Saturday, November 2.
When the House resolved into a Grand Committee on the Supply. Mr Hampden in the Chair.
[On the State of the War.]
Sir Thomas Clarges.] The Forces now in pay are 70,000
Horse, Foot, &c. I think the Nation cannot keep them.
When we were at War with the two great Powers of the World,
Holland and France, the Establishment was much short of
that. Now the King is graciously pleased to come in to
us to relieve us from Civil and Military Oppressions, I
hope we shall be in that way and order as to have no extraordinary Forces. Though we are in a State of War,
we need not above 25,000 men. Our conditions with
Holland are upon the foot of the Treaty of Charles II, of
mutual Alliance and Defence. If either party be attacked,
we are to deal by mediation; and if we cannot compose,
we are to assist with 8000 men, and are to come into the
War in three Months. I think we ought not to continue
the 8000 men—I know, none of the Allies are obliged to
beat King James out of Ireland; we are to support that.
I do not think it for us to take more upon us than we necessarily are obliged to. I think, 40,000 men may be
taken out of this Establishment; I am sure a less number
conquered Ireland in 1650. I profess, I am much in the
dark, till I hear some proposition from the King of the
State of the War for the next Year, and till we know the
Obligation of Alliances. The Dutch Forces are given in
14,000. They are not all in Ireland, some are in Scotland.
They are upon parole to keep up seventy in a Company, &c.
and perhaps they are but thirty-two in a Company, and in
a year they will be filled up; so that we have a chimerical
Army. Let the Muster-master acquaint you farther.
The Earl of Ranelagh gives an Account of the Establishment,
and rectifies Clarges's mistakes.
Mr Garroway.] I see no certainty of the number of
men in England, Scotland, and Ireland. I think the Account that has been transferred to you comes from the
Muster-master, and the King is abused. I would go on
regularly to the State of the War, what the King thinks
fitting, and they to bring in where the men are; without
the certain number of men, you know not how to provide. I think it fitter to apply to the Fleet, and retrench
the Land-men. England knows no need of them. I believe the Money is not all spent. I think it may be embezzled. I never saw a worse Account—If we do not
presently give Money, I would have some Vote to give
Credit to the War. I would have the true State of the
number of men; it is no matter whose Regiments they
are. I would have Accounts brought here by somebody
that will allow them, but I desire not to go blind-fold.
Let the Money be rightly applied, and I will go with the
highest, and I desire the King to give us the State of the War.
Sir Edward Seymour.] I speak to method, which is carried on with great uncertainty. Some may seem abuses
of the Muster, and that is no part of your Order. It is
"to consider the State of the War," and it is more pertinent, to consider the Numbers necessary to carry on the War
the next year. If Gentlemen think England in a condition to carry on the War for themselves, and the Confederates, I am afraid they are mistaken. I believe, all Concurrence is little enough for what is necessary to carry on
the War. I think you had good service from Clarges, who
proposed retrenchments of the Dutch Forces: I am sorry
that Englishmen are not fit for English Interest. If, for fear of
an Enemy within you, you must have an Army, you will
never be without one. I am sorry the Interest of England
is said to be safer in foreign Hands, than English. If, by
the Treaty, you are to provide for Holland 10,000 men,
you are no farther obliged than till you come into the
War; then that is a charge extraordinary. You that are
come in at the last part of the day as Assistants, now are
made Principals; and [they will] leave you out when it
is their Interest—Upon another Debate to talk of suppressing Popery, and your Allies leave you—If you stick there,
we must either suppress them, or they us. There are
7000 Danes designed for Ireland; a great sum is gone for
them. I will not repeat the scarcity of Money; but how
many Irish Gentlemen must fight for their own, and yet
we send for foreign Forces, and give all we are worth
for Ireland, and know not whether we shall be masters of
it. I do think, that, as to the 8000 to be sent to Holland, you are not obliged to it. The Dutch Army is unnecessary, and I hope you will think of it.
Sir Thomas Lee.] I am of Seymour's Opinion, to begin
with Ireland but, as for the Danes, I think there is a great
deal of difference in the Charge betwixt them and Irish Gentlemen, who will not serve for common Soldiers, as the
Danes. I hope we shall keep Ireland, when we have got
its let us get it first. As for the 8000 men we are to
supply Holland, at the same time those are withdrawn,
they may withdraw their Fleet.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] We are now possessed of the whole
Province of Ulster, where, by computation, are three Papists
to one Protestant, and in Munster more Protestants, and I
am well informed that a great body may be raised there,
who will fight pro aris et focis. The best inducement to
have the Danes is, that they should not go to the French.
Sir Robert Howard.] By this Debate, we shall find,
that making too melancholy a prospect is to the advantage of
our Enemies, but may be, upon serious Consideration, for our
use. Should you, out of good husbandry, strike off 10,000
men from Ireland, I believe you will give great satisfaction
to King James. Seeing you shrink in that, you may increase the French King's Resolution in supplying him.
King James's Army in Ireland is supposed 20,000 Horse,
and 30,000 Foot. The loss of 10,000 of ours there may
have strange Effects.
Mr Garroway.] I am still of the same Opinion that this
is the worst Account I ever saw in my life. When King
James went away, he left 30,000 men, and we had 10,000
out of Holland. The English Arms are all lost; and now
effective, rank and file, you have not 20,000 of these men left.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] I am not of capacity to say how
many men may serve for Ireland, but I would have his
Majesty moved to declare the Numbers for next year.
Major Wildman.] I would remove a mistake; we talk
not here for the King, but for the Kingdom. I have heard
a Doctrine preached here, "Take care we be not Principals in the War against France;" but against King James we
are Principals in that War to defend us from Popery and
Slavery. It has been the Doctrine of this House many
years, that France is in the Bottom of all Slavery, and that
was to be brought upon us. We are in a worse condition
than the Confederates, and have need of all the Confederates against King James and France. The French King
would have made conditions with Holland, and offered Money
to divide Holland from us, with all offers of Trade, if they
would have left us in the lurch, and not assisted the Prince
of Orange; and they may still make Peace—I believe nobody here is inclined to treat with King James. We must
have War upon us, and if we are wanting to ourselves,
and give the least discouragement to the Confederates,
they may leave us to ourselves to struggle with France
and King James. It has been by the Treachery of late
Princes that we have been brought to truckle under France,
which has brought him to be able to oppose the greatest
Powers by Sea, the English and the Dutch. I remember
the time when the French durst not build a Ship without giving an account of it. I move that you would
supply the King with what Forces are necessary for Ireland, and what may wholly suppress Ireland.
Mr Garroway.] I do not agree with him for so great
a Supply. I do not think to lay a foundation for such a
War as that the King of France should not build a Ship
without our Knowlege. I believe, if it were not that
the Crown of Spain would be in dispute, you never would
have had the Company of the Confederates, and the Emperor would make Peace. I do believe that we cannot support the War above a year longer. Therefore say you will
grant a Supply to carry on the War, and I am for it;
but "that the French King has 40 or 50,000 men in
Germany," I have heard it, but I believe nobody ever saw
it. That the French King should have 200,000 men, and
suffer Bonn and Mentz to be taken!—And possibly, if he had
chopped 10,000 men into Mentz, they had done him more
service than all he could do. I am free to make a provision for a good force. I care not what it costs us, but
I would not be cozened.
Col. Birch.] It is not known to me, whether we are to
have 30 or 40,000 men; that will be in due time. You
may preserve Ireland and yourselves, if God Almighty
does not take away your understandings; therefore I move,
"That 40,000 men may be for the next year's establishment
Sir. John Guise.] You have been told of the former reducing of Ireland. The Forfeitures were taken of Papists
Estates, and at three years value raised 320,000l. I move
that you will consider some such way now.
Sir John Trevor.] The Question is, Whether you will
consider the numbers of men, or a lump of Money for Ireland? I am for men, and if you appropriate not the Mohey, it may be applied either to the Navy, or the Dutch,
and not for Ireland, and neither done at last. I do not
understand that what is sent to you is an Answer to your
Address. If you compute for 36,000 men, I would
venture to give for 50,000. I am sure it is more
proper for the King. We are not a Council of War, but
Representatives of the People, to assist him. We are
but to supply, according to the numbers of men; the King
cannot else carry on the War vigorously. If you make not
an end of the War this year, I know not how we can supply it another. I move "that the King may send us the
State of the War."
Sir Henry Capel.] Several of the Council attended the
King about the Admiralty and the Army, and the State
of both is delivered to the House, as approved of by the King.
Sir John Trevor.] Capel goes a great way, but those who
gave in that State of War to the King, understand War no
more than himself.
Sir George Treby.] There is a necessity that Ireland
should be reduced: I have no share of it when it is reduced, but I would have it reduced. I am not so vain as
to say that France should be reduced, but I would suppress so great a Neighbour. Our consideration is for carrying
on the War, but most discourses seem to depart from that
rather than to pursue it. But I hear spoken of, our being
delivered from a standing Army; we had a standing Army,
but were delivered from it by the Duke of Albemarle
[General Monk] But there is an absolute necessity of an
Army, unless you would be annoyed at home, when you
are defending your outworks. I hope those who are not
for supporting the Government, will be reckoned amongst
French and Irish. 'Tis said, "There are Mismanagements
in the Accounts;" to which no man is a greater Enemy
than myself. I have seen the time, when those who cheated
the King were thought the best men. The Money we are
to pay now is our Redemption-Money; for what we paid to
beat our Enemies formerly, was spent upon dissolute persons at Court. I agree if we look to the Well-management of the Money, it gives double; and notwithstanding
it is so good, it must be taken in its proper time, and not
hinder what is for immediate safety—It has been said,
"That the Emperor is not obliged to reduce Ireland;"
but if he opposes France, he helps to reduce Ireland.
There is a Meeting of the Confederates at the Hague the
next Month (fn. 1) , and when the King knows your Intentions,
he will take his Measures accordingly; and till you declare
how you will assist him, it is not possible for him to take
his Measures. It is said, "We have Foreigners in the
Nation, and that the Natives might be sufficient to preserve
you;" but though Prorogation annulls "Votes" of Parliament, yet not "Acts." You have desired their Assistance, and given them Money. Denmark might have had
better Terms from France; you will not entertain him,
and he casts himself into the French King's Arms. We
look upon them (as in great part) naturalized to our Interest. We were grieved with Popery; where was the
Back? It was France gave the Back to that Edge, but
instead of an "actual War," that we had given Money for,
it proved an actual Peace, and we were choused of it.
France heretofore was but an inland Province, and now is
great at Sea—'Tis well to provide that all Malefactors be
punished, that we may live well, but we must live before.
What is wanting to this State of War? You would have
some Estimate of the War; you have called for Accounts,
for this Day's Work, and contented yourselves with all
materials requisite, and believed you would accept this given
as a State of the War; should you have more, it is but
in order to giving Money. Now, having this before you,
it is enough to inform your Judgments as proper to guide
Mr Garroway.] Two Millions will not do the Charge,
according to the Computation of Horse and Foot; but if
you be pleased that it be added to the Revenue, it will do
all your Business, and I believe you will be supplied
[Resolved, That, for the reducing of Ireland, and joining, this ensuing year, with their Majesties Allies abroad, in a vigorous Prosecution of the War against France both by Sea and Land, a Supply
be given to their Majesties, not exceeding the Sum of two Millions,
to be added to the Public Revenue: Which was agreed to by
the House, Nem. con.]
Monday, November 4.
Sir Thomas Jenner [attending at the Door, according to the
Order of October 28 (fn. 2) , he was called in to the Bar, and heard what
he had to say to the Matters objected against him, and then withdrew. Journal of the Day.]
Mr Brewer.] If you punish this man here in the House,
and he be liable to be punished at Law, it is a double punishment. I would leave him to the Law.
Sir Joseph Tredenham] I find nothing laid to his charge,
but what Westminster-Hall may punish. Pray discharge
him upon his Bail.
Mr Foley.] I was in Oxford, when Jenner sat upon the
Commission for Magdalen-College. He was very severe
upon Dr. Hough
(fn. 3) , and required great Bail of him. Some
of his Predecessors have been hanged for less Crimes. The
Judges keep the King's Conscience, and have betrayed
their Trust. Commit him to the Serjeant, and then consider him in the Indemnity.
Mr Smith.] He thinks himself more an object of Favour,
that he sat only in the last Ecclesiastical Commission, but I
think him more criminal for that, seeing the ill effects of the
former; for in the last there was more Authority of Oppression
than in the former. An Excuse in this Case is rather a Justification. His Hand was as deep at Oxford as any man there.
(fn. 4) said, "He hoped he should have remedy
in Westminster-Hall for being dispossessed of his Fellowship."
Jenner told him, "He should have little Favour there."
Fairfax said, "He expected no Favour, but Justice there."
Every man that acted there has been a public Injury to
the whole Nation, as well as the particular Persons of the
Mr Machell.] He has hanged several for running from
their Colours. He would do any thing he was put upon,
and would have hanged all this House, if he could.
Sir Robert Howard.] You have made a great noise about
these men. Turning them back to the Law is turning
them no where. The Statute of 25 Edward III has been
endeavoured to be drowned by these men, in the Common
Law, and from thence came the late Murders. Should
all the Precedents of King James stand good Common LawPrecedents, of perpetual Imprisonments, and the King's
Power to dispense with the penal Laws, I know not what
the Judges will do as to Common Law, by these Precedents of the Ecclesiastical Commission, and the King's Dispensing Power. I move that you will proceed in Parliament upon these Offences, and finish the Relief that has
been begun for the Nation, and reserve this man to
the Act of Indemnity, or the Pains and Penalties.
Ordered, That Sir Thomas Jenner be committed to the Serjeant
[November 5, Gunpowder-Treason. Dr Birch preached before
Wednesday, November 6.
An ingrossed Bill for establishing the Rights of the Subject, [was
read the third time.]
Sir Edward Seymour.] I find in the latter Clause of the
Bill a Power in the King of dispensing, &c. If that be admitted, all the rest is nothing. I would advise not to part
with the Money-Bill, till this be perfected; let it lie upon
Sir Edward Hussey.] There is a Clause in the Bill,
that I do not understand; "That no Papist shall succeed to the Crown, none of the Church of Rome, and
no Protestant shall be put by. If a Protestant be a reputed Papist, he shall be put by." Charles I was thought
a Papist: Charles II by many was reckoned popishly affected; and I fear, as there was Spanish Gold stirring in
Court and Parliament, in James I's time, why may not
these things happen again? I hear of no Test to the King
to distinguish him from a Papist; must the muzzle be set
upon the King when the Council please? This may prevent a Lutheran from coming to the Crown, because he
comes not up to all the Points of our Religion. I fear, it
may be like the Bill of Oaths, which the greatest Lawyers
of England understand not. There is a Clause in the Bill,
"That the King shall not suspend Laws, &c." What if
a murder be committed, and a man wrongfully condemned, shall he be hanged for want of the King's Power
to pardon? I stand not up to oppose the Bill, but I would
have it explained and moderated.
[The Bill passed, Nem. con.]
Sir Joseph Tredenham.] I hear that Major-General Ludlow
(fn. 5) is come into England, and is in Town, and that his old
accomplices do comfort, aid, and abet him. By Act of
Parliament he is attainted, and is a declared Enemy to the
King and Kingdom. To what end do we raise Taxes upon
the People, but to support the Government? To what can
these Persons pretend, but to bring us into the same Anarchy as formerly? Now we are setting things in order,
they are contriving to make us Victims to their Passions.
I am for the public security, and it is to that end I stand
up. I would address the King to issue out his Royal Proclamation, to command him out of the Nation.
Sir John Guise.] I offer it to your Consideration, whether any body will make it appear that Ludlow is here?
Marquess of Winchester.] I think it well moved. The
Gentleman at the Bar tells you, that he walks in the
Face of the Nation. 'Tis necessary the Gentleman should
give you Information. I know nothing of the Person.
My Family, I am sure, has suffered in King Charles I's
time (fn. 6) . I speak nothing of the man, but for your Justice.
Mr Hawles.] I do not see how Ludlow comes to be so
considerable a man as that this House should address the
King about him. Every private man may attach him. He
is attaint upon Record. Many have been guilty of Murders; you have said so, and yet they walk abroad.
Mr Coningsby.] I think it the strangest thing that ever
was heard of, a Parliament sitting, to suffer one to face
you that is attainted by Parliament. Upon this extraordinary occasion, do an extraordinary thing, and address
the King, as is moved.
Col. Birch.] I am in a new Perriwig, and pray let the
House look upon me before I am heard. For this Person
to come in the face of a Parliament, is a horrid thing,
if it be so. I am curious to know whether he be here,
or no. Pray let somebody avow him to be here before
you make the Order.
[Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty,
That he will please to issue out a Proclamation for the apprehending
Colonel Ludlow, who stands attainted of High-Treason, by Act of
Parliament, for the Murder of King Charles the First: And that he
will please to propose a Reward to such as shall apprehend him.
Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty by
Sir Edward Seymour
(fn. 7) .]
Col. Tipping.] The late Chancellor Jeffreys died in his
bed, with so much guilt of Murder upon him, and the
House sitting. 'Twas he that voided the Charters, and
backed the Judges in the Dispensing Power, and in it
passed sentence on all your Laws and Liberties. He had
his Hand in Lord Russel's and Col. Sidney's Blood, and
executed Sir Thomas Armstrong, by a Rule of Court, expressly
against the Statute of Edward VI. Innocent Blood he
sought for, and condemned; as Mrs Lisle, for harbouring
a Traytor knowing him to be such, and he knew he was
not (fn. 8) . He has raised his Estate on the ruin of the Laws.
His Estate and Honour are the Price of your Blood. I
move, That you will attaint him.
Mr Coningsby.] It is all one, for a man in a Gown, or
a man with a Sword, to ruin your Laws. I would reduce
him to that State he was in before he did these Villanies.
[Resolved, Nem. con. That a Bill be brought in for the Forfeiture
of the Estate and Honour of George late Lord Jeffreys, Baron of
Wem, late Lord Chancellor of England: And it is recommended
to Colonel Tipping to take care of it.]
Thursday, November 7.
In a Grand Committee [on the Supply. On the 500l. Forfeitures.]
Sir Edward Seymour.] The Question is, Whether Persons liable to the 500l. Forfeiture shall be charged towards
the raising the Money that you have agreed? I suppose no
man but believes, that, before you raise this sum, there
will be a great many hardships somewhere. You will not
make price of their Folly—You know what attempts
have been made against our Religion and Laws; this penalty is no more, than what they are liable to already.
Nothing can be of greater consideration of Justice than to
make this a Fund. To pay 100,000l. a month—a man
may live to be mistaken. The Prince of Orange's Army,
and the other Forces in the West Country, have eaten up all
the fodder of the last year, and you will have an ill account of that Country if a hard winter. I will with chearfulness support the Government, but it is reasonable that
we pay not the price of other mens follies, while they
pay not a farthing to the public charge. As for that
Law of the Test, the wit of man could not have found
out a greater preservative against Popery, and will you
let go that impudent Action of taking Offices without
the Test, &c? Have they deserved this? Were they put
in for preservers of your Liberties? They may pretend to
be defenders of your Faith too. You are not at the last
end of your tether. I think it reasonable that you should
raise these 500l. Forfeitures to be applied to the Public.
Mr Hawes.] I am no friend to Popery; and I do not
regard whether Papist, or Fanatic, break your Laws: I
would have the Laws run upon them. But the proper
Question is, Whether the 500l. Forfeiture will yield what
you think? If you run upon every man, I am sure you
will never raise it, unless, as in the Act of Conventicles, he
that is, pays for him that is not, responsible. You must
make a new Law for Persons not qualified, and who have
got nothing by their Offices.
Sir Thomas Lee.] It may happen, I think, that a Protestant, who would make himself grateful to King James,
has done more mischief in promoting the Popish Interest
than Papists. Perhaps it will come so hard upon those
in Corporations, that it may undo them who have little,
and cannot speak for themselves; but how will you distinguish it? Those who had no Offices of Profit, and will
now take the Test, I would have them excused, but such
as refuse now should pay double.
Sir Edward Seymour.] I do not understand the reason of
that distinction of "then" and "now." The thing they
stood upon was not matter of Conscience, which is the same
now as it was then. Because they carried on the Suspending Power, that has brought us into all this misfortune; therefore I am not for distinction.
Sir John Thompson] I wonder the Gentleman can remember some and forget others. He speaks of "the Dispensing Power:" I think they were as great Enemies to
the Government who ruined us on the Prerogative side.
He was taken down to Order.
Mr Sacheverell.] I am, in a great measure, of the Opinion of that Gentleman. I cannot agree to deceive the
King, by getting nothing by poor men. You will punish them that did it, to save themselves from ruin. The
Papists had another end in it. I do know persons that
did come in at that time, that wish as well to the Church
of England as any men, who would rather run the Penalty than let the Corporation be ruined, and Corporations had been ruined that gave not up their Charters. I
can go up to those that made no profit of it, and can
freely come in. I mean not, by this, to excuse Justices
of Peace, nor Deputy-Lieutenants, but poor men in Corporations.
Sir Edward Seymour.] I am sorry Thompson did not go
on; but I call to his memory, or any man's, to charge
me with doing any thing against the Interest of the Nation, or for any foreign Interest.
Sir William Pulteney.] They were to be prosecuted within six Months, who acted in Commissions without taking
the Test, and there have been pardons already passed.
Mr Brewer.] Whoever transgressed against this Law
must be Fools or Knaves; therefore put the Question as
Sir John Guise.] For ought I see, we need not have
put it so far as King James. If the Prosecution must be
within six Months, I would willingly see that.
Mr Sacheverell.] If you would put it by a Sum, let it
be by a Quantum of value upon the poor men. I do not
except men of Authority, as Justices of the Peace, and
Deputy-Lieutenants, but poor men of Corporations. I
know not one Justice not worth 100l. per ann. nor Deputy-Lieutenant. I know no way but to state it by
the Sum; put it upon men of 100l. per ann. or Money
in value to it.
Mr Garroway.] It is a hard matter to word this Question, but I would put in "Privy-Counsellors, Sheriffs,
Mayors, Deputy-Lieutenants, and Justices, and all Offices
Sir John Guise.] There is one you will hardly come at, Charles
Frines, Recorder of Gloucester—Pray remember his Charge
in Print. If you go by Offices of Profit, that may do.
Col. Birch.] Do not forget them. I was most afraid
of Governors of Castles, and those in the Army; they
were most dangerous.
[Resolved, That it is theOpinion of this Committee, That, towards
the raising the Supply to be given to their Majesties, the pecuniary Penalties incurred by all Privy-Counsellors, Lord-Lieutenants, DeputyLieutenants, Militia Officers, Justices of Peace of Counties and
Cities, Mayors, Bailiffs of Corporations, Sheriffs, Recorders, TownClerks, and also by other Persons who have accepted or exercised
any Office or Place of Profit, either Military or Civil, other than
such as are now Officers in their Majesties Army or Fleet, contrary to an Act of 25 Charles II, entitled, "An Act for preventing Dangers which may happen from Popish Recusants," be speedily levied and applied to that purpose: And that the House be
moved, That a Bill be brought in to that Effect. Which being
reported, was agreed to by the House the next Day, and a Bill
was ordered to be brought in accordingly.
November 8, Omitted.]
Saturday, November 9.
In a Grand Committee. [On the Supply.]
Col. Birch.] I have seen an Irish Rebellion before this,
in 1640. The Rebellion in Ireland was then quelled out
of Irish Money and Irish Estates. What was then done
was by a Bill for Subscription at Guild-hall for so many
Acres of Land on the Rebels Estates, and other great Persons. There was then 370,000l. raised upon it. When
Charles II came in, a Committee of Claims was made—
But if the Estates of those in Arms against the King and
Kingdom were offered to sale, I think they would raise
some Money. This I submit to your Wisdom. It makes
so many Friends to the Government, and it is their Interest.
Your Enemies, by this, will see you are in good earnest,
and that they are no Friends to you, nor you to them.
Sir Thomas Clarges.] In 1641, an Act passed for Proposals in such a Province, and so much was given for
so many Acres. I am for a Committee to receive Proposals, before you make an Act; it is too early for that.
At that time, in 1641, we were possessed of Dublin, and
other places, and I think, if we do any thing, a Committee should view the former Act.
Mr Hawles.] I know no Estate yet forfeited in Ireland.
In Charles I's time, they attainted the Persons before they
forfeited their Estates.
Mr Garroway.] You have passed some Votes which
will not give satisfaction, to come up to your present necessity to raise two Millions, by the several projects; we
must go really to the thing, and resolve that the Land
must bear some. I care not which way, so it be done better or worse; therefore say what Proportion the Land must
bear. I propose, that you will raise a certain Sum upon
the Land, 1,400,000l. by a Pound rate, monthly assessment, and debate that.
Mr Godolphin.] You are not yet ripe for this Question
of laying 1,400,000l. upon Land, but you may be presently; the Returns being about making in the Exchequer of
the 12d. in the Pound. By that you will know exactly
what to do, when you see the Duplicates. I believe you
must lay 2 s. in the Pound for one year.
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this Committee,
1. That the House be moved to appoint a Committee to receive and consider of Proposals for advancing Money upon the security of Estates forfeited by Occasion of the present Rebellion in
2. That, towards the raising the Supply, &c. a Sum not exceeding, 1,400,000l. be charged upon Land.
3. That the Sum charged upon Land be raised by way of a
4. That the said Pound Rate be two Shillings in the Pound for
one Year, &c. as also a farther Charge of two Shillings in the Pound
upon all such Persons as shall refuse to take the Oaths which are appointed instead of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. Which
being reported, were agreed to by the House, and the Attorney and
Sollicitor General, were ordered to prepare and bring in Bills accordingly.]