1718 [1719] |
Quarter pound chocolate |
|
10½d. |
| 5 February |
Two pounds of sugar |
1s. |
|
| 9 |
Quarter pound chocolate |
|
10½d. |
|
Cinnamon |
|
4d. |
| 16 |
One pint of claret, 9d.; quarter pound sugar, 3d. |
1s. |
|
| 25 |
Quarter pound chocolate |
|
10½d. |
| 19 March |
Half a pint of claret, 4½d.; half a pound of double refined sugar, 6d.; half an ounce cinnamon, 4d.; and 4 ounces burnt hart's horn |
|
6½d. |
| 20 |
Oysters |
|
2d. |
| 23 |
Quarter pound of chocolate |
|
10½d. |
| 26 |
Oysters |
|
3d. |
|
Conserve of roses as by receipt book, with juleps |
5s. |
|
| 6 April |
Cheese cake |
|
1d. |
| 7 |
Oysters |
|
2d. |
| 10 |
Fish |
|
2d. |
| 18 |
Oysters |
|
3d. |
| 5 May |
Conserve of roses at sundry times |
2s. |
6d. |
| 12 |
Half a pint of wine, 4½d.; double refined sugar, 6d.; and 4 ounces of burnt hart's horn |
1s. |
2½d. |
| 22 |
Half pint claret, 4½d.; quarter pound bisquits |
|
7d. |
|
Cheese cakes |
|
1d. |
| 26 |
A pint of claret |
|
9d. |
| 28 |
Quarter pound chocolate, 10½d.; bisquits 1d. |
|
11½d. |
| 7 June |
Pint and a half claret |
1s. |
1½d. |
| 9 |
Half a pound six penny sugar |
|
3d. |
| 15 |
Pint and half of claret |
1s. |
1½d. |
| 17 |
Half a pound of double refined sugar |
|
6d. |
|
Fish |
|
1½d. |
| 20 |
Quarter pound chocolate |
|
10½d. |
| 23 |
Cheese cake |
|
1d. |
| 25 |
Quarter pound bisquits, 2½d.; and cheese cake, 1d. |
|
3½d. |
|
£1 |
5s. |
10½d. |
112. [p. 138] Conserve of roses before mentioned was taken morning and
evening in red cow's milk. He had chocolate to breakfast, and having new
laid eggs in the house he had them poached &c, milk thickened with flour
or eggs, also bread pudding.
113. William Brady's accommodation
I was desired to inform any friends or others concerning the accommodation William Brady had while in this house, because several strange
reports have been spread about as if he was starved while he was here. He
was in the house betwixt two and three years, and did signify here that he
seldom has his health at home. And here also he was very often not well,
but especially in winter, when he was mostly incapable of either learning
or working. Also seemed to have a natural aversion against both,
together with a very uneasy disposition which was supposed to hinder the
child from thriving, also increase his distemper, which was concluded to
be a consumption; likewise very incident and intermitting, . . . also a
looseness, and therefore the doctor advised that he should have his own
country air.
He did no business (except a few days at school) from 30 November
1722 to 2 September 1723 which was until the time he went out of the
house. And all the said time was accommodated in the kitchen. And for
his diet, when it was thought convenient for him to eat meat, he had then
mutton, veal and pork, being a great lover of the two last, and was
esteemed very suitable for him. And sometimes he would desire roast
beef which he also very much liked and had it accordingly. And concerning the quantity of meat, he was not kept to any allowance but had it cut
till he said he had enough. In the third month of the two aforesaid years
. . . he had red cow's milk and conserve of roses the first thing in the
morning and had the same again about the fourth hour in the afternoon.
His breakfast, . . . pretty often in the winter time (or when he had his
looseness) was generally half a pint of chocolate with 4 ounces of bread
toasted and sometimes rice milk, milk pottage or mutton broth. And
having new laid eggs in the house . . . he had them sometimes poached.
And when meat was thought improper for him [p. 139] also he had milk
thickened with eggs or flour. Likewise he had bread pudding, fresh fish or
anything in reason was got that the child inclined to eat.
He had diverse times papers of bezoar powders when the fever was
upon him, also juleps and cordials when the looseness was upon him and
then his common drink was made of powder of hart's horn, cinnamon and
double refined sugar, and after his supper, the last thing when he went to
bed, he had a bit of bread toasted with a coffee dish of claret burnt with
cinnamon and double refined sugar . . . And it is not this child only, but
any in the family either old or young are accommodated in the like
manner or as their distempers, weaknesses &c, requires. What is herein
related is really matter of fact and several are now in the house that was
eye witness and can testify the truth of what is herein related, notwithstanding what may have been unfairly drawn from the child.
It hath sometimes happened that the children have been put here by
their parents whose former circumstances has been pretty good, and has
seemed as if their minds were somewhat above the good and reasonable
orders of the house, without which such a family as this cannot long
subsist. And therefore are incident to request things that cannot be
admitted or without setting ill precedents, breach of orders &c. Then
such friends have been liable to sow dissatisfaction and disrespect and
that even before their children who ought rather to have a good esteem
implanted in their minds for them who have the care over them and their
education &c. But instead of advising their children as aforesaid, such
parents have been very incident in a surmising, doubtful mind to ask their
children many questions (about their work, victuals, correction &c) and
the children can quickly discover their . . . parents' dissatisfaction,
esteeming it then a proper time to gain a point to themselves having so fair
an opportunity given. And we have observed that children have taken
liberty to report things altogether not true and that might never have been
thought on by them if they had not been led to it by the unskilfulness of
their parents.
And inasmuch as it is mostly against the natural inclination of [p. 140]
children (especially who have had much liberty) to love any less liberty
than they have been accustomed unto, and again, liberty, change and new
things are very agreeable to children, and therefore may reasonably be
concluded they may be liable to say diverse things not true in order to gain
what is so agreeable to them, especially when they find how easily they
can have an influence upon their parents as aforesaid. And things of this
nature have been a great hurt to the poor children who otherwise might
have been very easy and well content. Also has brought trouble and
exercise upon those who have the care of the children and which as
likewise, very undue, tends to the lessening of the good and plentiful
accommodation of the house.
And inasmuch as diverse bad reports have been spread about relating
to this child's accommodation as aforesaid, it was esteemed reasonable a
true state of the case should be sent, which I have done accordingly and
conclude your respectful friend.
Workhouse, 29 July 1724.
Richard Hutton, Steward
114. Esteemed friend John Tanner,
It was thought convenient that something of this nature should be sent
inasmuch as divers false reports have been spread about relating to
William Brady. Therefore, [I] desire thou wouldst please to desire friends
that the enclosed may be read in your monthly meeting in order for their
information concerning the accommodation &c of the house. So with
mine and my wife, kind love to thy self &c, I remain thy obliged friend,
Richard Hutton
Workhouse, 29 July 1724.
115. [p. 141] Memorandum, 18 July 1726.
It very much [harms] us in the managing affairs in the family when the
children's parents treat us not only with disrespect but also abusively and
that in the presence of the children, servants &c; especially when they say
they have authority for what they do or say which makes the children very
insolent, subtle & stubborn, frequently contriving to spread false reports.
And we do suppose that the children was scarce ever in general corrupted
in respect to speaking untruths, idleness, stubbornness &c (as aforesaid)
as they are now.
When there was persons in our post who proved very deficient in
qualification, trust &c, yet the committee even then esteemed it to be an
absolute necessity that the steward &c should be preserved in their
authority until they could get some more suitable in their places or else
the family might perhaps have gone into much greater confusion than it
did at that time.
It might be very convenient for every friend at his first entering into the
service of this committee to inform himself thoroughly relating to the
government of the family, the bill of fare, orders of the house &c, first
being authorised and approved us by a minute of the quarterly meeting
and the last well approved by a committee of the quarterly meeting. And
if they appear yet to be sufficient and justly administered then they who
are newly come upon the committee may with more ease reject the many
undue complaints generally made to them upon such their first entrance
by discontented parents &c and order them to come to the committee &c.
Notwithstanding the orders may be very reasonable and the bill of fare
sufficient, yet except the persons who are under you be just in administering &c you cannot safely maintain the reputation of the house.
It may therefore be well to consider whether any reasonable man (who
has perhaps many times been obliged to assert that he never gave less
than the bill of fare allows to any who can dispense with it &c) would
contract guilt upon his mind in keeping back any part of the poor's
allowance when it is not at his charge and might get much trouble and an
ill name for so doing.
116. [p. 142] Memorandum, 11 June 1726.
This day Thomas Smith having come to see his children &c walked
about a little [and] offered to go upstairs when the maid was washing
them, whom I [had] desired to come down. [I] said, he should not go into
the school, they should rather be called down, though but just gone up.
To which he replied, he would go up in spite of my teeth, and did. But the
school master locked the door, so that he saw them not till they came
down, when I told him, he brought them home but last first day, though
they ought to have come the 7th day, wherefore he little needed to have
seen them again so soon. He said, he would come to see them every day in
spite of my teeth, if he had a mind for it, for it was a public house, which in
the yard he repeated diverse times in the hearing of the servants. And was
so abusive that I told him, I ought to have a beadle to keep such disorderly
persons out of the house that such abuse might be prevented or else a
constable to keep the peace. For which he told me, I was a saucy
impudent fellow and deserved a constable myself. My wife told him, it
was on 7th days when always they were cleaning. He replied, he had
nothing to do that day. My wife told him, she thought he might spend his
time better than here, especially since he saw them so lately. He said, she
was a saucy, impudent hussy and he would come every day and see them
too, if they were alive, and said, he would take them, he could maintain
them himself, he valued none of us. He told me, I did not do my duty and
was not a Christian. I desired he would make that out. He said, because I
did not correct them myself but let that saucy slut do it, meaning Hannah
[Newton], and in an insolent manner as he had not foot under other folks'
table, and said anything [he] thought would provoke and aggravate;
threatening what he would do and much of that sort.
117. [p. 143] Memorandum, 11 June 1726.
Having while upon duty in the school understand that Thomas Smith
was below, I gave my attendance, the steward being gone out . . . When I
appeared he immediately broached a whole flood of complaints about his
sons being cruelly beaten, pretending that if they wanted an ounce or ½ of
finishing their tasks were beat for it unmercifully. And exclaimed against
the house by making it parallel to Egyptian servitude, saying, why should
they be limited to such a time for their tasks, and not take their own time.
The boy being asked if he was beat for such a thing confessed the
contrary, whereupon I took occasion to observe that his vulgar and very
abusive deportment before his own children was the readiest expedient to
lessen our authority, by preserving in them that disposition which had all
along and still would procure them more of the same. To palliate which,
he pleaded affection, but in short I should sooner have taken it to be the
spirit of gin. Then he bragged they should not stay here to be beat by that
saucy slut, meaning Hannah [Newton]. Upon which the stewardess bid
him take them just then & withal reminded him how capable [he was] of
maintaining them. To which he replied, he had as much money as she
before she came thither. And to show more of his incorrigible ill-nature in
alarming the whole neighbourhood, added, he would have every one take
their children away and let her go again to her tailoring. And all the while
pretended religion, crying out, he was ashamed . . . friends should be
guilty of such cruelty. But so little was he ashamed of his own behaviour
that all the acknowledgement we could get from him was that he had not
said or acted anything amiss, for what he said, withal threatening how he
would immediately go complain and went away.
H. [enry] E.[lbeck]
118. [p. 144] Workhouse, 24 August 1726.
Having heard that Thomas Smith denied what he said at this house on
11 June last, these may . . . [in]form any friends as occasion requires that I
heard said Thomas Smith give the abusive language in the yard to my
master, mistress &c contained in the just paper; also the abuses to my
mistress in my master's absence, written by the school master in the
second paper. And at the same time Thomas Smith denied that he had
said that it was no charity to maintain children and keep them at work and
that he could prove we made them earn their livings, though he spoke it in
our parlour when my master, mistress and I were present there and heard
him say it, and therefore esteem it not be so strange that he should deny
his unbecoming treatment now, [to] which I was an ear witness [and] was
much worse than is made appear in writing.
He spoke so loud that the tenants looked out at their windows, which
he perceiving raised his voice louder, by which it appeared he intended
they should hear him. Vaunting about in a very unbecoming manner he
seemed to lay a pretty great stress upon the authority that he had for what
he did as he then said.
He reported diverse things at friends' houses that were not true, which
tended to beget a wrong understanding in the minds of friends relating to
them who, to the best of their understanding, have . . . honestly discharged themselves in their services in [the] said house.
The children's parents coming so often to the house & showing such
disrespect, also being abusive before the children &c, has tended very
much to hurting the said children in making them tattle and hold together
in contriving false stories to make their parents uneasy, hoping thereby to
get out of the house. And things of this nature have been the cause of the
idleness, stubbornness and untractableness of the children of late. And
notwithstanding they now do so very little work to what was formerly
done, yet some parents are discontent, although the children can have
done easily by noon if diligent. If any who have the oversight of those
children will indulge them in their idle, vain minds . . . [they] may have a
very easy place in that service, also their parents' good word, though
much to the disadvantage of the children and a great [p. 145] loss to the
house in spoiling their work &c. But whoever in that place are conscientiously concerned to prevent such disadvantage as aforesaid may be
unduly treated except some good expedient be found to prevent.
The reasons of my writing this now is because in a short time I shall
leave London.
Hannah Newton, copy
119. Brewing, 27 February 1727.
An instruction for brewing for two quarters and half of malt. For the
first liquor just make it boil or just break and then cool in about one fourth
of the cold liquor. And for the second liquor make it just break and cool in
one third of the cold liquor. Mash twice for the first wort. Mash the first as
stiff as you can and for the second . . . mash as much as will make up the
length thee intends to draw. And for the small liquor thou may just make
them ready to boil and cool in one fourth of cold liquor, except the last
and make that pretty sharp.
120. [p. 146] A visit, 4 February 1727.
The friends went directly up into the workroom amongst the children
and said, here is a parcel of little creatures, poor little creatures indeed.
Oh, how they work and in their shirts too. Some of the friends held up
their hands saying, oh, poor little creatures. One of said friends who has a
grandchild in this house said to Edward (who looks after the children),
thou needs not walk with a cane under thy arm, they work in fear enough
without, and asked my wife, what was the reason that the boy had sore
hands, saying that, he had no sore hands before he came here. Also told
us that he was not grown any bigger, for she had took a measure on him
when he came into the house.
One of the friends asked, how we dressed the herring when the children
had them to dinner and how many do you give them. I heard you gave
them but one herring each. We first told the friend how we dressed them,
which they seemed to approve of very well. Then said, we gave the big
children three herrings each, and the small children two or two & an half
according to the bigness of the herrings. But the friend was not willing to
tell who it was that reported it.
The friends being with my wife talking in the workroom, . . . sent for
me. And in the meantime, when we were discoursing in the workroom,
the boys and girls went down as they had done work and some of said
children said below stairs that the friends who came to visit the house,
being in the workroom, said, oh the poor little creatures, how they work
in their shirts; they always work in fear to be sure. Also said, they were
scolding with the steward and stewardess. The servant maids also heard
of it as well as some of the rest of the family.
The child had only one sore finger when he went home, also was very
clean, decent and in good order and got the rest of the sores at home. And
esteeming ourselves obliged to say so in opposition to what was reported
and likewise our speaking a little in what condition the child was sent to
the house again with which we suppose the friend was displeased or
otherwise might have been as agreeable in her visit as the other friends.
The said friend said that, she took measure of the lad when he came into
the house and thereby she could tell that he was not grown. But we think
he has considerably, also the looks of the child may partly show whether
he is grown or not.
He has been here almost one year.
121. [p. 147] Physic, juleps, salve, ointments &c for the family:
|
|
From 29 September 1711 to 29 September 1728 |
|
10s. |
8d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1713 |
|
13s. |
10d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1714, consumptions, agues, aged &c. |
£2 |
8s. |
3d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1715, two jaundices, agues, consumption, aged &c. |
£2 |
8s. |
9d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1716, jaundice, consumption, small pox |
£1 |
15s. |
9d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1717, jaundice, small pox &c. |
£1 |
9s. |
4d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1718, looseness, convulsions &c. |
£2 |
3s. |
4d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1719, fits, consumption &c. |
£3 |
15s. |
10d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1720, rheumatism, pains &c. |
£4 |
6s. |
7d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1721, rheumatism, itch, consumption &c. |
£3 |
15s. |
5d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1722, fits &c. |
£2 |
17s. |
3d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1723 |
£3 |
13s. |
10d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1724 |
£3 |
3s. |
11d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1725, fits &c. |
£2 |
10s. |
3d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1726, fits, strangury &c. |
£1 |
7s. |
9d. |
|
Ditto to 29 September 1727, fevers, agues &c. |
£2 |
2s. |
11d. |
| Ditto to 29 September 1728, small pox, fevers, convulsions &c. |
£4 |
5s. |
|
|
£43 |
9s. |
|
£2 10s. 7d. per year.
122. [p. 148] To the committee, 1 February 1725.
Friends, Our salary in the year 1719 was £40 per year. We then applied to
the committee desiring they would advance our salary to £60 per year and
the said committee did acknowledge we did deserve it, yet desired we
would be easy with £10 per year being added to our salary at present,
esteeming it would be easier for them to advance £10 per year sometime
after, than to advance £20 at one time. So now it is near 5 years since,
therefore, [we] do hope the committee may not esteem our present
application hasty or unseasonable. The paper we gave to the committee
when we last applied was as follows:
To the committee, 8 February 1720.
Friends, It's not pleasant to use this to apply, yet think ourselves under a
necessity to let you understand that we are not thoroughly easy with our
present salary, it being now going on nine years since we came to serve the
committee and do find ourselves not worth above £5 more than when we
came into the house.
And what, with submission, we desire of the committee is that you
would please to advance our salary.
We make no private gains to ourselves unknown to you, either directly
or indirectly, but give up our whole time and understanding to serve you,
esteeming it's but our reasonable duty so to do and we have been here in
the very prime of our time.
[p. 149] And if you would please to look back and inspect the increase
of our business now to what it formerly has been, as also the trade brought
to the house with the income and gains thereon for this seven years last
past, likewise a considerable advantage accruing to the house, also to the
monthly meetings may easily appear in clothing the ancient friends and
children, though we could not have served you in this respect had we been
of other business than that which we were brought up to.
We do hope, when things as aforesaid are duly considered, our request
may not be thought unreasonable, for we intend well and endeavoured to
do accordingly and have always had a due regard in our minds to the
committee. And if we had saved considerably every year in your service
could not have been more diligent in order to make you and the family
entirely easy in all respects.
So friends, desiring we may be preserved faithfully in our trust whilst
we are in it, and you esteem us worthy thereof has been at times the
sincere desire of us who are with due respects willing to serve you in this
post. Richard and Sarah Hutton
Note: our salary are for the service of two persons.
123. [p. 150] Memorandum, to the committee about taking a steward.
In the year 1711 the committee was then in want of two in this post and
desirous that they might not be such as were necessitous persons or had
miscarried in their own circumstances, no public friend whereby they
might be drawn out of the service of the house, nor to have children or to
have many to come after them which might prove chargeable to the
house. At that time the committee seemed inclinable to conclude they
might find it difficult to procure two persons that were suitably qualified
that would give their whole time entirely to the service of the house.
Buying the wool right and getting the yarn well spun is what the
preservation, also the profit of the trade, seems to depend [on] and such
has been the difference of the trade for about 12 years last past to what it
was formerly that I could, unknown to any, have (and do suppose out of
that article only) made our salary more per year than what we now desire.
And at the same time, notwithstanding that, the trade would have
appeared very good to what it did formerly, as aforesaid.
Keeping the accounts regular and drawing out the bills, also balancing
the said accounts every quarter, likewise receiving and paying all the
debts belonging to the house requires time, care and diligence.
Clothing the family, both the aged and the youth, which is attended
with many trifling articles which cause pretty much writing, also care and
exactness in posting to each particular account in order to write out the
monthly meetings' bills.
Buying the provision and managing the family, which is somewhat
difficult, also attended with various perplexities [p. 151] as may reasonably be supposed where there are several resolute and discontented
persons to be concerned with daily.
Note: our salary is for two persons who are accountable for the whole,
and when difficulties of any kind doth attend fails not of coming to our lot.
And if this committee sees meet to comply with what is now desired,
which [we] do hope, when the aforesaid is well considered, may not be
thought unreasonable, . . . do assure you that while we continue in the
service of the house shall not desire any further advance of our salary for
the future.
Richard Hutton
124. At a committee, 13 September 1725.
The steward having some years since applied to the committee to
advance his salary to £60 per annum and now again made the like
application, this committee, in consideration of his care and pains with
respect to the trade and his wife's conduct and service in the family, do
now agree to make his salary £60 per annum to commence from the 29
instant, himself and wife having assured us that they will not at any time
hereafter ask any farther advance to said salary and that they will
continue in their service so long as they live and are able.
Present: John Plant, chairman, Richard Crafton, Junior, John
Vandewall, George De Horn, John Kitchinman, John Bull, Walter
Coleman, John Spencer, Daniel Vandewall, Thomas Paris, Cornelius
Taylor, Thomas Rhoades, John Whiting.
125. [p. 152] At a committee at the workhouse, 22 November 1714.
Present: Richard Greener, chairman, Samuel Morgan, Abraham Ford,
Henry Aldworth, Edward Burford, James Paris, John Davis, Josiah
Martin, William Walker South, John West.
Whereas Richard Hutton, the steward, and his wife have laid before
the committee the necessity of advancing their salary to £30 per year
without which they cannot well content themselves, upon consideration
the committee doth agree that £5 be given them at the end of the present
year's service besides the £20 granted as a salary; and the committee is
willing that £10 be added to the salary of £20 for the future. Copy.
126. At a committee at the workhouse, 14 February 1716.
Richard Collet, chairman, George Wingfield, Abraham Ford, William
Kight, Arthur Crossfield, Thomas Crawley, Edward Burford, Thomas
Harrison, Joseph Ingram, Samuel Morgan, John Burroughs, John West,
William Emmott, Josiah Martin, Henry Aldworth, Richard Partridge,
James Paris.
It's agreed for the future that the steward's wages be advanced to forty
pounds per annum from last quarter day. Copy.
Without my application.
127. [p. 153] At a committee at the workhouse, 8 February 1720.
Present: John Stanbery, chairman, James Swain, Daniel Gurney, James
Harle, John Russell, Thomas Harding, Daniel Vandewall, Charles Benson, William Hodgson, Thomas Underwood, John Lee, Thomas Sandon.
Agreed that the steward's wages be advanced to fifty pounds per annum
to commence from 25 December 17[blank] last. Copy.
Then was reported a bond of trust was signed by the steward to James
Harle and John Lee.
The last minute about the £60 per salary is in page 151 in this book,
backwards &c [121].
128. [p. 154] Memorandum.
Josiah Withers came 17 June 1728, which is to 25 March 1729, 40 weeks,
in which time he cost the house in provision, viz:
|
| Victuals, fire, washing, &c at 2s. 6d. per week, £5
Schooling 40 weeks at 6d. per week, £1 |
£6 |
|
|
| N.B. Rent, repairs, taxes and other incidents are not included in the above charge. |
|
|
|
| His allowance for 40 weeks diet, schooling &c at 18d. per week is £3 |
| His earnings since he came, to 25 March 1729 in 31 weeks, 3 days on 100lb. of yarn at 2½d. £1 0s. 10d. |
£4 |
0s. |
10d. |
| The house finding cards &c, Lost |
£1 |
19s. |
2d. |
129. Robert Withers came 15 July 1728, whose charge at
25 March 1729, being 36 weeks 6 days since he came at
2s. 6d. per week, £4 11s. 3d.
|
|
Schooling at 6d. per week to ditto time, 18s. 5d. |
£5 |
9s. |
8d. |
| N.B.: rent &c as above not included. |
|
|
|
| His allowance for said 36 weeks 6 days maintenance,
schooling &c. £2 15s. 3d. |
|
His earnings to 25 March 1729 since he came, being 28 weeks 3 days on 47lb. of yarn at 2½d., 9s. 7½d. |
£3 |
4s. |
10½d. |
| The house finding cards, wheels &c, lost |
£2 |
4s. |
9½d. |
130. I think the bigger of these two boys is 16 years of age and . . . when
such are taken into the house who frequently have been used to sauntering about at a loose rate &c, then parents perhaps see nothing but ruin [p.
155] to their children without restraint and some education. And it seems
to be [no] small difficulty to bring such children to any agreeable
behaviour and especially to love improvement in business which appears
not to be the design of their being sent in, by the earnest desires of their
friends, for their being pushed forward in learning &c for which they were
sent, as they say, also because they were to stay in the house but a little till
qualified, then hopes I would endeavour to get them good masters when
they should go out &c. It would scarcely be credited what trouble the man
&c who looks after such (old, wrong managed) children at work is [at]
bringing them to do the one half of that which we know well they could do
with pleasure if industrious. And if any sharpness be used to bring such
children out of bad habits as aforesaid then they complain and are uneasy
and are minded, then it doubles the difficulty of . . . getting any thing
done as usual by several of the children. And if a person who has the care
of said children's work will be as vain amongst the children as themselves
are, suffering them to spoil the work and when idle &c, throw the work
back again into the pile of wool undone. Such a man will have no
uneasiness from parents &c. I have a man now in the third year in that
service to whom I have made everything as agreeable as I could & by his
faithfulness and diligence in getting the work well done, the goods have
been got off beyond expectation, which I do conclude we have great
reason to be thankful to providence for considering the large quantity of
yarn now on hand. But now this young man is about going into the
country being quite tired, esteeming [the] perplexities he goes through at
home with said children as well as abroad about them to be hurtful to him
both in body and mind. Though in other respects he never expects a place
so agreeable, yet for the reasons aforesaid together with confinement &c
would not stay at any rate. [p. 156] And except some persons [be
employed] who will be honest and industrious and have strength of body
with a good disposition and a suitable resolution, your trade will be in
danger, which though it may please some, yet do conclude the maintaining so many little helpless children at so small an allowance as 12d. per
week, especially when provisions are at an advanced price as for a
considerable time has been and though as formerly when the children
spun more than now, and few spun it in town, yet the children's work was
reckoned at 12s. per week as may be seen in the account given in, and we
reckon the same now, and if this small income be lost, it may cause an
unexpected running out every year. There is upwards of £9 lost this
quarter, which would have been £20 or upwards could we have got all the
debts contracted this quarter ready to charge &c. And when the reputation & success which has attended the house for several years is rightly
considered doubt not but all well minded friends will desire sincerely that
it may providentially be preserved in that reputation which it has gained
& still continues amongst several men of note who desire the welfare of
said house and of friends in general though not of our society. Also that it
may not yearly diminish the stock which formerly was a considerable
discouragement to friends in general who had been at the great industry
and charge of the first settlement and was supposed to prevent legacies
being left because legacies did frequently drop in as soon as the house
increased in stock &c the said suppositions seems reasonable.
19 May 1729, or then about &c.
131. [p. 157] Memorandum, 14 June 1729.
Nathaniel Clark in the year 1712 was in a manner quite blind, which
was caused by convulsions in his eyes when a child, which yet continue,
also made the couching of his eyes (though twice) lose the desired effect.
He has for several years been very liable to be unwell and his life has been
in danger; we were likewise afraid he would not have had the use of his
feet as usual which was supposed to be the effect of the said fits.
If anything happens disagreeable to him it will soon put him out of
order, which the fits as aforesaid are supposed to be the cause of, and if
not carefully managed according to skilful advice, also supplied with
proper medicines, which have been chargeable in times past, might have
proved very uncapable of doing any business before this time.
He has been in the house near 17 years, came in at the allowance of 3s.
per week (as the ancient friends did). Held there near 2 years at 2s. 6d.
and 2s. about 4 years longer and since, to 29 September next, will be
eleven years at 1s. 8d. per week. And it is now near 6 years since he has
had £4 per year to buy him clothes for the easing the meeting's charge and
for his encouragement which we hope may tend to preserve cheerful in his
mind, which to be is supposed a great help against fits.
We had an ancient man at 4s. per week who brewed, kept the cellar
clean, drawed drink &c and another at 3s. per week who also brewed,
drawed drink &c & went errands & carried yarn & did what No. 6 does
now. And the committee allowed the diligent should have encouragement & the monthly meetings expect the poor should be serviceable in
the family which was agreeable to the directions of the great meeting, also
to the orders of the house &c, for if there were not some helpful persons
in the house how could the family subsist with the aged, blind, lame,
bedridden &c of which some have frequently been in the house belonging
to the respective monthly meetings.
132. [p. 158] London, 30 May 1683.
Dear friends, We received the letter and understand the case of the
children and also the several precedents quoted to us & also what you say
concerning the 18th of Leviticus. But you seem to take no notice of these
words in the 6th verse: Thou shall not approach to any of thy near kin.
Now, how near will the question be? The advice of friends . . . last year
was to forbear marriage till the 4th degree was out. Now you know that
father & mother is the first, brother and sister the second, their children
the third, & the children's children is the fourth, which the civil law calls
second cousins & is thereby forbidden, though not first cousins. Most
men believe that those men who . . . met to make that order never
thought first cousins would offer to marry, or else would doubtless have
forbidden the first as well as the second. So to return to the law of God,
which is expressly not to marry any near of kin, which is those of blood.
Now our sense is the blood of the kindred is not out in the sense of the
law, either of God or man, till the fourth degree be past, for in the 17th
verse there is prohibition of affinity in the third degree. [p. 159] Where
there is no blood is yet called near kindred & declared to be wickedness to
marry in that degree. So, dear friends, keep to the pure power of God,
that keeps all pure & holy, sweet and acceptable to God & answers the
life in his people by which the pure unity is preserved amongst you & the
whole body of Christ. In his power you will be able to rule the affections &
subdue them & break all snares whatsoever [that] are or may be laid for
the innocent. Inwardly & outwardly in the fellowship of his power we give
you this our tender advice & council, which you may communicate to the
young people, your children & friends concerned with you about this
matter. So, with our love to you all, from your friends in the truth.
George Fox, Leonard Fell, Robert Lodge, Stephen Crisp, James Park,
John Banks.
133. [p. 160] Bishop Tillotson in the 11th sermon of the 7th volume of
that part of his works printed after his death from page 324 to the end of
said sermon tells us:
It is an observation of Sir Edwin Sands that as children are pleased with
toys, so saith he, it is a pitiful and childish spirit that is predominate in the
contrivers and zealots of a ceremonious religion. I deny not but that very
honest and devout men may be this way addicted but the wiser any man is
the better he understands the nature of God and of religion, the further
he will be from this temper.
A religion that consists in external and little things, doth most easily
gain upon and possess the weakest minds, and whoever entertains it, it
will enfeeble their spirits, and unfit them for the more generous and
excellent duties of Christianity. We have but a finite heat, and zeal, and
activity, and if we let out much of it upon small things there will be too
little left for those parts of religion which are of greatest moment and
concernment. If our heat evaporate in externals, the heart and vitals of
religion will insensibly cool and decline.
How should we blush who are Christians, that we have not learnt this
easy truth from the gospel, which even the light of nature taught the
heathen: [. . .] the best, the surest, the most chaste and most devout
worship of the gods is that which is payed them with a pure sincere and
uncorrupt mind, and words truly representing the thoughts of the heart.
[. . .] Serve God with a pure, honest, holy frame of spirit, bring . . . a
heart that is but generously honest, and he will accept of the plainest
sacrifice.
And let me tell you that the ceremonious worship of the Jews was never
a thing in itself acceptable to God, or which he did delight in, and though
God was pleased with their obedience to the ceremonial law after it was
commanded, yet antecedently he did not desire it; but that which our
saviour saith concerning the law of divorce is true likewise of the
ceremonial, that it was permitted to the Jews for the hardness of their
hearts, [p. 161] and for their proneness to idolatry. God did not command
it so much by way of approbation as by way of condescension to their
weakness. It was because of a hardness of their carnal hearts that God
brought them unto the law of a carnal commandment as the apostle calls
it. See Psal. 51:16, 17; Jer. 7:21.
The reason why I have insisted so long upon this is to let you
understand what is the true nature of Christ's religion. [And to abate the
intemperate heat and zeal which men are apt to have for external,
indifferent things in religion.] The sacrifices and rites of the Jews were
[very unagreeable and unsuitable to] the nature of God; Psal. 50:13. Will
I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of goats? Spirits neither eat nor
drink. It was a very unsuitable way of service to kill oxen and sheep for
God, and there's the same reason of all other rites which either natural
necessity or decency doth not require . . . [Can] any man in earnest think
that God, who is a spirit, is pleased with the pompous bravery and
pageantry which affects our senses? So little doth God value indifferent
rites, that even the necessary external service of God, and outward
reverence, where they are separated from spirit and truth, from real
holiness and obedience to the indispensable laws of Christ, are so far from
being acceptable to God that they are abominable: nay [if] they be used
for a cloak of sin, or in opposition to real religion, and with a design to
undermine it. God accounts such service in the number of the most
heinous sins.
You, who spent the strength and vigour of your spirits about external
things, whose zeal for or against ceremonies is ready to eat you up, you,
who hate and prosecute one another because of these things, and break
the necessary and indispensable commands of love, as an indifferent and
necessary ceremony, go and learn what that means. I will have mercy and
not sacrifice, which our saviour doth so often inculcate, and that Rom.
14:17. The kingdom of God is not meat and drink &c. And study the
meaning of this, God is a spirit, and they that worship him, must worship
him in spirit and in truth. (fn. 1)
134. [p. 162] To fine a 30 gallon cask of strong beer or ale.
Take about 2 ounces of the finest & clearest isinglass beat or cut very
small, put it into an earthen vessel with as much vinegar (or alligar) as will
cover the isinglass. Brush it very well with a whisk twice or thrice a day till
it be quite dissolved & as it grows thick put a little more vinegar to it till it
becomes a very thick syrup, then strain through a cloth about a pint
thereof (or more if over thin), then open the bung of the cask. With a
whisk then pour in the strained isinglass, stirring it very well also & bung
the cask very close & in 24 hours your drink will be very clear . . . So in
proportion may fine any greater or less quantity, but be sure when you put
those things into the drink that you make everything so close as that you
cannot draw any at the tap without first making a vent at top, lest your
drink grow flat. Copy.
135. [p. 163] At a committee held at the workhouse of the people called
Quakers at Clerkenwell, 19 May 1729.
John Jennings reports that Jacob Harvey Esq. is ready to pay the
remainder of Elizabeth Clay's legacy left to this house. The steward is
ordered to receive the same and give him a receipt as usual.
Received the [blank] of July 1729 of Mary Harvey, wife of Jacob
Harvey Esq., executor to Elizabeth Clay's deed, the sum of twenty eight
pounds seven shillings & six pence, which together with the sum of twenty
eight pounds received 23 January 1724 & the sum of seven pounds ten
shillings received 12 August 1726 (for which two last sums receipts have
been already given) make the sum of sixty three pounds, seventeen
shillings & six pence, being in full of a legacy left by the said Elizabeth
Clay to the workhouse at Clerkenwell belonging to the people called
Quakers. I say, received for the use & by order of the committee of the
said workhouse.
By me, Richard Hutton.
136. [pp. 164-6. A rough draft of a paper discussing conditions in the
house, Hutton's problems with various residents, and offering possible
solutions to those problems. See 141.]
137. [p. 167] N.B.: from 25 March 1717 to 25 March 1719
From No. B (fn. 2)
|
|
Day |
Month |
Year |
Page |
Ch[il]d |
Week[s] |
Earned |
Gained |
| 24 |
June |
1717 |
396 |
34 |
8 |
£13 |
12s. |
£23 |
7s. |
6d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
397 |
39 |
9 |
£17 |
11s. |
£28 |
8s. |
9¾d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
399 |
40 |
8 |
£16 |
|
£35 |
6s. |
3¼d. |
| 25 |
March |
1718 |
438 |
33 |
9 |
£14 |
17s. |
£32 |
13s. |
11¾d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
439 |
30 |
8 |
£12 |
|
£24 |
16s. |
2¾d. |
| 29 |
Sept.... |
|
483 |
29 |
9 |
£13 |
1s. |
£27 |
7s. |
6d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
497 |
34 |
8 |
£13 |
12s. |
£24 |
18s. |
10d. |
| 25 |
March |
1719 |
104 |
33 |
9 |
£14 |
17s. |
£14 |
10s. |
10¼d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
140 |
33 |
8 |
£13 |
4s. |
£19 |
1s. |
2½d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
152 |
41 |
9 |
£18 |
9s. |
£36 |
14s. |
5¾d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
160 |
34 |
8 |
£13 |
12s. |
£28 |
11s. |
7½d. |
| 25 |
March |
1720 |
167 |
37 |
9 |
£15 |
3s. |
£23 |
8s. |
6d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
176 |
36 |
8 |
£14 |
8s. |
£22 |
4s. |
8d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
180 |
43 |
9 |
£19 |
7s. |
£41 |
8s. |
11½d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
196 |
47 |
8 |
£18 |
16s. |
£54 |
0s. |
6d. |
| 25 |
March |
1721 |
201 |
40 |
9 |
£18 |
|
£32 |
14s. |
7d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
226 |
45 |
8 |
£18 |
|
£39 |
8s. |
8¼d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
236 |
51 |
9 |
£22 |
19s. |
£56 |
15s. |
|
| 25 |
December |
|
264 |
57 |
8 |
£22 |
16s. |
£56 |
9s. |
10d. |
| 25 |
March |
1722 |
275 |
50 |
9 |
£22 |
10s. |
£20 |
17s. |
0½d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
304 |
50 |
8 |
£20 |
|
£38 |
5s. |
5d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
311 |
58 |
9 |
£26 |
2s. |
£56 |
0s. |
3d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
321 |
56 |
8 |
£22 |
8s. |
£55 |
9s. |
6½d. |
| 25 |
March |
1723 |
302 |
47 |
9 |
£21 |
3s. |
£46 |
11s. |
3½d. |
| From No. C (fn. 2)
|
| 24 |
June |
|
121 |
44 |
8 |
£17 |
12s. |
£49 |
0s. |
8¼d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
134 |
42 |
9 |
£18 |
18s. |
£55 |
12s. |
1½d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
137 |
37 |
8 |
£14 |
16s. |
£45 |
5s. |
0¾d. |
| 25 |
March |
1724 |
143 |
34 |
9 |
£15 |
6s. |
£41 |
8s. |
1¾d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
148 |
29 |
8 |
£11 |
12s. |
£31 |
16s. |
1d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
153 |
31 |
9 |
£13 |
19s. |
£42 |
12s. |
11¼d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
160 |
32 |
8 |
£12 |
16s. |
£39 |
14s. |
8¼d. |
| 25 |
March |
1725 |
163 |
34 |
9 |
£15 |
6s. |
£28 |
17s. |
6d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
173 |
38 |
8 |
£15 |
4s. |
£31 |
14s. |
|
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
190 |
41 |
9 |
£18 |
9s. |
£45 |
14s. |
9d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
203 |
44 |
8 |
£17 |
12s. |
£43 |
16s. |
5½d. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
£593 |
17s. |
£1295 |
4s. |
1¼d. |
138. [p. 168] From No. D (fn. 3)
|
|
Day |
Month |
Year |
Page |
Ch[il]d |
Week[s] |
Earned |
Gained |
| 25 |
March |
1726 |
203 |
42 |
9 |
£18 |
18s. |
|
£32 |
9s. |
1d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
217 |
43 |
8 |
£17 |
4s. |
|
£24 |
2s. |
4½d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
247 |
48 |
9 |
£21 |
12s. |
|
£38 |
10s. |
9¼d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
250 |
48 |
10 |
£24 |
|
|
£31 |
4s. |
3d. |
| 25 |
March |
1727 |
259 |
49 |
9 |
£22 |
1s. |
|
£29 |
15s. |
4½d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
252 |
51 |
6 |
£15 |
6s. |
|
£22 |
0s. |
1½d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
129 |
54 |
11 |
£29 |
14s. |
|
£30 |
19s. |
10¼d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
119 |
54 |
10 |
£27 |
11s. |
10d. |
£34 |
18s. |
0¼d. |
| 25 |
March |
1728 |
123 |
55 |
10 |
£27 |
10s. |
|
£25 |
0s. |
7d. |
| 24 |
June |
|
130 |
56 |
8 |
£22 |
8s. |
|
£32 |
15s. |
6¾d. |
| 29 |
Sept. |
|
145 |
57 |
11 |
£31 |
7s. |
|
£34 |
16s. |
4¼d. |
| 25 |
December |
|
149 |
55 |
10 |
£27 |
10s. |
|
£30 |
4s |
4d. |
| 25 |
March |
1729 |
158 |
52 |
9 |
£23 |
8s. |
|
£25 |
15s. |
10¾d. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
£308 |
9s. |
10d. |
£392 |
12s. |
7d. |
| Brought forward |
£593 |
17s. |
|
£1295 |
4s. |
1¼d. |
|
£902 |
6s. |
10d. |
£1687 |
16s. |
8¼d. |
| gained |
£1687 |
16s. |
8¼d. |
|
|
|
| earned |
£902 |
6s. |
10d. |
|
|
|
| years-12 |
£2590 |
3s. |
6¼d. |
|
|
|
139. [p. 170: there is no page 169.] A physician communicates this well
experienced recipe for destroying bugs, with which he entirely cleared his
own beds &c five years ago, and has told it to scores of families since, who
have all found the same effects by it and never saw a bug afterwards.
Take of the highest rectified spirit of wine (viz. camp spirits that will
burn all away dry, and leave not the least moisture behind[)] half a pint;
newly distilled oil or spirit of turpentine, half a pint; mix them together
and break into it, in small bits, half an ounce of camphor, which will
dissolve in it in a few minutes. Shake them well together, and with a
sponge, or a brush dipped in some of it, wet very well the bed or furniture
wherein those vermin harbour or breed, and it will infallibly kill and
destroy both them and their nits, although they swarm ever so much. But
then the bed or furniture must be well and thoroughly wet with it, (the
dust upon them being first brushed and shook off) by which means it will
neither stain, or soil, or in the least hurt the finest silk or damask bed.
That is, the quantity here ordered of this curious, neat, white mixture
(which costs about a shilling) will rid any one bed whatsoever, though it
swarms with bugs. Do but touch a live bug with a drop of it and you will
find it to die instantly . . .
140. [p. 171] Having thus at large shown, both from the reason of things
and from the practice of men, that the nature or essence of sin consists in a
man's suffering himself to be drawn away by the enticements of some
appetite, passion or interest, to do what he is sensible is not in itself fit and
right, nor agreeable to the will and laws of God; the inference I shall now
proceed to draw from this doctrine are briefly as follows:
1st. If every man is then only tempted to sin when he is drawn away of
his own lust and enticed, the first evident inference from hence is that
made by the apostle himself in the words preceeding my text: let no man
say, when he is tempted, I am tempted of God. In the reason of things and
in the nature of a moral government over the world, there must be proper
trials of obedience and disobedience; which the goodness of God does not
oblige him to remove because without such trials God's government of
the world could not be at all a moral government over rational creatures.
But God never tempts any man with design to draw him into sin. Nor will
He suffer men to be tempted above what they are able. But will, with the
temptation, also make a way to escape, that they may be able to bear it. 1
Cor. 10:13.
2d. No man can, with just reason, lay the blame of his vices upon that
nature wherein God has created him, or upon those frailties he may be
supposed to have derived from his first parents. For men are not
accountable for the appetites of nature, nor for its infirmities any further
than they suffer their own wills to be drawn away irregularly, contrary to
the reason of things and to the laws of God.
3rd. No man can justly excuse his own wickedness by alleging that he
was tempted by the devil. For the devil has no power to tempt men . . .
otherwise than as wicked men tempt one another, by suggesting to them
the allurement of pleasure and profit. Judas was covetous and a thief,
Joh. 12:16, before Satan entered into him to betray his Lord for money.
[p. 172] Ananias' crime likewise, Acts v. 3, was not extenuated, but
aggravated, by his suffering Satan to fill his heart with deceitfulness and
fraud. The prince of the power of darkness, Eph. 11:12, is a spirit that
worketh only in the children of disobedience. And the strong delusion
that permits him to send upon the world is nothing but the deceivableness
of unrighteousness in them that love not the truth, but the devil & who
give not place in Him. By yielding to sin He will flee from them, Joh. 4:7,
Eph. 4:26, 27, 1 Pet. 5:9. And whosoever keepeth himself, that is guards
himself against sin, we know that the wicked one toucheth him not, Joh.
14:30. And of every sincere mind it may in proportion be said in a lower
degree, that he finds in it nothing to lay hold upon. This was the security
of Abraham. His own heart was perfect with God. And had God in that
case permitted Satan to deceive him, where there was not corrupt
disposition in his own heart, the deceit had been inevitable, and Satan in
that circumstance had not been Satan, but an instrument only in the hand
of providence. And the security of every good man is in proportion the
same. God will not suffer him to be tempted above what he is able, nor to
be deceived where he is not drawn away of his own lust and enticed.
Clark 8th vo-35 page.
141. [p. 173] Our last bill of fare, made in the year 1713 & 1714,
considerably exceeds the former bill of fare in quantity, also in goodness
of the provisions. And some time afterwards the trade of the house was
better than formerly it had been and it was not long after before legacies
began to drop in more than usual so that the house began to increase in
stock, which was soon known abroad and was very agreeable to many
friends who knew it or heard of it. But this did not long please all, for in
the first place when our family heard of it I was told by some of them and
in a very untoward and reflecting manner, saying, we hear that the house
begins to save money by the poor, also said, that friends gave not their
money to the house with that intent but it was in order that it might be laid
out upon the poor to comfort them, and not to be hoard up &c. And in a
small time afterwards these kind of reflections was heard abroad relating
to pinching the poor and overworking the children &c and that thereby
the house saved money every year as aforesaid. These things are
observed to show that notwithstanding the provision may be ever so
good, and the allowance plentiful yet if our stock increase several of the
poor have been liable to conclude that they have not been well used &c,
likewise dissatisfaction too frequently appears in the children's parents
&c. And it is observable that while there are reporters at home also
hearers and encouragers of reports abroad, the house may be liable to be
injured in its reputation.
[p. 174] And it has likewise been observed that some of our society who
may not have been altogether so agreeable or skilful in their sentiments
relating to managing affairs of this nature and notwithstanding that, have
been incident to be displeased if their requests or proposals are not
complied with and before such who have for several years sincerely &
industriously laboured for the good of the house. And through the
goodness of providence said house has generally in the most difficult
times been favoured with many who have been skilful, industrious and
hearty friends to it as aforesaid. But with submission it may notwithstanding this still be feared that while there may [be] a disagreeable and
discontented family at home, also too many more incident to hear and
give credit to bad reports a reasonable consideration, so . . . thereby the
reputation of the house may be lessened.
Hitherto a remedy has not been found to prevent the aforesaid
disadvantages which appear so evident that it need no proof because the
house has and still doth suffer thereby. But if . . . an agreeable understanding could be come into which might find out a means to accomplish
so good an end, [it] might possibly produce these good effects, viz:
thankfulness and content in the family, the interest and reputation of the
house, also more quietness of mind to such who . . . may have the care or
managing the affairs of it &c.
To keep in good order a family made up partially of men and women
who are aged and too liable to be discontent, also boys and girls whose
parents or other relations . . . has and yet may give much uneasiness,
seems to be very [p. 175] difficult to keep in good order as just now
observed.
To prevent or somewhat amend the aforesaid disorders which yet may
and it's to be feared has been some disadvantage to the house already as
aforesaid and in order thereunto it seems, with submission, absolutely
necessary to have persons to serve the committee in this trust and
government of said house who ought to be such who may be confided in.
And when the committee together with the monthly meetings do conclude that they have conscientious persons to serve the committee in their
trust who are just not with respect to the committee only, but to the poor
of the family also, because doing right by the poor has generally by some
been the matter in question.
When the meetings as aforesaid do conclude that they have such
persons in this post as may be depended on as such who manage with as
much prudence as they are capable, also with regard to justice in their
trust in all respects, may it then seem agreeable to the monthly meetings
to unanimously discourage such weak and unskilful persons as aforesaid,
who by hearing reports give encouragement to the reporters not considering how indirect it is for reports to be brought to them who are persons
altogether unconcerned when at the same time it is the care, also practice,
of each monthly meeting to choose suitable friends for their representatives in the committee before whom all complaints may be laid heard and
if just, redressed, under whose care it is to visit the house to see that things
be kept in good order and may be thereby capable to give quarterly or
monthly meetings an account thereof as occasions may require in order to
preserve a good understanding betwixt the said meetings and the house.
[p. 174: page numbers 174 and 175 are repeated in the original
pagination.] And if the said meetings might esteem it convenient to be
very hearty in discouraging such who may incline to hear reports by
renewing general cautions in the monthly meetings &c from one time to
another when reports are spread abroad, it may be a means to discourage
such who may be incident to report what may be told them, and that
before the persons who may be the subject of such reports are inquired of
to know whether they are true or not. And though it may be hoped that
there may be many friends who mind not such reports, yet it may
reasonably be supposed that diverse honest friends who may like the
house very well have been imposed on and made very uneasy thereby.
And if such things could be amended do hope that it might make the
family more settled easy and thankful and consequently thrive better in
body and mind.
And when the reputation of the house is thoroughly settled and
carefully kept up from time to time, notwithstanding the false reports or
evil surmisings which hath hitherto been, it may yet be hoped that for the
future the monthly meetings may not have so much labour and exercise in
prevailing with their poor to accept of so plentiful a maintenance but
rather to advise or admonish them to walk worthy of so comfortable a
provision that may fitly be compared to an estate which they can neither
spend nor lose.
142. [pp. 175-7. A selection of accounts covering clothing, victualling,
profit and loss, and legacies for selected years between 1718 and 1732.]
143. [p. 178] 1721.
Ed. H. Said thou and thy wife are brave folks indeed, and much valued.
This great undertaking has had great success under your management.
Providence has wonderfully blessed your endeavours, and though some
of the most noted amongst friends (named several) very much exerted
themselves in managing said affair, but had not the desired success and
that it should take such a happy turn in your hands seems very remarkable, which makes you at present esteemed much.
But notwithstanding in process of time you may expect that there may
kings rise up that knew not the affliction of Joseph and then perhaps your
labours may not be much more valued than ours who took much pains
though had not the desired success.
144. [p. 179] For weak eyes.
Take a new laid egg while it's warm and boil it hard that the yolk may be
clear separated from the white. Then take a clean cloth & put the white of
the egg in it (and let none of the yolk be in it). Then with clean washed
hands squeeze it pretty hard & there will come out of the white about a
spoonful of water, if it be right done. Then drop two or three drops of that
water into each eye at night in bed & one hour before the person rises in
the morning & at noon if the sight be very weak. Always observing to
keep the eyes shut half an hour after the drops is put in. In cold weather
the drops must be a little warm (because all cold things are hurtful to weak
eyes). Put as many of the [drops] as will be used at one time into a clean
spoon & hold it towards a clear fire till the cold is just off. Keep the egg
water in a cool place in hot weather & when it begins to alter in the smell,
get fresh & use the old no more because the old will do harm. The best
way to drop it into the eye is with a pigeon feather, they being small at the
end.
Be careful never to use it if it be not sweet & no egg will do but one that
is new laid and warm.
145. [p. 180] As the just performance of every office in a community
ought to be not only the chief subject of their consideration who are
deputed thereto but also managed according to the direction of the
dispensing power, so it is but reasonable and just that they should in cases
of difficulty have recourse to that authority whereunto they are
accountable.
Seeing therefore that [the] grappling circumstances the house now
struggles under for her reputation require your weightiest thought, I shall
give you herein a detail of her present grievances, and with submission to
your judgement what dangerous consequences, in my apprehension, may
of all probability attend the toleration and indulgence of their authors.
But as my time in your service has not been long so perhaps it may not
be productive of as many specimens of ingratitude and discontent as that
of some others before me, yet I am of opinion I can upon the challenge
meet them with uncommon instances of both, though indeed the plurality
of your pensioners may indifferent be excepted from either, provided
they have the utmost stretch of that liberty that your orders allow them.
But in consideration of the privileges providence has here possessed them
of under so just an administration no wonder the actions express the last
degree of thankfulness and peaceable behaviour, the contrary whereof
has of late been too much the unhappiness of some and still is, but
especially amongst the women whose mutual jars and contention sufficiently tell us how insensible they are of the good design of those
accommodations where with they might spin out a happy old age.
[p. 181] I need not here put the affront upon your memories to produce
every example of misconduct hinted at, the various writings already laid
before you giving sufficient proof thereof.
But to come to the subject of all our hardships, the great and most
palpable grievance which now seems to crave your attention is the
unnecessary communication of parents with children at the house . . .
1. How unnecessary it is (no extraordinary occasion as sickness &c
requiring it) I am of opinion you will not long be unsensible, not only at
the expense of your trade but the reputation of every important service in
the family unless remedied by your unanimous endeavours. For the time
of their going home with the two-fold learning and moderate exercise,
privilege of their education, considered . . . they doubtless are unparallel
with many in the circumstances. Nay this I know, that many children and
young men of much better fashion than this house generally affords have,
do and doubtless will, live at such a distance from their parents as not to
see them some years together during which abdication they have
approved themselves more manly and studious than whilst under the
caresses of an unweaned and frivolous affection. And should these
maintained on your charity claim greater indulgence than they? Nay, they
have it and are not content . . . which is . . . [considered] really unpardonable . . . [by] all our modern [p. 182] as well as ancient masters of
education. For we cannot place these who must expect a livelihood from
their own labour and industry on an equal level with those who [have] the
advantage of a more liberal education.
2. The sad consequence of such communication have doubtless been too
notorious to escape your notice wholly. For as there is in all children a
propensity to endure no restraint, evade their known duty & readily . . .
to embrace any means for that very purpose, so by the success we are eye
witnesses they have, we are certain their parents contribute no little to the
strengthening that disposition, giving ear to their partial tittle-tattle
against your servants and the quibbling and false reports of their work
&c, which with their own abusive and unmannerly treatment of us and the
contempt they have shown of the house has been enough to pattern them
into their disorder; for what can teach them readier than example. Nor
must it be here omitted that such children as at their first coming have
been modest and well inclined (though they have had no parents living or
such as were orderly and respectful) have notwithstanding our
endeavours to the contrary been exampled into the same practices.
Besides who can pass by those dangerous habits of spoiling or neglecting
their work. They is faithful in your service without reasonable resentment
though it be to the hazarding their reputation, for diverse there are and
not of the meanest sort who being too [p. 183] credulous have through
partial information been beguiled with prejudice against our
management.
Another misfortune attends this undue treatment we have often put up
with, which has within the verge of my short time been too obvious, is that
servants, apprentices &c hearing and seeing their master and mistress so
contemptuously and lightly treated and the house abused without any so
much as formal censure passed upon their repeated insults - having by
. . . some buddings of ill manners already shown how far they copy after
them. Nay, can't it be expected that they who ought to be so immediately
under the dictate and regard of their governors as apprentices &c can pay
that due respect and deference to them, when they themselves see such
flagrant instances of abuse . . . still continued as if unresented.
But considering the many workhouses now in the city and suburbs
partly upon the same business with yours you will find such disorders
strike at the very root of her reputation.
So that not only the support of us in our respective duties as well as the
reformation of manners but also the very basis of your establishment now
requires your speedy succour which in my apprehension you cannot
contribute to until all communication of parents with children at the
house be entirely cut off (except in case of sickness or the like) by a firm
order to the contrary.
And as you have formerly succeeded well in the removal of many
grievances, so now we hope our joint endeavours to preserve that
harmony and concord which . . . [p. 184] together with your concurrence
is the best means to accomplish the design, will not now fall short of equal
success against this last struggle and ultimate effort of common assailants.
1728
Henry Elbeck.
146. To the committee, 24 January 1732.
Friends, I desire you would please to take into consideration some
methods as you may think fit about a new bill of fare or otherwise that
there may for the future be no reflection cast upon the plentiful provision
of the house, which may prove a great disadvantage to it, especially if any
of your own members should appear dissatisfied in that respect. Besides
the hard censures I and especially my wife may be liable to, having the
managing said house under you, . . . we cannot possibly be easy except
you & the family are easy also, which always was great satisfaction to us,
who desired to make you and the family easy, esteeming it but our
reasonable duty.
Richard Hutton
147. [p. 185] At a committee, 9 October 1727.
Present Thomas How, Robert Deeklair, George De Horn, Robert
Sherrwin, Thomas Rhoades, John Jennings, Thomas Paris, John Plant,
Josiah Fooks, Richard Crafton, Thomas Baskervill, Thomas Reynolds.
This committee having frequent complaints of the great inconveniency of
the children running away from this house and thereby taking the
opportunity of telling diverse notorious lies to the prejudice of the same
and scandalizing the government thereof, this committee therefore
resolve it shall be a standing rule not to allow the steward to receive again
any such child till the monthly meeting to which the child belongs request
it. Copy.
148. At a committee, 17 April 1732.
John Barnard, John Gopsill, William Howard, Richard Robins,
Benjamin Bell, William Cakly, Thomas Rhoades, Jacob Bell, John
Jennings, Edward Wood, Anthony Neat, Jacob Foster, Thomas How,
Cornelius Taylor.
It appearing to this committee that diverse reports have been spread of
severity used by the steward and other servants in this house and on
examining said reports they appear groundless, this committee therefore
desires the members of it to discourage such reports as much as in their
power. And when any complaints are made to them, to direct said
complainers to attend the next committee in order to have . . . [p. 186] the
said complaints heard and justly determined. This with the cautionary
minute of 4 December 1727 to be continued to be read to every new
member. Copy.
149. [p. 187. An account of money earned and gained from the manufacture of mop yarn between 1717 and 1725.]