HOUSE OF AUGUSTINIAN CANONS
THE ABBEY OF NORTON
The priory of St. Mary at Norton, which was elevated
to the status of an abbey at the end of the 14th
century, (fn. 1) was not originally established at Norton but
at neighbouring Runcorn. William FitzNeal, constable
of Chester and baron of Halton, established a community of Augustinian canons within sight of his castle
of Halton about 1115; he said in his foundation
charter that he was acting at the suggestion of Robert
de Limesey, bishop of Chester, and with the consent of
Richard, earl of Chester. (fn. 2) The canons for the new
foundation may have come from Bridlington priory
(Yorks. E.R.) which had been founded by a cousin of
William FitzNeal and of which William himself was a
benefactor. (fn. 3) The church of the new priory at Runcorn
was to be dedicated to St. Mary and St. Bertelin and
this unusual double dedication suggests that there was
already a church or chapel dedicated to the popular
local saint on which the new community was to be
based. (fn. 4) The canons did not, however, remain at
Runcorn long enough to put up any new buildings and
in 1134 the community was moved to Norton by
William, the founder's son. The move may have been
prompted by strategic considerations on the part of the
patron but, since it was said to have been at the request
and on the advice of Bishop Roger de Clinton, it was
more likely to have been because the canons wanted a
larger and healthier site. (fn. 5) The new priory church at
Norton was not completed by the death of William the
Constable and his successor, Eustace FitzJohn, gave
pasture for 100 sheep to Hugh of Keckwick on
condition that he finished the church in every part
according to the first foundation of William FitzNeal. (fn. 6) The church was dedicated to St. Mary alone
although there seems to have been a later association
with St. Christopher, an appropriate dedication in
view of the proximity of the site to the Mersey. (fn. 7)
William FitzNeal endowed his foundation at Runcorn generously. In addition to the church at Runcorn
he gave it six churches: Great Budworth, Pirton
(Oxon.), Burton on Stather (Lincs.), Castle Donington
(Leics.), and Kneesall and Ratcliff upon Soar (Notts.).
He granted it tithes from the mills at Castle Donington, Ratcliff upon Soar, Kneesall, and Ollerton and
part of the tithes from his manors of Barrow, Guilden
Sutton, Stanney, Raby, and Staining (Lancs.). The
income from the tithes formed over half the total
revenues of the house in 1535. (fn. 8) FitzNeal also gave the
canons 800 a. of land in Clifton (nr. Runcorn), Halton, Thelwall, Widnes (Lancs.), Staining (Lancs.), and
Castle Donington (Leics.); the mills at Halton and
Barrow and a quarter of the mill at Ratcliff upon Soar;
half his fisheries at Halton and Thelwall; rights of
common at Halton and at Appleton and Cuerdley in
his lordship of Widnes; a house in Halton and another
in Chester. (fn. 9) When the priory was moved the canons
were given the manor of Norton in exchange for seven
ploughlands in Staining, Runcorn, and Clifton but
William the Constable added nothing to his father's
original endowment. (fn. 10) Two of William FitzNeal's tenants made grants to the house at the same time as their
lord: Thurstan gave two-thirds of the demesne tithes
of his manor of Sutton (in Prescot, Lancs.) and Hugh,
son of Odard gave land between Runcorn and Weston
and, with his brother Gilbert, a mill at Walton between Keckwick and Warrington. (fn. 11) Hugh and Gilbert
were ancestors of the Dutton family which became
closely associated with the priory; Hugh's grandson,
Hugh of Dutton, made further grants to the canons at
the end of the 12th century and another grandson,
Adam of Dutton, gave them his salt house in Northwich and reached an agreement with them over lands
which they had acquired at Stockham next to his
manor of Sutton Weaver. (fn. 12) The canons acquired some
further grants of lands and rents from other tenants of
the barons of Halton, such as Wrono Punterling who
gave them his mill at Millington. (fn. 13) The Aston family
probably gave them lands and rents in Aston by Sutton
which they held at the dissolution. (fn. 14) They seem, however, to have received fewer benefactions from lesser
landowners than was usually the case with Augustinian houses, possibly because the original endowment
was generous. (fn. 15)
The building of the church and conventual buildings
occupied the early years at Norton. The canons, who
lived in temporary huts, (fn. 16) were freed from tolls and the
burdens of hospitality by Ranulph II, earl of Chester. (fn. 17)
The size of the community apparently increased
c. 1200: archaeological evidence suggests that the
church and the cloisters were then enlarged and the
first canons in Robert of Lathom's foundation at
Burscough (Lancs.) probably came from Norton. (fn. 18)
Little is known about the state of the community in the
13th century, apart from some legal proceedings concerning its churches, (fn. 19) but there are some indications
that it was healthy. (fn. 20) In 1236 a fire destroyed the
church and cloister but both were rebuilt more elaborately. (fn. 21) The church was becoming a popular burial
place (fn. 22) and William de Warenne, sixth earl of Surrey,
gave the canons a rent of 30s. a year from lands in
Sowerby (Yorks.) to maintain a pittance for the soul of
his niece, Alice, who was buried at Norton. (fn. 23) The
possession of a miracle-working cross (fn. 24) must have
increased the popularity of the house and some further
building works were undertaken in the years around
1300: the chapter house was extended, the dormitory
range enlarged, a new chapel for burials built between
the chapter house and presbytery, and a mosaic floor
laid in the church. (fn. 25) There is no evidence that the
building works were financed by substantial new
endowments although the patronage of the Dutton
family was continued by a grant of land in Newton (in
Preston) by Peter of Dutton in 1290. (fn. 26)
There are signs from the early 14th century that the
house was short of money, possibly as a result of the
ambitious building operations. In 1310 reports that
the prior had been wasting the goods of the house
caused Bishop Walter Langton to appoint two canons
as co-adjutors with the prior in its governance and in
the following year a visitation was ordered. (fn. 27) The
bishop showed his continuing interest in Norton's
affairs by invalidating the election of 1329, although
he confirmed the choice of the canons. (fn. 28) In the 1320s
the rent from Sowerby proved difficult to collect. (fn. 29) In
1331 the house, which was damaged by flooding, was
licensed by the king to acquire lands worth £10 a year
and also secured the appropriation of its church of
Castle Donington. (fn. 30) The priors then became involved
in several legal disputes in their attempts to protect
their rights of patronage and secure the payment of
arrears of revenues; on one occasion the help of the
Black Prince was sought in a dispute with Thomas
Dutton. (fn. 31) There is little other evidence to support the
later tradition that the Black Prince was a great
benefactor of the house, apart from his purchase of its
wool, and in 1354 the prior complained that the
spiritualities of the house had been assessed for the fine
of 5,000 marks granted to the prince. (fn. 32) The financial
problems of the house evidently reached a crisis in the
mid 14th century. In 1357 Bishop Northburgh
admonished the prior for entering into rash and illegal
contracts (fn. 33) which were beggaring his house,
threatened to remove him from office, and enjoined on
him certain measures to relieve the house of debt. (fn. 34) In
response the prior and canons petitioned the bishop
for permission to sell the advowson of the church of
Ratcliff upon Soar to a magnus reverendus. (fn. 35) In 1358
the advowson was granted to John Winwick, treasurer
of York Minster, and the house quitclaimed a pension
of 13s. 4d. from the church in return for a yearly rent
of 40s. from Winwick's manor of Little Burgh in
Lonsdale. (fn. 36)
The first evidence of the size of the community is
found in 1379 and 1381 when there were 15 canons
including the prior; in 1401 the community numbered
16 and included a prior, subprior, infirmarer, cellarer,
almoner, sacristan, and steward. (fn. 37) The house was over
twice the size of the larger Augustinian houses in
Staffordshire, including Rocester which ranked as an
abbey and had only six canons in 1377. (fn. 38) Possibly the
size of the community encouraged the prior and
convent, with the support of their patron, John of
Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, holder of Halton honor, (fn. 39)
to petition Pope Boniface IX for the grant of abbatial
status. In May 1391 when Norton became the fifteenth
Augustinian abbey in England the pope permitted the
first abbot and his successors to use the mitre, ring,
pastoral staff, and other pontifical insignia; in 1395
the new abbot presided over the Chapter of Augustinian canons held at Northampton. (fn. 40) In an attempt to
increase the revenues of the new abbey a further papal
indult was obtained in 1399 to replace the vicars of the
churches of Runcorn, Great Budworth, Pirton, Burton
on Stather, and Castle Donington, on death or resignation, by canons from Norton. (fn. 41) Probably at that period
the church was again enlarged by adding a north aisle
to the nave and a Lady chapel to the east end and by
building further chapels off the north and south transepts. (fn. 42) The church and buildings were, however, said
to be ruinous in 1429 and the revenues of the house,
which had been diminished by the frequent flooding of
the Mersey, hardly sufficed to meet the costs of
hospitality; a papal indulgence was offered for the next
ten years to those who visited Norton and contributed
to the cost of repairs. (fn. 43) Little more is known of the
abbey's finances in the 15th century but a lawsuit over
Aston chapel in 1453 and the sale of the advowson of
the church of Grappenhall in 1458 and that of
Kneesall in the following year indicates a crisis in the
finances of the house. (fn. 44)
No visitation records survive for Norton before the
early 16th century but there are some indications of
the nature of life there in the later Middle Ages. The
names of the canons which occur in ordination registers suggest that most came from places near-by, (fn. 45)
although there is some evidence of movement between
houses: in 1356 a canon who had transferred to
Norton from Leicester Abbey was walled up as an
anchorite in the churchyard of St. John's, Chester, and
in 1423 Adam Olton, formerly a canon of Norton,
became master of the hospital of St. Anthony of
Vienne in London. (fn. 46) The vigorous rule of Richert
Wyche, the last prior and first abbot, occasionally
brought him into conflict with the law: in 1369 six of
his servants seized a woman at Moore and she was
imprisoned in the priory until she paid to regain her
liberty; in 1384 the prior was accused of harbouring
one of his canons who was said to have stolen cattle
from the priory and in 1388 the prior himself was
accused of obstructing boats in the Mersey by his
fishyards called Gracedieu and Charity. (fn. 47) There are,
however, only isolated cases of disorder during the
15th century. In 1430 a canon was accused of rape,
abduction, and theft. (fn. 48) After the death of Abbot John
Sutton in 1441 the election was disputed and the
victors were later accused of poisoning Sutton but all
three were acquitted of these and other serious
charges brought against them. (fn. 49) The community was
smaller by the early 16th century: there were 9 canons
in 1496, 7 in 1518, 8 in 1521 and 7 in 1524. (fn. 50) The
offices of prior, sacrist, precentor, kitchener, almoner,
infirmarian, refectorer, and abbot's chaplain were
shared among the canons and in 1518 and 1521 all
members of the house held offices. (fn. 51) The decline in
numbers caused concern at visitations: in 1518 the
abbot said that he had searched in vain for suitable
recruits but he was still enjoined in 1524 to make the
numbers up to the full complement of twelve. (fn. 52) The
buildings were then falling into disrepair. A visitation
in 1524 had to be held in the abbot's oratory as the
chapter house was dilapidated and repairs were
ordered, but only within the resources of the house. (fn. 53)
In 1518 the abbot reported to the visitor that the house
was free from debt, (fn. 54) the common seal safeguarded,
the canons well-disciplined, and the essentials of religion properly observed; the members of the convent
were unanimous in their praise for the abbot's
administration and agreed that all was well with the
house, apart from paucula, which referred to the lack
of an inventory and accounts, though the visitor was
also concerned about alehouses. (fn. 55) At the next visitation in 1521 all again appeared well: the injunctions
issued after the previous visitation were said to have
been carried out and the abbot, far from being in debt,
was owed £100; there was only one minor complaint
from the infirmarian that he had no service books for
the use of the sick and travellers. (fn. 56) The impression of
good administration and discipline given by the two
visitations is brought into question by the evidence
produced at two inquisitions held at Norton by Bishop
Geoffrey Blythe himself in April and May 1522. (fn. 57) The
record of proceedings at the inquisitions is confused
but it appears that the prior, William Hardeware, who
had praised his abbot, William Merton, so enthusiastically in 1518 and 1521 quarrelled with him over
money and abused him in letters to a member of
another house. (fn. 58) The abbot was examined on the
charges at the inquisition in April 1522: he was
accused of misconduct with several women, but some
of the offences were said to have taken place 30 years
previously and most dated before his election as abbot.
He was also accused of misusing the resources of the
house by cutting down timber and supporting an
extravagant household; strangers, including his relatives and one of the bishop's officials were said to be
maintained at the expense of the house and one of
them lived in the abbey with his wife and two daughters and paid only four marks a year for his rooms. (fn. 59)
The abbot denied or answered the charges and, in his
turn, the prior was required to substantiate his accusations, which appear mostly to have been based on
rumour, and to answer countercharges. He confessed
that he also had been guilty of fornication and admitted that there had been lapses in the observance of the
rule in the house; the latter included singing after
compline, breaking of silence, and failure to observe
hours of contemplation since no common refectory
was maintained. The inquisition seems to have intensified the dispute and a further inquisition in
the following month heard that Hardeware had
threatened the abbot with a knife during a quarrel.
Hardeware fled to Halton where he was reported to
have prophesied that the abbot would soon lose office.
In view of the revelations of maladministration and
scandal it is surprising to discover that by 1524
harmony had apparently been restored and the house
was once more in good order. William Merton, who
was still abbot, declared that the house was free from
debt and the canons well-behaved, although the house
was insufficiently enclosed. William Hardeware, still
prior, praised his superior and brethren in all things,
merely deploring the lack of an inventory and
accounts. The rest of the canons agreed that relations
between the abbot and convent were peaceful and that
religious observances were being maintained. (fn. 60)
Nevertheless there is further evidence from the 1530s
of the sexual irregularity of some canons: the royal
visitors reported in 1536 that two of the community
were sodomites and two were incontinent, one with
five women. (fn. 61)
In 1535 the gross income was valued at £258 11s.
8d. Spiritual possessions produced £145 9s., while
£113 2s. 8d. came from temporal possessions. The net
income was £180 7s. 6½d. after the deduction of an
estimated annual expenditure of £78 4s. 1½d. Alms
accounted for £24 a year and stipends were paid to
two chantry chaplains, one celebrating in a chapel at
Aston by Sutton and the other celebrating in the abbey
for the souls of the founder and Hugh Dutton; pensions were paid to the abbots of Chester and Vale
Royal and £7 a year spent on defences against flooding. The fees of eight bailiffs, a receiver, an auditor and
steward of courts and of the abbey's steward, Sir
William Brereton, totalled £22 16s. 8d. (fn. 62) The annual
value of the estates in 1537 when they had passed to
the Crown was £343 13s. 7¼d., so that they had been
considerably undervalued in 1535. The abbey's property as listed in 1539 consisted of the manor of
Norton, lands and rents in Aston by Budworth, Aston
by Sutton, Halton, Preston on the Hill, Guilden Sutton, Walton, Daresbury, Newton by Daresbury,
Keckwick, (fn. 63) Stockham, Runcorn, Northwich, Lach
Dennis, Nether Peover, Budworth, Shurlach, Comberbach, Barnton, Landican, Frodsham, Chester,
Rostherne, Millington, Haslington, Warrington
(Lancs.), Bold (Lancs.), Penketh (Lancs.), 'Rowsiche'
(?Lancs.), Tarbock (Lancs.), Stotfoldshaw (Lancs.),
'Oldgreve iuxta Lymme', and Sowerby; the appropriated churches of Runcorn, Great Budworth, Pirton,
Burton on Stather, and Castle Donington, tithes from
Guilden Sutton, Halton, Astmoor, 'Halfeld' (Lincs.),
and Sutton (Lancs.) and pensions from the churches of
Grappenhall, Great Barrow, St. Peter's, Chester,
Davenham, and Raby. (fn. 64)
In 1536 Norton was included in the list of houses of
a yearly value of less than £200 and thus came within
the terms of the Act of that year for dissolving the
lesser monasteries, even though the royal visitors
reported its income to be £260 a year. (fn. 65) The abbot
was, however, in trouble with the authorities because
two of his servants were accused of coining; he was
arrested in the summer of 1535 but the charges
were not substantiated. (fn. 66) Although Nicholas Shaxton,
bishop of Salisbury, pleaded for the abbot and his
house, it was decided to dissolve the abbey and the
royal commissioners arrived early in October 1536. (fn. 67)
They encountered unexpectedly vigorous opposition,
which can possibly be explained by the close connexions between the canons and near-by families which
had been revealed by the 1522 inquisition. (fn. 68) The
sheriff, Sir Piers Dutton, was informed on 8 October
that the commissioners, who had packed up the jewels
and other valuables and were preparing to leave, had
been attacked by the abbot with a force of 200 or 300
supporters and forced to barricade themselves in a
tower. Dutton arrived in the middle of the night with a
hastily assembled collection of tenants and clients and
found the abbot holding a celebratory ox-roasting. He
dispersed the rebels and, although most of them
escaped by taking to the waters round the abbey in the
dark, captured the abbot and three canons and impris
oned them in Halton castle; the commissioners and
their spoil were escorted from the abbey and the royal
farmer installed. (fn. 69) Dutton reported on the events at
Norton to the chancellor, Sir Thomas Audley, but the
abbot and canons were saved from summary execution by events outside Cheshire and by the feud for
control of the shire between Dutton and Sir William
Brereton. Brereton, who had been the abbey steward
since 1525, (fn. 70) interceded for them with Cromwell, supported by Sir Thomas Boteler who reported that 'the
common fame of the county imputes no fault to
them'. (fn. 71) Although the king ordered that the abbot and
canons should be hanged, since they had stirred up
insurrection, (fn. 72) the Yorkshire rising and the feud between Dutton and Brereton delayed the executions, (fn. 73)
and in August 1537 the abbot and canons were
released from prison in Chester; in November the
abbot was awarded a pension of £24 and in the
following month he obtained a dispensation to become
a secular priest and hold a benefice. Six other former
canons obtained like dispensations. (fn. 74)
The Abbey of St. Mary, Norton
The site of the abbey and the manor of Norton were
sold to Richard Broke in 1545 for £1,512 1s. 9d. (fn. 75) and
a house was built in the outer courtyard of the abbey.
Most of the monastic buildings were demolished but
the western range which had contained the abbot's
lodgings was adapted to form the centre block of the
new house. (fn. 76) That house was replaced about 1730 but
the new house still incorporated the undercroft of the
western range of the monastic buildings and those
remains were left standing when the second house was
demolished in 1928. (fn. 77) Excavations since 1971 under
the auspices of the Runcorn Development Corporation
have established the layout, dimensions, and stages of
development of most of the monastic buildings. (fn. 78)
As was probably the case with most monastic
houses, the first buildings to be put up at Norton were
of timber, and probably provided temporary accommodation for the canons. Excavation has shown that
some continued in use long enough to require
replacement with larger scale timber structures. Those
were occupied until all the permanent stone buildings
were ready. The layout out of the claustral plan and
the erection of the east end of the church probably
began soon after the foundation (1134) and by the end
of the 12th century all the principal buildings seem to
have been finished. At that time, however, a succession
of alterations began, which involved the re-building of
the west and south ranges, the extension of the east
range, the enlargement of the cloister, the lengthening
of both the chancel and the nave, and the building of a
new, enlarged chapter house. The new buildings probably were substantially complete when there was a
serious fire in 1236. Traces of it were recognized in the
excavation of the church and cloister. It is likely to
have destroyed the roofs but the only rebuilding of
masonry structures that appears to date from the
mid 13th century is the cloister arcade. When expansion of the buildings re-started at the end of the 13th
century it was concentrated at the east end of the
church, where an eastern chapel was added to the
chancel, and the side chapels were lengthened. The
north side chapel is likely to have been the lady chapel.
It was a popular place of burial for members of the
laity, and many graves have been found within its
walls, some in ornate sandstone coffins. In the early
14th century the church and chapter house were
provided with mosaic tile floors. The tiles were fired in
a kiln a short distance north of the church. In the 15th
century a short north aisle was added to the nave, and
what may have been extra accommodation for the
abbot was added to the west side of the west range. In
the early 16th century the cloister walks were reconstructed, but the dormitory was reduced in size. In
1429 both church and buildings were said to be
ruinous and in 1524 the buildings were reported as
being in disrepair.
Priors
Peter, occurs at some time between c. 1157 and
1166. (fn. 79)
Henry, occurs between c. 1170 and 1194. (fn. 80)
Ranulph, occurs between c. 1195 and c. 1220. (fn. 81)
Andrew, occurs c. 1224-31, 1238. (fn. 82)
Hugh of Donington, occurs between 1238 and
1249. (fn. 83)
Roger of Manchester, occurs at some time between
1249 and 1261. (fn. 84)
Roger of Budworth, or of Lincoln, occurs 1285,
1286. (fn. 85)
Acharius, occurs 1288. (fn. 86)
Gilbert, occurs 1310. (fn. 87)
John of Colton, elected 1314, occurs until 1322. (fn. 88)
Robert Bernard, appointed 1329, occurs until
1346. (fn. 89)
Thomas de Fraunkevylle, elected 1349. (fn. 90)
Walter of Weaverham, occurs between 1356 and
1358. (fn. 91)
Richard Wyche, occurs from 1366 and became the
first abbot in 1391. (fn. 92)
Abbots
Richard Wyche, died 1400. (fn. 93)
John Shrewsbury, appointed 1401, occurs until
1426. (fn. 94)
John Sutton, died 1441. (fn. 95)
Thomas Westbury, appointed 1441, died 1451. (fn. 96)
Robert Leftwich, elected 1451, resigned 1460. (fn. 97)
Hugh Hurleston, elected 1460, resigned 1469. (fn. 98)
John Malbon, elected 1469, occurs 1499. (fn. 99)
Roger Hall, died 1507. (fn. 100)
William Merton, elected 1507, occurs 1524. (fn. 101)
Thomas Birkenhead, occurs 1525, surrendered the
abbey in 1536. (fn. 102)
A seal in use in the 13th century (fn. 103) is a pointed oval
about 2¾ by 1¾ in. It depicts the Virgin crowned and
seated on a throne; she holds a palm in her left hand
and the Child on her right knee with a globe surmounted by a cross in His left hand. Legend, lombardic: [SIG]ILLUM . . . DE NORTUNE.