25. THE HOUSE OF GREY FRIARS (fn. 1)
A company of nine Franciscans arrived in
England on 10 September, 1224, at the head of
them being Agnellus of Pisa, the provincial
minister. After staying two days at Canterbury,
four of them proceeded to London, and at the
end of the month two of these, Richard of Ingeworth and Richard of Devon, set out for Oxford. (fn. 2)
Here they were kindly received by the Dominicans and 'ate in their refectory and slept in their
dormitory, like conventuals, for eight days.' (fn. 3)
They then hired a house in the parish of St. Ebbe
from Robert le Mercer; (fn. 4) though they only
occupied this house till the following summer,
they were there joined by 'many honest bachelors and many eminent men.' In 1225 they
hired a house and ground from Richard the
Miller, who 'within a year conferred the land
and house on the community of the town for the
use of the Friars Minors.' (fn. 5) In the mayoralty of
John Pady (1227-9) the citizens of Oxford subscribed 43 marks to buy from William son of
Richard de Wileford his house in St. Ebbe's for
the use of the Friars Minors; the property was
vested in the mayor and good men of Oxford,
who agreed to pay William yearly one pound of
cummin in lieu of all services. (fn. 6) In or before 1236
Robert, son of Robert Oen, gave them a house
adjoining their land on condition that he 'having
been a free tenant of the prior and brethren of
St. John of Jerusalem in the aforesaid place,'
should have the same privilege attaching to his
new house in the parish of St. Michael in the
North Gate. This house of Robert Oen's in
St. Ebbe's was one of the 'mural mansions,' on
the occupiers of which the duty of repairing the
city wall fell. This duty was now undertaken
by the city. (fn. 7) All the houses acquired hitherto
were within the city wall, lying between it and
Freren Street (now Church Street).
Here the friars erected their first buildings.
The infirmary was so low that a man could
hardly stand upright in it. (fn. 8) After they had
been nearly a year in Oxford they built a small
chapel: (fn. 9) this seems to have been enlarged later;
in 1232 the king granted the friars beams from
Savernake Forest for the fabric of their chapel
'which they are having built at Oxford,' and
encouraged others to do the same. (fn. 10) According
to later tradition, which however contains chronological difficulties, the brethren worked at the
building with their own hands, and a bishop and
an abbot, who had assumed the Franciscan habit,
'carried water and sand and stones for the building of the place.' (fn. 11) In this chapel, which was
pulled down after the erection of the new church,
Agnellus was buried (1235). (fn. 12)
The royal benefactions in these early years
consisted of several grants of fuel and timber, (fn. 13)
a feast to the Friars Preachers and Minors,
30 September, 1233, which cost 26s. 8d., (fn. 14) a
cask of Gascon wine in 1240 'to celebrate
masses.' (fn. 15) The bailiffs of Oxford were ordered
to give of the firm of their town 10 marks to feed
a thousand poor men and the Friars Preachers
and Minors of Oxford, 14 December, 1244, in
memory of the Empress Isabella. (fn. 16) The only
money grant before 1245 is a gift of 10 marks
for the support of a provincial chapter in 1238. (fn. 17)
Albert of Pisa held his first chapter at Oxford
on 2 February, 1237. (fn. 18) In 1238 two chapters
were held here—a visitatorial chapter under the
presidency of Friar Wygmund, a German, the
emissary of the famous general minister Brother
Elias, and a provincial chapter to protest against
the tyranny of Elias and to appeal to Rome
against him. (fn. 19)
In these years the Oxford Franciscans were
distinguished by zeal for poverty no less than by
zeal for learning. In the custody of Oxford
pillows were not allowed, and the wearing of
shoes or sandals was permitted only to the old and
infirm. (fn. 20) When in 1241 a revision of the rule
was under consideration, Adam Marsh, Peter of
Tewkesbury, custodian of Oxford, and others
were elected to draw up the report of the
English province:—
Having marked some articles, they sent them to the
general, in a schedule, without a seal, beseeching him
by the sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ, to let
the rule stand, as it was handed down by St. Francis,
at the dictation of the Holy Spirit. (fn. 21)
A bag of money sent to the Oxford friars was
returned intact to the donor by Adam Marsh
with a letter of expostulation. (fn. 22) For the management of their worldly affairs the brethren had a
proctor, in accordance with the instructions of
Gregory IX; one William le Cutler de Holland,
merchant of Oxford, was proctor in 1232,
when at the request of Friar Haymo of Faversham the king exempted him from all tallages
for the rest of his life. (fn. 23)
Excessive austerity was discountenanced by
the authorities in the Oxford convent. Friar
Albert of Pisa, who was himself 'always cheerful and merry in the society of the brethren,'
compelled the warden, Eustace de Merc,
contrary to custom, to eat fish, saying that
the order lost many good men through their
indiscretion. (fn. 24) Grosteste's saying was remembered: 'Three things are necessary to temporal
health—to eat, sleep and be merry.' (fn. 25) 'The
brethren' says Eccleston, 'were so full of fun
amongst themselves that when they looked at
each other, they could hardly help laughing.
So when the young friars of Oxford laughed too
frequently, it was enjoined on one of them that
as often as he laughed he should receive corporal
punishment. Now it happened that, when he
had received eleven punishments in one day, and
yet could not restrain himself from laughing, he
had a vision one night that the whole convent
was standing in the choir as usual and the
friars were beginning to laugh as usual, when
behold, the crucifix which stood at the door of
the choir turned towards them as though alive,
and said "They are the sons of Corah who in
the hour of chanting laugh and sleep." . . . On
hearing this dream the friars were frightened,
and kept their laughter within bounds.' (fn. 26)
Among the first masters who assumed the
habit at Oxford was Adam of Oxford, who
joined the order with the object of increasing
his influence as a missionary, and who in 1233-4
was at his own prayer sent by Gregory IX to
preach to the Mohammedans. (fn. 27)
In 1233 Walter, a canon of Dunstable, and
John, a novice of the same priory, escaped from
their house through a broken window and joined
the Franciscans at Oxford. (fn. 28) John of Reading,
formerly abbot of Oseney, and Ralph of Maidstone, formerly bishop of Hereford, were inmates of this friary about 1240. (fn. 29) William of
Nottingham, the fourth provincial minister, and
Friar Thomas the historian of the English province, generally called Thomas of Eccleston,
were both students at Oxford, and the former, at
any rate, seems to have attended Grosteste's
lectures there. (fn. 30) Another attendant at Grosteste's lectures was Roger Bacon, who entered
the order, probably at Oxford, between 1233
and 1245. (fn. 31)
The space within the wall was too narrow
for the growing requirements of the friary, and
in February, 1244-5, Thomas de Valeynes
secured a large extension of the area on the
south side of the wall. (fn. 32)
From Simon son of Benedict and Letitia his
wife he obtained two messuages, granting them
in exchange a messuage and building without
the north gate; one messuage was acquired
from John Costard and Margery his wife, two
from Warin of Dorchester and Juliana his wife,
one from William the Barber and Alice his
wife, one from Henry 'le Teler' and Alice his
wife, and a little later one curtilage in the parish
of St. Budoc from John Aylmer and Christiana
his wife. These eight tenements Thomas de
Valeynes, 'at the petition' of the former owners,
assigned to the increase of the area in which the
Friars Minors dwelling in Oxford were lodged,
in frankalmoin. They occupied the space from
the city wall on the north to Trill Mill Stream
on the south, and from Littlegate Street or
Watergate on the east to a line drawn from the
fee of the abbot of Bec in the parish of St. Budoc
to the west gate or postern near the castle on
the west. (fn. 33) As early as December, 1244, the
king had authorized the friars to pull down part
of the city wall between the Watergate and the
postern near the castle, on condition that a
crenellated wall like the rest of the city wall
were built round their new area. (fn. 34) This however was not carried out, and in 1248 the king
gave orders that the old wall should be restored,
save that a small postern should be made to connect the new area with the old, and that 'the
north side of the chapel built and to be built in
the street under the wall may so far as it extends
supply the breach in the wall.' (fn. 35) Henry III had
already in 1245 granted to the friars the island in
the Thames which he bought for 25 marks from
Henry, son of Henry Simeon, with permission
to make a bridge over the branch of the river,
i.e. Trill Mill Stream, which divided it from
their houses. (fn. 36)
Lawrence Wyth or Wych, mayor of Oxford,
in 1246 gave a messuage to the king for the use
of the Friars Minors; (fn. 37) and before 1278 they had
acquired a place by grant from Agnes, late wife
of Master Guido, for which they paid yearly
one pound of cummin to Walter Goldsmith,
and another plot from Master Richard de
Mepham, who was archdeacon of Oxford in
1263. (fn. 38) The position of these lands is not
known.
At the petition of the friars and the earnest
prayers of John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, the
pope conferred on them the place of the Friars of
the Sack, which adjoined their lands on the west,
in 1309. (fn. 39) The king assigned the same area to
them 28 March, 1310, (fn. 40) and on the same day
confirmed the grant of four other plots of ground
to the Friars Minors, (fn. 41) namely, a piece of ground
in Oxford, measuring 5 p. 2 ft. from east to west,
and 2½ p. from north to south, given by John
Wyz and Emma his wife; another measuring
6 p. by 5 p., lying between the site of the
church of St. Budoc and the Thames, given by
Henry Tyeys; a third measuring 14½ p. 5 ft.
by 4 p. 3 ft. reaching from the Thames to the
last-mentioned plot, and formerly belonging to
Richard le Lodere; and a fourth measuring
16½ p. by 10 p. stretching from the Thames to
the highway, the former owner of which is not
named. In 1319 the friars obtained from John
Culvard a plot of ground of the annual value of
2s., measuring 5 p. by 6 p. situate within the
wall to the east of their habitation. (fn. 42) In 1321
Walter Morton granted them a place measuring
5 p. by 5 p. in the suburb, (fn. 43) and John de Grey
de Retherfield in 1337 bestowed on them a
tenement 6 p. by 5 p. lying next their habitation on the east side within the wall. (fn. 44)
In 1376 the friars petitioned the king to grant
them a place in Oxford worth 2s. a year; (fn. 45) the
result of this petition is not recorded.
Little is known of the buildings which arose
on the newly acquired site. Royal grants of
timber for the fabric of the house and church
were made as early as 1245 and as late as 1272. (fn. 46)
The church, which was of the invocation of
St. Francis, (fn. 47) was in process of construction in
1246 and 1248. (fn. 48) In the latter year John of
Parma, the minister general, held a provincial
chapter at Oxford, 'in which he confirmed the
provincial constitutions concerning poverty in
living and buildings'—perhaps with special reference to the new friary. (fn. 49) The church, though
of considerable length, was probably not a very
rich or impressive structure. From the description given by William of Worcester (fn. 50) in 1480
it seems to have been about 240 or 250 ft. long,
and about 30 or 36 ft. wide, with a slate roof; (fn. 51)
there was one aisle, which extended the whole
length of the nave (about 130 or 140 ft.) and
which at its west end was of the same width as
the nave, but narrowed to about 12 ft. at its
east end. The north side of the church, by
permission of Henry III, (fn. 52) formed part of the
city wall; the direction of the wall, which at
this point did not run due east and west, may
account for the peculiar shape of the aisle. The
ten chapels which in 1480 opened out of the north
wall of this aisle were probably later additions.
One perhaps was the chapel which William
Lord Lovell ordered to be made for the tomb of
himself and his wife in 1454. (fn. 53) Another may
have belonged to the 'Gild of St. Mary in the
church of the Friars Minors,' which is mentioned at the beginning of the sixteenth century. (fn. 54)
There seems to have been no south aisle. Friar
Henry Standish, bishop of St. Asaph, left £40
for the erection of an aisle in 1535, (fn. 55) but this
was evidently never built.
The large number of monuments must have
given the interior of the church an imposing
appearance. In the choir 'under a sumptuous
pyramid of admirable workmanship' was interred the heart of Richard Plantagenet, earl of
Cornwall and king of the Romans, who was
probably the chief founder and benefactor of the
church. (fn. 56) Here too, before the great altar, rested
the remains of his third wife, Beatrice of Falkenstein. (fn. 57) Several of the Golafres were buried in
the church in the fourteenth century. (fn. 58) The
body of Agnellus was translated from the original
chapel to 'a fair stone sepulchre' in the new
church; (fn. 59) and according to John Rouse, Roger
Bacon was buried among the Friars Minors of
Oxford. (fn. 60)
Among less distinguished persons who found
their last resting-place here were Agnes wife of
Michael Norton, who desired to be buried 'in
front of the image of the Blessed Mary Virgin
of Pity,' (fn. 61) (1438) and James Hedyan, principal
of Eagle Hall (1445). (fn. 62) John Dongan (1464)
was buried in the cemetery. (fn. 63) Richard Leke,
brewer of Oxford, in 1526 left his body to be
buried 'within the Grey Friars before the altar,
where the first mass is daily used to be said.' (fn. 64)
In 1346 Edward III granted to the Friars
Minors of Oxford 60 square feet of his quarry
near Wheatley in Shotover Forest for the repair
of their church and other buildings. (fn. 65)
The friars seem to have at first attended the
schools of the secular masters:—
They were so fervent in hearing the Divine Law
and in scholastic exercises, that they hesitated not
to go every day to the schools of theology, however distant, barefoot in bitter cold and deep mud. (fn. 66)
Agnellus however, who had been custodian of
Paris before he became provincial of England,
founded a school which seems to have been the
largest of their early buildings. (fn. 67) According to
Bartholomew of Pisa (fn. 68) he soon had cause for
regret, for on entering the school one day he
found the friars disputing Utrum sit Deus? and
cried, 'Woe is me! simple brothers enter
Heaven, and learned brothers dispute whether
there is a God at all!' He secured the services
of Robert Grosteste, the first chancellor of the
university and the foremost scholar of his time,
as theological lecturer to the friars. (fn. 69) Grosteste retained that office till his election to the
bishopric of Lincoln in 1235. (fn. 70) His successors
were Master Peter, who became a bishop in
Scotland, (fn. 71) Roger of Weseham, who became
dean of Lincoln in or before 1239 and afterwards (1245) bishop of Coventry and Lichfield,
and Thomas Wallensis, who lectured here till
he became bishop of St. David's in 1247. (fn. 72)
Adam Marsh, who succeeded Thomas, was the
first friar to become lector to the Oxford convent,
though some ten years before this friars had been
appointed as lecturers to other convents in the
province, and Elias the general minister had
summoned English friars to teach abroad. (fn. 73)
Thomas of Eccleston says that under Grosteste the friars made rapid progress 'both in
questions and in the subtle moralities suitable to
preaching.' (fn. 74) Roger Bacon gives more information on the teaching of the first lectors, under
whom he had studied. Grosteste and Adam
Marsh understood that 'the power of mathematics,' which appears to mean the laws of
physical forces, 'is capable of unfolding the
causes of all things and of giving a sufficient
explanation of human and divine phenomena.' (fn. 75)
They did not follow slavishly the faulty translations of Aristotle:
The lord Robert neglected altogether the books of
Aristotle and their methods, and by his own experiments and with the aid of other authors and by
means of other sciences, employed himself in the
scientific questions which Aristotle had treated, and
he knew and described the questions with which
the books of Aristotle deal a hundred thousand
times better than they can be understood from the
perverse translations of that author. (fn. 76)
Special importance was attached to philology and
the knowledge of languages, especially Greek
and Hebrew, with a view to understanding the
literal meaning of Aristotle and the Scriptures. (fn. 77)
Roger Bacon, while lamenting the exaggerated
respect paid to the Sentences in his day, states
that
the learned men of old, some of whom we have
seen, such as Robert bishop of Lincoln and friar
Adam Marsh, used only the text of Holy Writ,
which was given to the world by the mouth of God
and the Saints. (fn. 78)
Grosteste speaks of the 'irrefragable authority
of the Scripture,' and when consulted by the
theological faculty of Oxford, about 1246,
recommended that all the morning lectures
should be devoted to the Old and New Testaments. (fn. 79) Roger Bacon nearly always couples
together Grosteste and his pupil Adam Marsh,
and sometimes associates Thomas Wallensis with
them. (fn. 80) The first two he describes as 'perfect
in divine and human wisdom,' and ranks them
with Solomon, Aristotle, and Avicenna. (fn. 81)
Adam Marsh, who had given up great possessions for love of poverty, (fn. 82) probably became lector
to the Oxford convent in 1247, but he must
have lectured as bachelor of theology long before
this, and was doubtless doctor of theology before
1245, when Grosteste feared that the friars at
Paris would try to secure him as successor of
Alexander of Hales. (fn. 83) His letters (fn. 84) tell us little
of his teaching work, which, though the main
occupation of his life, must have been often
interrupted by other claims. We find him at
the council of Lyons with Grosteste, (fn. 85) attending the Parliament at London, (fn. 86) sent abroad on
business of state, (fn. 87) acting as papal commissioner, (fn. 88)
accompanying the archbishop on his visitation, (fn. 89)
preaching the crusade, (fn. 90) defending the Jews from
the rabble. (fn. 91) He was the trusted but not always
welcome adviser of the king, who called him
'his father,' (fn. 92) the close friend of Simon and
Eleanor de Montfort. (fn. 93) With all his other
occupations he did not neglect the works of
charity: he writes to his various correspondents
on behalf of a poor widow, a repentant thief, a
starving schoolmaster and penniless scholars. (fn. 94)
He was often occupied in procuring facilities for
study for the friars—books, parchment, scribes. (fn. 95)
Himself the heir of two episcopal libraries, (fn. 96)
he was constantly sending manuscripts to his
friends, borrowing others, having them copied or
collated. (fn. 97) From Italy he obtained the prophetical
writings of Abbot Joachim of Fiore (fn. 98) ; he exchanged books with his friend Thomas, abbot of
Vercelli, (fn. 99) and arranged to send a copy of the
Ethics of Aristotle to Friar Hugo de Digna of
Provence (fn. 100) ; a treatise of Richard of St. Victor
he sent to Paris to be collated with the autograph MS. there. (fn. 101)
While Adam Marsh was the leading friar at
Oxford, William of Nottingham, the provincial
minister, organized what may be called a system
of 'University Extension.' Every convent sent
students to the universities, who were then as
occasion demanded sent back to the various
convents as lecturers; and before 1254 'there
were thirty lecturers in England who solemnly
disputed and three or four who lectured without
disputation.' (fn. 102)
In 1253 a serious question arose on the presentation of Friar Thomas of York for the degree of
Doctor of Theology. The constitutions of the
two orders forbade their members to take a
degree in arts. (fn. 103) The customs of the university
required that the student of theology should have
graduated in arts. (fn. 104) The question had not arisen
before, because men like Adam Marsh and
Eustace de Normanville (fn. 105) were Masters of Arts
before they entered the Minorite Order. There
was no doubt as to the ability and learning of
Thomas of York, and he was allowed to incept,
but a statute—the first of the university statutes
—was passed providing that no one for the
future should incept in theology unless he had
previously been regent in arts in some university,
the chancellor and masters reserving to themselves, however, the right of granting dispensation.
Adam Marsh, who championed the cause of the
friars, protested against the statute and objected
that the promised graces were fallacious, 'since
by the opposition of a single individual such a
grace could be long delayed or altogether prevented.' (fn. 106) Complaints seem to have been made
about the refusal of graces in 1294, when the
Bishop of Lincoln wrote to the university on
behalf of the Friars Minors. (fn. 107) As a result of the
controversy between the Dominicans and the
university on this subject early in the fourteenth
century, (fn. 108) the right of refusing these graces was
withdrawn from each individual member of
congregation and vested in the majority of the
regent masters of theology. (fn. 109)
From the time of Adam Marsh the lecturers
to the friars were simply the regent masters
in theology belonging to the order. (fn. 110) The
senior bachelor in theology was normally
appointed regent with the approval of the provincial minister, (fn. 111) and held office for one or two
years. A list of the masters down to about
1350 has been preserved. (fn. 112) The most famous
of them were (5) Richard Rufus of Cornwall,
who was vigorously denounced by Roger
Bacon (fn. 113) ; (6) John of Wales, whose works for
the use of preachers were in high favour throughout the rest of the middle ages; (7) Thomas
Docking, famous as a biblical commentator;
(10) Thomas Bungay, the friend of Roger
Bacon; (11) John Peckham, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury; (13) Robert de Cruce,
afterwards provincial minister; (16) Roger de
Marston, who became provincial and whose
teaching bears strong resemblance to that of Peter
John Olivi; (20) Hugh of Hartlepool, who was
connected with the foundation of Balliol College,
and who died when provincial minister, at
Assisi in 1302; (25) William of Gainsborough,
provincial minister, lecturer in the papal palace
and afterwards bishop of Worcester; (34)
Richard of Conington, provincial in 1310, and
opponent of the 'Spiritual' Franciscans; (39)
William of Nottingham, who as provincial
minister in 1322 joined in the revolt of the
order against the decrees of John XXII; (43)
William Herbert, whose English hymns have
been preserved, (fn. 114)
c. 1320; (48) Robert of Leicester; (53) Walter de Chatton (fn. 115) ; (54) John de
Rievaux; (56) John of Rodington; (61) Adam
Wodham or Godham; and (65) Thomas Otterbourne who, however, probably did not write the
chronicle ascribed to him. Simon Tunstede,
who was regent master of the friars in 1351
and 'skilled in music and the seven liberal
arts,' does not come into this list. (fn. 116) The most
famous of the Oxford Franciscans do not appear in it. Roger Bacon, (fn. 117) Duns Scotus, (fn. 118) and
William of Ockham (fn. 119) were certainly students at
Oxford, where they seem to have taken the
degree of B.D., but all took their doctor's
degree at Paris.
Each lector had a socius assigned to him—a
younger friar who acted as his secretary and
whose time was almost entirely at his disposal. (fn. 120)
Even in the earliest times it was found necessary
to modify the stringency of the Rule in favour of
the lecturers. Visiting and good works were
subordinated to their scholastic duties. (fn. 121) They
had separate chambers, and their privacy was at
certain times inviolable. (fn. 122) They were provided
with the necessaries of life by the convents of
the places where they lectured; but their other
expenses, such as those connected with the
necessary books, were (according to the constitutions of Benedict XII, 1336) to be assessed
by the general and provincial ministers and to
fall on the convent, custody, or province from
which they were sent. (fn. 123) Nicholas Herford in a
sermon at Oxford in 1382 asserted that the
friars who had graduated as masters or bachelors,
in addition to the ample allowance which they
got from their community, begged for themselves,
saying: 'I am a bachelor (or master) and require
more than others, because I ought to be able to
live up to my position.' (fn. 124) Roger Bacon evidently
begged for means to carry on his experiments. (fn. 125)
Student friars were maintained at the university by a system of exhibitions. These were
provided sometimes by private benefactors, (fn. 126)
usually by the native convent of the student out
of the 'common alms,' with the occasional
assistance of other convents. (fn. 127) The exhibition
seems to have been generally reckoned at £5 a
year, and this sum covered the ordinary expenses
of living. (fn. 128) There is no evidence of any general
rule fixing the number or proportion of friars
who might be sent from each convent, custody,
or province to Oxford. (fn. 129) But the number was
so large and the burden on the convent so heavy,
especially during the long vacation (perhaps
because the alms of the secular scholars were
then withdrawn), that in 1292 the general
chapter ordained, for the relief of the house
at Oxford, that the foreign students should be
equally divided among the convents of Oxford,
London, and Cambridge. (fn. 130) All the provinces of
the order had the right of sending students to
Oxford. (fn. 131)
A friar generally completed the eight years'
study of arts, which the university demanded,
and sometimes began his study of theology,
either at his native convent or in the special
school of his custody, before being sent to
Oxford. (fn. 132) Then after nine years spent in the
study of theology, the student might, after election by the provincial chapter if he was a native,
by the general chapter if he was a foreigner, (fn. 133) be
admitted to lecture on the Sentences in the
university, i.e. to take the degree of B.D. (fn. 134)
Three more years were necessary to complete
the studies and exercises (which included the
preaching of several sermons at the Black or
Grey Friars and at St. Mary's) required for the
degree of D.D. or S.T.P. (fn. 135) In the period
covered by the university registers, i.e. after
1447, the statutable requirements as to the
period of study seem to have become little more
than formalities. It frequently happened that a
friar who had been admitted to 'oppose' on the
ground that he had studied 'logic, philosophy,
and theology' for twelve years, supplicated two
years later or less for grace to incept on the plea
that he had studied the same subjects for eighteen
years. (fn. 136)
The exercises at vesperies and inceptions were
the same for friars as for seculars. The expenses
of inception were very heavy, and Benedict XII
had tried to curtail them in 1336. (fn. 137) According
to ancient custom every inceptor on the day of
his inception feasted the regent masters, and
often gave them a 'livery' or some present. (fn. 138)
Wiclif inveighs against the Mendicant doctors
for their 'great gifts and making of huge feasts
of a hundred and many hundred pounds.' (fn. 139) This
is obviously an exaggeration, but Friar William
Woodford, Wiclif's contemporary, was robbed
of £40 on his way from London to take his
D.D. at Oxford. (fn. 140) It became usual to commute
the expenses of the feast for a fixed money payment, generally £10, to the university. In
1460 the Mendicant Orders appealed to the
king against the excessive fees demanded by the
university. (fn. 141) The university authorities in their
reply denied the statements of the friars (which
were however substantially correct), and pointed
out that the fees paid by the friars were far less
than the expenses of the Arts course, from which
they were excused. (fn. 142) In the case of Friar Richard
Ednam, O.M., in 1463, the cost of inception was
increased; he was required to pay £15 and
give a separate 'livery' to the regents at his own
expense. (fn. 143) In 1478 the composition of a friar
was fixed by statute at ten marks, (fn. 144) and part of
this sum was sometimes remitted. (fn. 145)
Oxford was the head of one of the seven
custodies into which the English province was
divided. The custodian admitted novices to
profession, kept the provincial minister informed
as to the state of the convents under his supervision, was ex officio a member of the provincial
chapter, and joined with his fellow custodians to
elect one of their number to the general chapter. (fn. 146)
The custody of Oxford included in the fourteenth century the convents of Reading, Bedford,
Stamford, Nottingham, Northampton, Leicester,
and Grantham. (fn. 147) In each custody there was a
special school to which promising students
might be sent before they proceeded to the
universities. The studium particulare for the
custody of Oxford in 1336 was at Stamford. (fn. 148)
Provincial chapters were frequently held at
Oxford; some of these have already been
noticed. In the chapter of 1248 John of Parma
gave the brethren the option of confirming or
deposing the provincial minister, William of
Nottingham, and they unanimously asked that
he might be confirmed; in the same chapter
the general minister 'recalled to unity the
brethren who had begun to surpass the rest in
singular opinions.' (fn. 149) The king ordered the
sheriff of Oxford to provide a cask of wine and
the necessaries of life for this chapter. (fn. 150) The
provincial chapter was held here on 8 September,
1289, when the king gave £17 17s. 11d. for
two days' food, (fn. 151) in 1294, (fn. 152) and in 1301; towards
the expenses of the last the king contributed
£10. (fn. 153) Another chapter met here in 1405. At
this time 'a great and scandalous schism' had
arisen in the province owing to the arbitrary
conduct of the provincial minister, John Zouche.
The friars appealed to the Cardinal Protector of
the Order, who appointed Friars Nicholas Fakenham and John Mallaert commissioners to deal
with the crisis. They deposed the provincial
and called a chapter at Oxford, 3 May, 1405,
to elect a successor. (fn. 154)
The friendly relations between the Dominicans and Franciscans at Oxford soon gave place
to rivalry and antagonism. The proselytizing
tendencies of the two orders led in 1243-4 to
quarrels which were carried on mainly by 'men
of education and scholars,' (fn. 155) and in questions of
politics and philosophy the two orders were
found on different sides. (fn. 156) The Minorites claimed
precedence over the other orders on the ground
of their absolute poverty. This claim was
generally admitted and led to the exaltation of
the Minorites in the eyes of the world at the
expense of their rivals. In 1269 a controversy
arose between the Dominicans and Franciscans
at Oxford on this point. (fn. 157) A Friar Preacher
named Solomon of Ingham accused the Minorites of receiving money either with their own
hands or through a third person. The Franciscans denied the charge and demanded the
punishment of Friar Solomon. The Dominicans
brought forward many instances in which they
maintained the Minorites had actually received
money. These, answered the latter, were
merely personal transgressions, and affected the
community no more than any case of carnal
sin or disobedience. The Dominicans, however, based their contention mainly on the
argument that money bequeathed to the Franciscans must be received either by them in
person or by intermediaries on their behalf.
The Franciscans answered that money so left
never passed into their dominium, and declared,
with a reference to Gregory IX's bull Quo
elongati, that 'whoever said otherwise would
be accusing the pope of lying.' 'Far from us
be such presumption,' replied their opponents,
'but it is very clear that the pope's declaration
of the Rule was not in accordance with the
intention of St. Francis.' The chief disputant
on the side of the Friars Minors seems to have
been Thomas of Docking. Peace was eventually restored by the interposition of the chancellor and leading secular masters, at whose
recommendation Friar Solomon withdrew his
words. In philosophy the controversy between
the orders centred round the Thomist doctrine
of the 'Unity of Form' in man. If the individualizing principle were not form but matter,
how, asked the opponents of Thomas Aquinas,
could the individual exist in the non-material
world? Though the doctrine was being taught
at Oxford by Dominicans, it was the Dominican Archbishop Kilwardby who first condemned
it there in 1277. Peckham repeated the condemnation in 1284, and being accused by the
provincial of Black Friars in a congregation at
Oxford in the same year of having sown discord
between the orders, denied that he had consulted with the Franciscans on the subject. (fn. 158)
Archbishop Peckham in the same year (1284)
proclaimed the superiority of his order over the
others when asserting the right of the Minorites
of Oxford to receive an Austin friar into their
order. (fn. 159) Peckham also appointed two Friars
Minors and two Friars Preachers as confessors to
the nuns at Godstow, (fn. 160) and in 1291 urged the
prior of St. Frideswide's to confer the church
of St. Peter le Bailey on some one devoted to
the Franciscans and nominated by them. (fn. 161) Friar
Richard de Slikeburne, the Franciscan confessor
of Devorguila, induced her to establish 'the
house of Balliol' on a permanent foundation,
and the statutes of the college in 1282 were
addressed to Friar Hugh of Hartlepool and Master
William de Menyl, permanent visitors of the
college. (fn. 162) One of the two visitors, who were
called also 'rectors' and 'magistri extranei,'
seems always to have been a Franciscan until
the statutes of Bishop Fox were promulgated in
1507. (fn. 163)
In 1300 Hugh of Hartlepool, the provincial
minister, presented twenty-two Oxford friars to the
Bishop of Lincoln for licence to hear confessions.
The bishop objected to the number as excessive,
and was with some difficulty induced to license
eight. (fn. 164) Their names were Adam of Hoveden, D.D., Philip of Bridlington D.D., William
of Newport, William Mincy, Roger of Barnton,
Robert of Gaddesby, John of Westburg, Roger
of Moginton. While none of these became
famous in the scholastic world, there were
several among those rejected who afterwards
obtained distinction as writers and teachers:
Martin of Alnwick, Richard of Conington and
John Douns who may be identified with John
Duns Scotus. (fn. 165)
In 1358 Archbishop Islip, perhaps in consequence of the ravages of the pestilence, authorized five Franciscans of the Oxford convent and
three of the Cambridge convent to preach in the
diocese of Canterbury. (fn. 166)
In the middle of the fourteenth century
Richard Fitz Ralph, archbishop of Armagh,
declared that nearly all the youths in the
university had friars as their confessors, and
that the friars used their influence to entice these
boys to enter the Mendicant Orders. (fn. 167) The
university in 1358 passed a strongly-worded
statute forbidding the reception of any students
into the Orders under the age of eighteen. (fn. 168)
The friars, whose chief champion was a Franciscan doctor, Roger Conway, (fn. 169) do not seem to
have denied the charge, but defended their conduct, and exerted themselves to obtain a repeal
of the statute. While a suit which they had
begun in the Roman court was still undecided
the provincials of the four orders laid their grievances before the king in Parliament, and in 1366
the obnoxious statute was formally annulled. (fn. 170)
At the same time the friars were denounced
for obtaining degrees and graces by means of
letters of influential persons. (fn. 171) In 1358 any one
using such letters was declared for ever incapable
of holding or obtaining any degree at Oxford,
and the university determined to hold up these
'wax-doctors' to obloquy.
These [begins a proclamation of the same year (fn. 172) ]
are the names of the wax-doctors, as they are called,
who seek to extort graces from the university by
means of letters of lords sealed with wax, or because
they run from hard study as wax runs from the face
of fire. Be it known that such wax-doctors are
always of the Mendicant Orders . . . for (fn. 173) by apples
and drink, as the people tell, they draw boys to
their religion, and do not instruct them after their
profession as their age demands, but let them wander
about begging, and waste the time when they could
learn in currying favour with lords and ladies. . . .
These are their names: Friar Richard Lymynster,
incepted in theology by means of the prince's letters,
and his grace contained the condition that he should
not incept or lecture, but that Friar John Nutone his
predecessor should continue lecturing: and Friar
Giuliortus de Limosano of the Order of Minors, who
asserted that he was secretary of the king of Sicily,
extorted from the university or rather the theological
faculty, by letters of the King, grace to oppose.
The attack on the friars begun by Richard
Fitz Ralph was continued by Uthred de Boldon,
monk of Durham, who was probably warden of
Durham College about 1360. (fn. 174) Friar John
Hilton, O.M., 'determined' against him, (fn. 175) and
the Franciscan Tryvytlam in his poem De laude
Oxoniae denounces his blasphemies against the
Minorite Rule. (fn. 176) Wiclif's hostility to the friars
was confined to the last years of his life. (fn. 177)
Earlier he spoke well especially of the Franciscans, with whom he agreed in ecclesiastical
politics (fn. 178) and whom he described as 'very dear to
God.' (fn. 179) He was on terms of friendship with
Friar William of Woodford, with whom he
exchanged note-books and arguments when they
were lecturing in the schools together. (fn. 180) His
doctrines on the Eucharist led to his quarrel
with the friars. John Tyssyngton, regent
master of the Friars Minors, took part in the
condemnation of Wiclif's twelve conclusions on
the sacraments in 1381, (fn. 181) and promptly replied to
his Confessio in an elaborate lecture delivered in
the Franciscan schools at Oxford. (fn. 182) This lecture
was subsequently issued as a treatise, and was
considered of great value, and ordered to be
kept in the University Archives, (fn. 183) an honour
which it hardly deserved. Friar William
Woodford became the most determined opponent
of Wiclif among the Minorites; he delivered a
course of lectures against the Confessio in 1381 (fn. 184) ;
as regent master of the friars in 1389 he lectured
against the adherents of Wiclif, (fn. 185) and continued
to write and lecture against the Lollard doctrines
till the end of his life. (fn. 186) William Butler, when
regent master of the Friars Minors in Oxford in
1401, 'determined' against the translation of the
Bible into English. (fn. 187)
The Oxford friaries being bound to receive
students from other provinces fell under suspicion of harbouring foreign spies in time of war.
The suspicion seems to have attached chiefly to
the Dominicans, but the warden and convent of
the Minorites in 1388 sought and obtained a
royal writ forbidding them to receive any foreign
friars for whose loyalty they would not answer. (fn. 188)
There seem, however, to have been very few
French friars among the Oxford Minorites in
the fourteenth century. The most distinguished
was William de Prato, who studied here before
1363, and was in 1370 sent to the Tartars by
the pope, as bishop of Pekin and head of the
Franciscan mission in Asia. (fn. 189) The names of
several Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and German
friars have been preserved. Among them were
Peter Philargi of Candia (before 1378), afterwards Pope Alexander V (fn. 190) ; Jacob Fei of
Florence, who transcribed a MS. at Oxford in
1393, fell under ecclesiastical censure for joining
the sect of the Fraticelli, but recanted his errors
and was made Inquisitor in his native land (fn. 191) ;
and Matthias Döring, afterwards champion of
the council of Basel against the pope, and
general minister, who studied at Oxford in his
youth. (fn. 192)
The heads of the four orders at Oxford joined
in protesting against the reports that the friars
were responsible for the peasant revolt in 1381, and
appealed to John of Gaunt for protection (fn. 193) ; and
in 1385 the king ordered the chancellor of the
university to protect the Friars Minors. (fn. 194)
Many Franciscans were implicated in conspiracies against Henry IV. In 1402 eight
friars of Leicester were executed at Tyburn.
One of these was Roger Frisby, an old man and
master in theology. His head was brought to
Oxford,
and in the presence of the procession of the University, the herald proclaimed: 'This Master Friar
Minor of the Convent of Leicester in hypocrisy,
adulation and false life, preached often, saying that
King Richard is alive, and roused the people to seek
him in Scotland;'and his head was set on a stake
there. (fn. 195)
Oxford Franciscans had a share in combating
the Great Schism; Nicholas Fakenham by order
of the king 'determined' at Oxford on the
subject, 5 November, 1395, arguing that the
church could only be reformed by the punishment of those who had disturbed its peace,
namely, the cardinals; and he appears to have
written to the king of France in the same
sense. (fn. 196)
In the fifteenth century some of the friars
roused the anger of the university by preaching
that tithes need not be paid to the person legally
entitled to them, but given in pios usus pauperum.
The chief offender was William Russell, O.M.;
his teaching was condemned by the university
in 1425, and all graduates were bound solemnly
to abjure his conclusions. This oath remained
in force till 1564. (fn. 197)
For a similar offence Friar William Melton,
D.D., was arrested at the instance of the university in 1427, and compelled to recant. (fn. 198) In 1482
Friar Isaac Cusack, D.D., a Franciscan, and
Dionysius Tully a Dominican, were causing
disturbances in Ireland by preaching the doctrine of evangelical poverty; the university cited
them to appear on pain of degradation, but there
seems no authority for Wood's statement that
they were captured, sent to Oxford, degraded
and expelled the university as vagabonds and
heretics. (fn. 199)
Among the chief sources of income of the
house was a royal grant of 50 marks a year
during the king's pleasure, to be paid in equal
portions at Easter and Michaelmas. It was first
instituted by Edward I in 1289, and was continued by all the kings (except Edward V) to
the Dissolution. (fn. 200) The sum was sometimes paid
direct from the exchequer, but generally the
whole or part of it was made a charge on the
revenues of some sheriff or other official. Thus
in December, 1313, Edward II ordered Richard
Kellaw, bishop of Durham, 'to send to our
exchequer at Westminster within fifteen days
of the feast of St. Hilary' 10 marks in partial
satisfaction of the grant. But though this sum
was to be the first charge on the arrears in the
Durham diocese of the tax imposed on the
clergy by Edward I in 1294, and though writs
were repeatedly issued to enforce payment,
nothing had been paid by 4 June, 1315, 'unde
vehementer admiramur.' (fn. 201) The annuity was on
several occasions in arrear. The friars petitioned
Richard II for the more regular payment of it, (fn. 202)
and Henry IV in the first year of his reign
granted the friars 'of his abundant favour' all the
arrears which had accumulated during the reign
of his predecessor. (fn. 203) In 1450 Parliament passed
a general act of resumption, annulling all grants
made since the king's accession, and the annuity
to the friars ceased. The brethren represented
to Henry VI the hardships which this loss of
revenue inflicted on them, and in 1453 the king
ordered the arrears to be paid 'that the warden
and friars may be in a happier frame of mind to
offer up special prayers for us to the Highest.' (fn. 204)
The annuity was exempted from the three
acts of resumption under Edward IV. (fn. 205) The
friars often took legal measures to recover the
debts due to them. Richard Clyff, custodian of
the Grey Friars, Oxford, in 1466 sued John
Broughton, late sheriff of Kent, in the court of
exchequer, for 100s. due to him from the preceding year and claimed damages to the amount
of 10 marks. (fn. 206) In 1488 Richard Salford,
warden, sued John Paston, knt., late sheriff of
Norfolk and Suffolk, in the court of exchequer,
for a debt of £10 18s. and £10 damages; he
recovered the debt, but the damages were reduced
to 26s. 8d. (fn. 207) On the same day he sued Edmund
Bedyngfeld, knt., late sheriff of the same counties, for a debt of 'seven pounds of silver' and
100s. damages; the amount of the debt and
20s. damages were awarded him. (fn. 208) Next year
he sued the same Bedyngfeld before the barons
of the exchequer who awarded him the amount
of the debt (£4 2s.), but reduced the damages
from £4 to 10s. (fn. 209)
The Friars Minors further received 10s. a
year from Durham College, Oxford; (fn. 210) 6d. a
year from St. Ebbe's parish; (fn. 211) 8d. each fortnight
or fourteen loaves 'for the soul of Roger
Writtell' (who lived in the time of Edward I), (fn. 212)
and a gift of 3s. 4d., a peck of oatmeal and
one of peas in Lent, from the nunnery of Godstow; (fn. 213) 4d. a week from Oseney Abbey and
5s. at Christmas as the price of a quarter of
an ox. (fn. 214)
To what extent the friars subsisted on alms in
kind it is impossible to say. (fn. 215) The friar in
Chaucer's 'Somnour's Tale,' himself a master in
the schools, after preaching in the church went
round the village begging:—
In every hous he gan to poure and prye
And beggeth mele, and chese, or elles corn.
Alms were also given in money. On 2 October, 1340, Richard de Whitchford, 'minor,'
receiver of moneys for the friary, received 60s.
or more from various persons, including 13s. 4d.
from the servant of John de Couton, and 12s.
from Thomas of London; as he refused to
give up the money, the warden sued him in
the Mayor's Court, and he was sentenced to
imprisonment. (fn. 216)
A large proportion of the wills of Oxford
citizens contain bequests to the Friars Minors,
and many persons throughout the country left
them legacies; for the convent, like the university, occupied a national position. The
earliest bequest recorded is one of 6s. 8d., in the
will of John of St. John, clerk, about 1230. (fn. 217)
Martin de Sancta Cruce, master of the hospital
of Sherburn near Durham, in 1259 left 10s. to
the friary and a complete habit and copy of the
canonical epistles to Friar Richard of Cornwall. (fn. 218)
Boniface of Savoy, archbishop of Canterbury, left
the friars 15 marks in 1270; (fn. 219) Walter of Merton, bishop of Rochester and founder of Merton
College, 25 marks in 1277; (fn. 220) Nicholas de Longespee, bishop of Salisbury, 40s. in 1297; (fn. 221) John
de Doclington 10s. in 1335; (fn. 222) Nicholas Acton,
parson of the church of Wyanstowe (Salop),
40s. in 1337; (fn. 223) John, son of Walter Wrenche of
Milton, spicer, ten quarters of corn in 1349; (fn. 224)
Edmund de Bereford 30s. in 1354; (fn. 225) Elizabeth
de Burgh, lady of Clare, £8 to the four Orders
in 1360; (fn. 226) John de Bereford, sometime mayor
of Oxford, 13s. 4d., and other small sums in
1361; (fn. 227) Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford
and Essex, £10 in 1361; (fn. 228) Walter de Berney,
citizen of London, £5 in 1377; (fn. 229) Richard
Carsewell, butcher of Oxford, 10 marks in
1389; (fn. 230) John Okele of Oxford, skinner, 20s. a
year for three years to Friar John Schankton to
celebrate masses in this church; (fn. 231) Sir John
Golafre, knt., £10 in 1394. (fn. 232) Small sums were
bequeathed by Richard de Garaford (1395) and
other citizens of Oxford; (fn. 233) John de Waltham,
bishop of Salisbury (1395); (fn. 234) John Maldon,
provost of Oriel (1401); (fn. 235) Lady Eleanor de S.
Amando (1426). (fn. 236) Agnes wife of Michael Norton in 1438 desired to be buried in this church,
and gave instructions that her tenement in
St. Ebbe's should be sold and the money should
be applied to keeping the anniversaries of herself
and her former husband Thomas Clamifer, in
the Franciscan church, for twenty years. (fn. 237) William Lord Lovell left the friars 200 marks in
1454. (fn. 238) Reginald Mertherderwa, LL.D., left
them 6s. 8d. in 1447, and 3s. 4d. 'to provide
one breakfast or dinner among them that they
may the more devoutly pray for my soul.' (fn. 239)
William Chestur, merchant of the Staple of
Calais and citizen and skinner of London, bequeathed 33s. 4d. to them in 1476. (fn. 240) Robert
Abdy, master of Balliol College (1483), Alice
Dobbis, wife of John Dobbis sometime mayor of
Oxford (1488), Thomas Banke, rector of Lincoln College (1503), Sir Robert Throckmorton,
knt. (1518), Sir Richard Elyot, knt. and judge
(1520), were among their benefactors. (fn. 241) James
Blackwood of Oxford left them 5s. and one
goblet of silver 'pounced' in 1490. (fn. 242) John
Tynmouth, Minorite, bishop of Argos and
parson of Boston, left them £5 in 1523. (fn. 243)
Richard Leke, brewer, of Oxford, bequeathed 4d.
to each friar being a priest and 2d. to each friar
being no priest; 6s. 8d. to the friars 'to make a
dinner in their own place'; 6s. 8d., to the
warden 'to provide for the premisses'; 20s. 'to
provide the altars to be ornated with apparel,'
and 10s. at his burying and anniversary. (fn. 244)
Henry Standish, Minorite and bishop of St. Asaph,
in 1535 bequeathed £40 for the exhibition of
scholars in the university of Oxford, £40 for
building an aisle in the Grey Friars Church in
Oxford, 10 marks for their church and '5 marks
to buy books to be placed in the library of the
scholars of the Friars Minors of Oxford.' (fn. 245)
Almost the last bequest recorded is one of 20s.
to each of the four orders from John Claymond,
first president of Corpus Christi College, 'that
they might celebrate in their churches for his
soul.' (fn. 246)
There were two libraries in the friary in the
fifteenth century—the library of the convent
and the library of the student friars. (fn. 247) The most
valuable collection of books was probably that
bequeathed to the friars by Grosteste. (fn. 248) These
were still in the library when Thomas Gascoigne
(c. 1450) had access to it. He mentions particularly having seen there a complete copy of
Grosteste's letters, (fn. 249) his autograph commentary
on the Epistles of St. Paul, (fn. 250) two MSS. of his
commentary on the Psalms (one of these an
autograph), (fn. 251) a treatise on luxury (fn. 252) and another
Super textum, (fn. 253) both written with his own hand.
Boston of Bury notices his translation of the
Testamenta xii Patriarcharum in the same place. (fn. 254)
Friar Thomas Netter of Walden refers to a
book De Studio by Grosteste, with autograph
notes by the author, which he had seen in the
Minorite convent. (fn. 255) St. Jerome's 'Catalogue of
Illustrious Men' (fn. 256) and his commentaries on Isaiah
and Ezekiel, (fn. 257) and the book called Speculum
laicorum (ascribed to John Hoveden) (fn. 258) were also
seen here by Gascoigne. Leland makes frequent
uses of a bibliographical compilation of considerable value which he found in this house—
namely the 'Catalogus illustrium Franciscanorum.'
Few only of the MSS. which formed part of
the library can be identified. Bodley MS. 198
contains a copy of St. Augustine De civitate Dei
which formed part of Grosteste's bequest; and
the illuminated copy of the Gospels in Greek
now in Caius College came to this friary probably from the same source. The same is probably true of the Greek Psalter with the Canticles in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, (fn. 259)
and of the Greek MS. of the Testamenta xii
Patriarcharum in the Cambridge University
Library. (fn. 260) The unique MS. of Adam Marsh's
letters (fn. 261) perhaps belonged to this house, and a
number of Franciscan works (including Thomas
of Eccleston De Adventu Fratrum Minorum,
Grosteste's sermons on poverty, the account of
the quarrel between the Dominicans and Franciscans at Oxford in 1269), now preserved in
the Phillipps Library at Cheltenham. (fn. 262) A
treatise called 'Quatuor principalia Musice,'
composed in 1351 by a Friar Minor of the
custody of Bristol, and presented to the Oxford
convent by Friar John of Tewkesbury in 1388,
is now in the Bodleian Library; (fn. 263) and several
MSS. transcribed in this house are extant. (fn. 264)
Books were also deposited at the Grey Friars for
safe keeping, or lent; and their owners seem
sometimes to have had difficulties in getting
them returned. (fn. 265)
The library was in process of dispersal in the
fifteenth century, when Thomas Gascoigne
obtained a number of the volumes. (fn. 266) Leland
visited the friary shortly before the dissolution,
and we have from his pen the last description of
the once famous library:— (fn. 267)
At the Franciscans' house there are cobwebs in the
library, and moths and bookworms; more than this—
whatever others may boast—nothing, if you have
regard to learned books. For I, in spite of the opposition of all the friars, carefully examined all the
bookcases in the library.
The university records furnish some details
about the convent on the eve of the dissolution.
Friar Brian Sandon acted as attorney for the
house; between 1507 and 1516 and between
1527 and 1534 he appeared as plaintiff or
defendant in some fifteen suits in the Chancellor's Court. (fn. 268) At one time he sued his proctor,
John Morys, for failing to bring corn to the
house of the friars; at another he sued Margery,
widow of John Lock, for the price of 'certain
cheeses which her husband bought from the
aforesaid Brian Sandon'; at another he acted as
attorney for a secular priest; at another he had
to answer a charge of wrongfully keeping a
knife. In 1531 he accused his tailor of purloining a quarter of a yard of woollen cloth, 'in
consequence of which his clothes were too short
and tight.' In 1532 and 1534 he appeals to
the court for protection against bodily injury,
and in 1535 for protection against a libel on
his character, which was not above suspicion.
Robert Beste, another Minorite, was summoned
before the court (1530), on grave suspicion of
incontinence and disturbance of the peace. (fn. 269)
Friar Arthur was seen 'in a chamber at the sign
of the Bear with a woman in a red cap . . .
both locked together in a chamber.' The case
was heard before Dr. Baskerfeld, warden of the
Grey Friars, who was acting for the commissary,
and the evidence has been carefully obliterated
from the register and is almost illegible. (fn. 270)
Early in the sixteenth century, the warden
leased one of the gardens of the convent to
Richard Leke, brewer of Oxford. The friars
thought the agreement very injurious to their
interests, and in 1513-4 demanded the repudiation of the contract. Feeling ran high and
Leke was in personal danger; the warden was
bound over to keep the peace and promised to
keep his friars in safe custody if they molested
the brewer. (fn. 271)
The friars of Oxford seem to have resisted the
introduction of the New Learning, Friar
Henry Standish, D.D., of Oxford, provincial
minister 1508 to 1514, and afterwards bishop
of St. Asaph, tried to organize a combined attack
on the writings of Erasmus and probably instigated Friar William Roy to write the 'Montfort Codex' of the New Testament and insert
the forged passage in 1 John, v. 7. (fn. 272)
On the other hand Friar Nicholas de Burgo,
of Florence, was a protégé of Wolsey's and was
perhaps one of the Italian Humanists whom the
cardinal brought to England. He was public
reader in theology at Cardinal College. He
was an active champion of the king in the matter of the divorce, and became in consequence
obnoxious especially to the women of Oxford,
who pelted him with stones; in retaliation the
friar had about thirty of them locked up in
Bocardo. (fn. 273) Dr. Thomas Kirkham, a Franciscan,
is mentioned as one of the doctors of divinity
who opposed the divorce and were ready to
write against it. (fn. 274) Dr. Kynton seems to have
been on the same side at first, but was afterwards one of the committee which issued in the
name of the university the qualified declaration
in favour of the king. (fn. 275)
In 1535 Cromwell sent his agent, Layton,
and others to Oxford to reform the university.
We have in visiting the religious students [wrote
Layton, 12 Sept. 1535 (fn. 276) ] amongst all other injunctions, adjoined that none of them for no manner
of cause shall come within any tavern, inn, alehouse,
or any other house whatsoever it be within the town
and suburbs of the same, upon pain once so taken, by
day or by night, to be sent immediately home to his
cloister where he was professed. Without doubt we
hear say of this act to be greatly lamented of all the
double honest women of the town, and specially of
their laundressess, that now may not once enter
within the gates, and much less within their chambers,
whereunto they were right well accustomed.
It is probable that between this time and the
summer of 1538 many of the Oxford Franciscans had left their house. Of the nine Minorites
who were admitted to opponency or the degree
of B.D., between 1534 and July 1538, only
one appears in the list of those desiring 'capacities' at the dissolution. (fn. 277) The commission to
visit the Oxford friaries in 1538 was issued to
Dr. John London, Mr. Banaster the mayor,
and Mr. Pye and Mr. Fryer. On 8 July
Dr. London sent to Cromwell an account of
their proceedings. (fn. 278) After visiting the White
and Austin friars, they came to the Grey Friars,
who—
have pretty islands behind their house well wooded,
and the waters be theirs also. They have one fair
orchard and sundry pretty gardens and lodgings.
It is great huge house containing much ruinous
building. They have impledged and sold most of
their plate and jewels forced by necessity as they
do say, and what remaineth is in the bill. Their
ornaments of their church be old and little worth.
Their other stuff of household is in the bill worth
£10. They have taken up the pipes of their con
duit (fn. 279) lately and have cast them in sows to the
number of lxvii whereof xii be sold for the costs in
taking up the pipes, as the warden saith. The residue
we have put in safe guard. But we have not yet
weighed them. And there is yet in the earth remaining much of the conduit not taken up. In
their groves the wind hath blown down many great
trees, which do remain upon the ground. These
friars do receive yearly out of the exchequer of the
king's alms 50 marks. This house is all covered
with slate and no lead.'
The jewels and plate consisted of a cross of
silver and gilt (54 oz.), a chalice all gilt (14 oz.),
another all gilt (15 oz.), two chalices parcel gilt
(13 oz. and 14½ oz.), a pyx of silver gilded, without
a cover (15 oz.), a censer of silver (32 oz.), a pair
of small cruets gilt (2¾ oz.), five old masers with
bonds of silver, weighing with the trees 92 oz.;
a black horn with silver bond and foot, weighing with the horn 10½ oz.; three dozen spoons
(33 oz.), a knob of the cover of a maser (2 oz.). (fn. 280)
Dr. London urged Cromwell to let the friars
have their capacities at once, for meantime the
visitors had to find them meat and drink, and
'the longer they tarry the more they will waste.' (fn. 281)
He wrote to Cromwell 31 August, 1538:— (fn. 282)
I have caused all our four orders of friars to
change their coats, and have despatched them as well
as I can till they may receive their capacities, for
the which I have now again sent up this bearer
Dr. Baskerfield (the warden) to whom I do humbly
beseech your lordship to stand good lord. He is an
honest man, and caused all his house to surrender the
same and to change their papistical garments. . . .
He hath been a visitor of divers places which they
do call custodies, and knoweth many things as well
in London as otherwise, which he hath promised me
to declare unto your lordship if it be your good
pleasure he shall do so.
The list of Oxford Grey Friars 'who would
have their capacities' contains eighteen names: (fn. 283)
Edward Baskerfield, S.T.P., warden; Brian
Sandon, Richard Roper, B.D., Ralph Cresswell, (fn. 284)
Robert Newman, William Brown, John Comre,
James Cantwell, Thomas Capper, John Staffordeschyer, William Bowghnell, James Smyzth,
Thomas Wythman, priests; John Olliff subdeacon; Simon Ludforth, Thomas Barly,
William Cok and John Cok, not in holy orders.
On 6 November Dr. London was still asking
for the 'capacities.' (fn. 285)
The subsequent fate of most of the disfrocked
friars who studied at Oxford is obscure. Some
obtained benefices—such as Dr. Thomas Kirkham, Edmund Brycott, John Joseph, perhaps
Thomas Tomsun; a few rose to positions of
some importance in the church; John Taylor,
alias Cardmaker, became vicar of St. Bride's,
Fleet Street, chancellor of Wells, was a prominent reformer in the time of Edward VI, and
was burnt at Smithfield in 1555; John Crayford became canon of Durham; Hugh Glasier
held various preferments, the rectory of Hanworth (1538), that of Harlington (1546), that of
Deal (1553); in the reign of Edward VI he
was' an eager man for reformation,' in the reign
of Mary he was one of the commissioners for
the suppression of heresy in the diocese of
Canterbury. Gregory Basset and Edward Ryley
seem to have remained true to the old religion
and held preferment in Mary's reign; Simon
Ludford became an apothecary in London, and
after many attempts fellow of the Royal College
of Physicians in 1563. (fn. 286)
The site was of considerable value: and Dr.
London hearing that' divers of the guard' intended to beg these houses of the king petitioned
(8 July, 1538) Cromwell to secure them for the
town. (fn. 287)
If by your good lordship's mediation the town
might have the Grey and Black Friars' grounds, after
the king's grace hath been answered for the wood and
buildings and other things upon the same, . . . it
would marvellously help the town and give them
great occasion to fall to clothing; for upon the Grey
and Black Friars' water be certain convenient and
commodious places to set fulling mills upon, and so
people might be set to work.
This plan was not carried out. On 10
August, 1540, William Frewers and John Pye of
Oxford obtained a lease of the house and site of
the Grey Friars, together with the grove containing by estimation 5 acres, for twenty-one years
at a rent of 20s. a year. (fn. 288) Much of the Grey Friars'
property was expressly excluded from this lease:
namely the close called 'le Churcheyarde,' now
held by Richard Gunter of Oxford at an annual
rent of 3s. 4d., the orchard or garden called
'Paradise,' and a garden called 'Boteham,' now
held by William Thomas at an annual rent of
6s. 8d. Further, all large trees and shrubs were
reserved to the king, together with all those
buildings within the precincts 'which the king
had commanded to be levelled or taken away.' (fn. 289)
In 1544 the tenants seem to have opened
negotiations for the purchase of the property,
but were probably not able to give the price
demanded. For in the same year Richard
Andrewes of Hales, esq., one of the largest speculators in monastic lands, acting in partnership
with John Howe, made a successful bid: and on
14 July the king granted to these two, in consideration of £1,094 3s. 2d. paid by Andrewes,
various monastic lands in the counties of Derby,
Middlesex, Oxford, &c., including the sites of
the Black and Grey Friaries in Oxford. An
annual rent from each parcel of property was
due to the king, the rent of the site of the Grey
Friars being 3s. (fn. 290) Next month (26 August, 1544)
Andrewes and Howe obtained from the king
licence to alienate the whole of the Grey Friars
to Richard Gunter, alderman of Oxford, and
Joanna his wife. (fn. 291)
In Wood's time the property belonged to
several owners: part of it was occupied by tanners; the island or grove on the south of Trill
Mill stream belonged 'to Sir William Moorton,
knt., Judge of the King's Bench, in right of his
wife Anne, daughter and heir of John Smyth
of Oxford, gent.' (fn. 292) Writing about a century
later, Peshall (fn. 293) states that the site
now forms the messuage or tenement and large
yard of Charles Collins, gent: the garden orchard
and tenement of Swithin Adee, M.D., late Sir James
Cotter's, bart.; and the large garden and orchard
called Paradise Garden. The island in their possession . . . is occupied by Mr. Shirley, which serves
partly for a tanyard and buildings necessary thereto.
In a short time little was left of the buildings.
In 1578 Agas in his map puts the Graie Friers
where the house of the Black Friars stood.
'The ruins of this college are gone to ruin,'
wrote Wood, 'and almost lodged in obscurity:' (fn. 294)
and the 'scanty fragments' which were visible
to Hearne and Parkinson as they walked towards
the Water-gate have long since disappeared. (fn. 295)
William of Esseby (fn. 297)
Peter of Tewkesbury, (fn. 298)
c. 1236-47
John of Stamford, (fn. 299)
c. 1247-56
Gregory, (fn. 300) 1300
Richard Clyff, (fn. 301) 1465-66
Edward Baskerfield (?), (fn. 302)
c. 1534
William of Esseby, (fn. 304)
c. 1225
Eustace de Merc, (fn. 305)
c. 1237
Martin, (fn. 306)
c. 1250
Adam of Warminster, (fn. 307) 1269
John de Codynton, (fn. 308) 1300
John of Okehampton, (fn. 309) 1340
Richard Salford, (fn. 310) 1488, 1489
William Vavasor (?), (fn. 311)
c. 1500
Robert Burton, (fn. 312) 1508
Walter Goodfield, (fn. 313) before 1513
John Harvey, (fn. 314) 1514, 1515
Edward Baskerfield, (fn. 315) 1528, 1538
No impression of the seal of this house has
yet been discovered.