Historical events: To 1584

Historical Account of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Including the Borough of Gateshead. Originally published by Mackenzie and Dent, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1827.

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'Historical events: To 1584', in Historical Account of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Including the Borough of Gateshead, (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1827) pp. 1-22. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/newcastle-historical-account/pp1-22 [accessed 17 March 2024]

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HISTORY OF NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE.

HISTORICAL EVENTS.

The origin of this ancient town is a subject entirely open to the conjectures of the inquisitive: and though no instruction can be conveyed by creating fable where fact is wanting. yet the gloom of our early annals may be illumined, and the deficiency of legitimate information in some degree supplied, by local inspection and probable deductions.

At the date of the Roman invasion, Great Britain was inhabited by the Celtæ, the aboriginal people of western Europe; but the southern districts of the island were occupied by the Belgæ, who were evidently Gaelic Celts. (fn. 1) The whole country was divided into numerous small states, which produced continual struggles, and rendered a skill in the science of attack and defence indispensibly necessary. The country extending from the north side of the Tyne to the extremity of Lothian belonged to the Ottadini, whose principal town, named Bremenium, afterwards Reichester, was seated on the Reed water. The district south of the Tyne was occupied by the populous and warlike tribe of the Brigantes. Now, as the Ottadini would necessarily be obliged to fortify and guard their southern frontíer against the incursions of such powerful neighbours, the scite of this town would very probably be selected as one of their military stations. The ancient Britons generally constructed their fastnesses or towns on tall precipitate hill tops; and the summit of the lofty elevation which rises abruptly from the north end of the Tyne bridge, seems to have offered many desirable advantages to the military engineers of ancient times. The conjecture that this was a British place of defence, is strengthened by the circumstance of the Romans having afterwards formed a station on this very spot; for that judicious people, it is well known, seldom neglected to occupy the fortresses of the natives.

Julius Cæsar made a hostile landing in Britain in the 55th and 54th years before the Christian era, and many of the southern tribes continued nominally tributary to Rome during the term of ninety-seven years; but in A. D. 43, the Roman armies again landed, in order to complete the subjugation of the island. The Britons made a brave and obstinate, though ineffectual resistance; and in the year 80, Agricola marched from Manchester along the west coast, penetrated into the recesses of Caledonia, and defeated Galgacus at the foot of the Grampian mountains. On his return in 84, he traversed the territories of the Ottadini, and of their neighbours the Gadeni, and, it is supposed, took winter quarters on the banks of the Tyne. It is also generally admitted, that this active and politic general, in order to secure his conquests, built a chain of forts from near the mouth of the Tyne to Solway Firth.

In 120, the Emperor Hadrian visited Britain in person, and caused a rampart of earth to be raised, in order to join Agricola's forts, which evidently constituted the real defences of the frontier. That Newcastle had been chosen as the scite of a Roman fort by Agricola is highly probable, because the Roman emperor commenced his grand barrier here, which he clearly considered to be a post of importance. Here commenced one of the great military roads of the Romans, which, passing Gateshead Fell, proceeded to Chester in the Street, and joined the Watling Street near Binchester. Here also it appears the emperor built a bridge, from which circumstance the station was called Pons Ælii, after the emperor, who was of the Ælian family. During his reign, two medals were struck, one bearing a bridge with five arches, and the other one with seven. As the Ælian bridge at Rome has five arches, it has been properly inferred that the other medal was intended to commemorate the building of the bridge over the Tyne. It is certain that the bridge of Newcastle was of Roman origin, for in clearing away the piers of the old bridge, after the great flood in 1771, one of Hadrian's coins was found, as well as the coins of anterior emperors. Those of a subsequent date were probably deposited there in some later repairs. In digging the foundations of the new county courts, the Roman antiquities that were discovered prove, beyond a doubt, that this is the real scite of the station. These circumstances attest the high antiquity of Newcastle, and point it out as one of the chosen spots where, in England, those arts were first taught which civilize and dignify human existence.

The Roman stations were large, strong, and magnificent fortresses; the smallest being capable of containing a cohort, or six hundred men. Eighteen stations, exclusive of eighty-one castles, and three hundred and twenty-four turrets, and connected by a wall twelve feet high and eight feet broad, strengthened by a ditch twenty-one feet wide and fifteen feet deep, formed this stupendous military barrier. (fn. 2) Ten thousand troops were required for its defence; and the strongest division of the Roman army in England was constantly in garrison here, to oppose the bold and daring attacks of the brave and independent Britons. The east flank of this grand barrier, and which commanded the communication by sea, seems to have been defended with peculiar care, the stations being placed near to each other. From this we may infer, that Pons Ælii, from its felicitous situation, very early became the theatre of polished life. Wherever the Romans conquered, they inhabited; and the obedience of the tributary tribes in this district was secured, even in the days of Agricola, by a sympathy of taste and an unity of interests. The learning, customs, and fashions of the Romans, were first exhibited in their stations; and the curious Briton, leaving his sylvan retreat, soon entered into the joys and confidence of an active community. The degrading sense of subjugation was lost in admiration of the attainments and generosity of the conquerors; and the inhabitants of our rugged mountains, trained to endure the severest privations, readily acquired a relish for the elegant indolence of the portico and the bath. (fn. 3) In short, the Romanized Britons, without undergoing the tedious process of gradual stages, appear to have passed at once from the gloom of barbarous life to a familiarity with the arts and philosophy of Italy.

The eastern part of the celebrated northern barrier was garrisoned by the Legio Secunda Augusta, one of the four legions that entered Britain in the reign of Clau dius. According to the Notitia Imperii, which was written after the reign of Theodosius the First, Pons Ælii was occupied by the Cohors Cornoviorum. The troops which defended this important frontier occupied their several stations from their first arrival until their final abandonment of the island, and were therefore nearly in a state of colonization. This rendered them peculiarly averse from projects of ambition, turbulence, and bloodshed; while the Romanized Britons steadily retained their allegiance to imperial Rome, which they viewed as the golden spot of promise and delight. At length, when the Roman power was sinking to decay, the armies grew impatient of controul, adventurers in quick succession assumed the purple, and the flower and strength of the British youth perished on the Continent in the idle contests which they excited.

On the death of Constantine, the last usurper, in 411, the barbarous tribes of the north recommenced their incursive ravages with fresh vigour and audacity. Knowing that the Roman troops were withdrawn from the garrisons of the Wall, and that the native tributaries had been mostly destroyed abroad, they expected to meet an easy prey. But the Romanized Britons, assisted by the domiciliated Romans, bravely repulsed the invaders, in which war they were assisted by the South Britons, However, the hardy and necessitous hordes of Picts and Scots (fn. 4) renewed their hostile incursions; and, in consequence of solicitations, the Emperor Honorius twice sent a legion to assist in driving them back to their woods and mountainous fastnesses. The legion that came last, under Gallio, remained here two years, in assisting the Britons to build a firm stone wall parallel to Severus' Vallum, and in giving them useful instructions. The final departure of the Romans from Britain was about the year 446.

On the secession of the Romans, England was divided into numerous republics and petty kingdoms, amongst which the most inveterate hostility existed. Amid this civil warfare, the Picts and Scots penetrated into the remotest and richest parts of the country, until driven back in 449 by Hengist and Horsa, two Saxon pirates, who became auxiliaries to Vortigern, a British prince. About this time, the public edifices of Pons Ælii probably fell before the battle-axe and firebrands of the barbarous and ferocious Saxons; for in 454, Octa, the brother of Hengist, settled on the north side of the Tyne, and expelled the Britons from the eastern sea-coast as far as the Humber. The enlightened and indignant natives of Northumbria made a gallant, but ineffectual resistance; and a melancholy series of conflicts was carried on during nearly a hundred years. In 547, Ida landed with a strong body of Angles, and erected the fortress of Bambrough. (fn. 5) This event seemed to arouse and unite the jealous Britons of the north, who fought nobly for their country, and, when finally vanquished, retired westward, where they maintained their independence. With them the arts of civilized life disappeared for a time from the banks of the Tyne. (fn. 6)

After the Anglo-Saxons had secured their conquests, and were exhausted by internal warfare, their character underwent great modifications. Their barbarous fierceness was mellowed into firm courage, and their predatory habits were succeeded by those of patient industry. This mental revolution was accelerated and completed in Northumberland by the introduction of Christianity, under the auspices of the celebrated king Edwin. (fn. 7) During the period of two hundred years, the history of Pons Ælii is enveloped in a deep mist. But the strength of its fortifications, its vicinity to the coast, where piratical depredations might be apprehended, its secure harbour, and its bridge, which afforded an easy communication with the south, were circumstances that would probably render it a favourite place of arms for the warlike Saxons. This indeed appears to have been the case, for it is first mentioned as a royal residence, under the new appellation Ad Murum (the Wall). Grey says, "After the departure of the Romans, the kings of Northumberland kept their residence, and had their house, now called Pandon Hall. It was a safe bulwark, having the Picts' Wall on the north side, and the river of Tyne on the south." (fn. 8)

In the year 653, Ad Murum (fn. 9) was the scene of occurrences of the highest importance. Peada, king of the Mercians, being here on a visit to the Northumbrian court, was baptized with his retinue by Finan, bishop of Lindisfarn. In consequence of his conversion to the Christian faith, his generous conqueror, king Oswy, gave him in marriage his daughter Alcfleda. The royal convert was accompanied into his own kingdom by four priests, who undertook to teach and baptize the Mercians. About the same time, the zealous Oswy recovered to the faith of Christ the apostate Sigebert, king of the East Angles, who, after being baptized with his attendants, returned to his own kingdom, with two priests, who were deputed to preach the Gospel to his subjects. Sigebert caused proper places of instruction to be erected, and Christianity soon flourished in his kingdom. (fn. 10)

This ancient place, after being for some time called Ad Murum, acquired the appellation of Monkchester, which is usually interpreted "the fortified residence of the monks." It is uncertain at what period this new title was adopted. It probably arose from the neighbouring monks retiring to it for occasional protection in times of danger and devastation. It may also, from having been the scene of great religious events, have been considered a place of extraordinary sanctity. Certainly it was the favourite residence of ancient devotees. But neither its sanctity nor its military works could preserve it from the destructive ravages of the terrific sea-kings. In 876, Halfden, a Danish chief, entered the Tyne, and destroyed the sacred edifices of Tynemouth, Jarrow, Lindisfarn, and Wearmouth. The monastries and churches of Monkchester were also levelled with the ground, the monks and nuns slain without mercy, and all the eastern district of Northumberland was utterly desolated.

After the monastries and religionists of Monkchester were destroyed by the ferocious Danes, it remained unnoticed until about the middle of the eleventh century. At this time, Aldwine, monk and prior of the monastry of Winchelsea, having learned, from the study of ancient monuments, that Northumberland had been preeminently distinguished for its sacred edifices, formed a resolution of visiting their remains. Accompanied by two monks of Evesham, he came to York in 1074, and desired of Hugh, the son of Baldric, who was then sheriff, a guide to Monkchester. The holy travellers proceeded on their perilous journey on foot, leading a little ass, carrying some books and sacred vestments. Arriving at this place, they found no vestige of the ancient congregation of Christ. After remaining a short time, they removed to Jarrow, under the protection of Walcher, then bishop of Durham. Here, amidst the ashes of that celebrated monastry, they rekindled that zeal for the monastic life which had been two hundred years extinct in these parts. (fn. 11)

From the year 826, when Northumberland ceased to be an independent kingdom, till the reign of William the Conqueror, Monkchester remained in possession of the Earls of Northumberland, and was probably one of their principal places of residence. In 1068, Edgar Ethling, Malcom king of Scotland, and numerous bands of foreign auxiliaries, marched out of Monkchester, and joined battle with king William on Gateshead Fell. The fierce Norman was victorious, and, entering the town, laid it almost level with the ground, to prevent it from becoming in future an asylum to his enemies. In his fury he almost exterminated the inhabitants of the country between this town and York; and this vast tract became, during nearly a century, the refuge of robbers and wild beasts. In 1070, the Norman Conqueror again visited Monkchester, on his route to Scotland. Two years afterwards, he passed the third time through this town, on his way to meet his humbled enemy, king Malcom, at Berwick upon Tweed. It was at this frightful period of bloodshed, devastation, and famine, that the pious monks of Mercia visited this desolated town.

When Robert Curthose, the Conqueror's eldest son, returned in 1080 from an unsuccessful enterprize against Malcom king of Scotland, he erected a fortress, which was called The New Castle upon Tyne. The old castle is supposed to have been the Roman fortress, Pons Ælii, whose venerable walls had braved the assaults and storms of eight hundred years. From this New Castle the adjoining town derived the appellation which it still retains.

The castle was scarcely completed, when it was secured to protect the rebellion of Earl Mowbray against William Rufus, the Conqueror's successor. The king marched against it in 1095, and, after a short resistance, took it by storm, with several of the noble traitor's partizans. During the reign of this king, according to Hardyng, the town of Newcastle was enclosed by a wall.

Immediately after the death of king Henry, in 1135, Newcastle was occupied by David king of Scots, who made war on king Stephen, in support of the Empress Maud's right to the English throne. In 1139, a negotiation took place, at the entreaty of Matilda, king Stephen's queen, and niece to David. The archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow were sent by king David from Newcastle, where he commonly resided, to meet, at Chester-le-Street, those of Canterbury and York, whom king Stephen had appointed as arbitrators. The terms of the peace were, that Northumberland and Huntingdon should be ceded, by heirship of his mother, to Henry, David's son; and that Cumberland, as of ancient right, should remain in David's possession. (fn. 12) In consequence of this arrangement, Newcastle continued in the hands of the Scots until the year 1157, when it was restored, with other towns and castles, to king Henry II.

In the year 1173, William the Lion, king of Scotland, joined the unprincipled and unnatural confederacy against Henry II. and entered England at the head of an undisciplined and disorderly army of 80,000 men. The invaders penetrated to the Tyne, marking their route by the most horrid devastation; but being gallantly repulsed at Prudhoe Castle, they returned northward, and laid siege to Alnwick Castle. On the 11th of July, Ralph de Glanville, sheriff of Yorkshire, accompanied by Baliol, Stuteville, Umfreville, Vesci, and other patriotic northern barons, with about 400 knights, entered Newcastle. After a short interval for refreshment, this chosen band, by a rapid march, arrived in the morning, under cover of a mist, near the Scottish camp, where the king, with a troop of horsemen, were exercising in feats of chivalry. On the first shock, William was dismounted and taken prisoner; and Glanville, with his royal captive, returned to Newcastle the same evening. The ravagers fled with precipitation into their own country. After being confined for some time in the castle of Richmond, and at Rouen in Normandy, the Scottish king, by resigning the ancient independency of his crown, was set at liberty. All his barons, prelates, and abbots, did homage to Henry, in the cathedral of York, as their superior lord, and were then dismissed. But when William and his guards reached the Tyne bridge, they were vigorously attacked by the townsmen of Newcastle, and a dreadful rencounter took place. Sir John Perth, and other esquires belonging to the royal escort, were slain. This illegal and inhospitable act (fn. 13) evidently arose from the exasperation felt by the inhabitants at witnessing the liberation of an enemy whom they had good reason both to hate and fear. Such was the termination of William's invidious and unjust enterprize, and which first gave England a decided ascendant over Scotland.

In 1209, the feeble, cowardly, and violent king John, affected to lead a military expedition against Scotland; but William, king of Scots, met him at Newcastle. The conference that ensued was suspended, in consequence of the illness of the Scottish king, who was confined here for a considerable time. (fn. 14) Four years afterwards, king John marched through Newcastle, on his route against Scotland; but his nobles, disgusted with his tyranny and incapacity, interposed their mediation, and the quarrel was made up on the Borders. This monarch, who carried the flaming torch into many of the adjoining parts, had a great predilection for this town, where he lived during a considerable part of his reign. He strengthened its fortifications, and conferred upon it other marks of his favour.

The successful revolt of the barons against John rendered them insolent and turbulent during the long minority that followed his death; nor was the gentle and irresolute Henry III. when crowned, capable of maintaining a proper sway over his fierce and refractory lords. The restraints of law were despised, and even knights and esquires acted as common robbers. It is not, therefore, surprising, that the country at this period was dreadfully afflicted by famine and pestilence. In 1234, a grievous plague broke out in Newcastle, where it continued for three years. The town also experienced a great dearth and mortality in 1240, and which was attributed to three months of drought being succeeded by three months of continual rain in the preceding year. (fn. 15)

In 1236, Henry had a conference at Newcastle with Alexander, king of Scotland, who had ventured to demand the restitution of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. (fn. 16) The dispute being not finally settled, king Henry, in 1244, collected his army at Newcastle, consisting of 5000 cavalry, elegantly equipped, and a numerous and powerful infantry. The king of Scots was encamped at Ponteland; but a peace was effected by the mediation of the archbishop of York and some of the nobility. So perfect was the reconciliation between the monarchs, who had met in hostile array, that a marriage was agreed upon between Alexander, the eldest son of the Scottish king, and Margaret, the eldest daughter of the king of England. (fn. 17)

In 1248, a considerable part of Newcastle was destroyed by fire. The king, in the following year, commanded the bailiffs of that town to elect four persons to be moneyers, and four others to have the custody of the royal mint there. (fn. 18)

In 1255, king Henry III. accompanied by his queen, visited Newcastle, from whence they proceeded to Werk Castle, where they had an interview with their daughter, the queen of Scotland, and her husband.

In 1276, great earthquakes were felt in Newcastle, accompanied with dreadful lightning and thunderings.

In 1291, Edward I. who was now engaged in his iniquitous scheme for the subjugation of Scotland, appears to have been in Newcastle. In the following year he was also in that town, for, at the feast of St. Stephen, John Baliol, king of Scotland, did homage for his crown to the king of England, in the hall of his palace within the castle. The ceremony was conducted with much pomp and solemnity, in the presence of a great number of illustrious personages of both nations.

Edward heaped indignities on his vassal king, Baliol, evidently with an intention to engage him in rebellion, which would justify the conquest of Scotland. The plan succeeded, and the gentle Baliol determined on war, in which he was encouraged by Philip king of France. Edward, who was fully prepared for the anticipated event, summoned the Scottish king to meet him at Newcastle on the 1st day of March, 1296. Here the ambitious monarch waited in vain for obedience to his mandate, and then marched northwards, to chastise his rebellious vassal, at the head of 30,000 foot and 4000 horse. This formidable army almost annihilated the irregular Scots troops, marched to Aberdeen and Elgin in triumph, and returned to England, carrying with them the timid Baliol, and the inauguration stone of Scone, which was considered the palladium of the Scottish monarchy.

The heroic and patriotic William Wallace, having freed his country from the English yoke, in 1297 led his exasperated followers into Northumberland, and who, in their progress, burned and laid waste the country. The affrighted inhabitants, with their wives, children, furniture, and cattle, fled to Newcastle. As the marauders were proceeding down the Tyne towards Newcastle, the townsmen marched out to give them battle, upon which the Scots retreated homewards, laden with spoils. (fn. 19)

When Edward heard of the successful resistance of the Scots, he returned from Flanders; and, in 1298, the parliament assembled at York issued a general summons to appear in arms at Newcastle in eight days. (fn. 20) The whole military force of England, Wales, and Ireland, amounting to 100,000 men, obeyed the mandate, and were marched into Scotland. At Falkirk the Scotch army were defeated, and pursued with the most destructive slaughter. But Wallace still maintained the contest for liberty, and again in the following year led his chosen band to the walls of Newcastle, which he assailed in vain, being always repulsed by the valour of the inhabitants. (fn. 21)

The Scots, being now inured to war, began to appear a formidable enemy, even to the military and ambitious Edward, who, it appears, was in Newcastle in the beginning of 1302, on business relating to Scotland. But in the following year, the Scots gained three victories in one day, and the king had to begin anew the conquest of that country. He prepared for this enterprize with his usual vigour and abilities. His army was irresistible; and as Northumberland and most parts of Scotland had been ravaged and impoverished, a large fleet sailed along the coast, and secured the English army from famine. The Scots submitted; and the intrepid Wallace was betrayed into the hands of Edward, who, in an unworthy spirit of revenge, ordered him to be executed on Tower Hill. The same barbarous policy caused the death of John de Seton, one of Robert Bruce's esquires, who was, in 1306, taken prisoner and hanged at Newcastle.

When death arrested the march of the enraged Edward into Scotland, his weak successor disbanded his army, and entered into a truce with Robert Bruce; but the Scots, despising their new enemy, made several successful inroads into England. In July, 1309, the archbishop of York, Henry de Percy, and many others, were ordered to assemble in arms at Newcastle on Michaelmas-day; but no military operations ensued.

Edward II. having received a petition at York, on Christmas-day, 1311, from the confederated barons, requesting him to deliver up his minion, Gaveston, or to expel him the kingdom, refused to do either, and retired for security to Newcastle, where he continued till Ascension-day, 1312. (fn. 22) The incensed barons, headed by the Earl of Lancaster, pursued him northwards; and when the king heard of their approach, he fled to Tinmouth, where his pregnant queen resided, and, notwithstanding her tears and entreaties, he sailed with Gaveston to Scarborough. The barons entered Newcastle the same day it was deserted by the king and his favourite, and seized the effects which their haste had prevented them from removing. Gaveston's jewels, which were of great value, were, after his death, restored to the king. The death of Gaveston, who was taken at Scarborough, seemed to unite all parties in opposing the Scots, whose progress had excited general resentment and indignation. Edward also appeared to enter with spirit into the war, and summoned his most warlike vassals from Gascony, Flanders, Ireland, and Wales. The king came again to Newcastle in 1314, on his route to Berwick, where his army, consisting of 60,000 horse and 52,000 foot, was rendezvoused. The decisive battle of Bannockburn followed, which secured the independence of Scotland.

In 1315, the whole militia of England was ordered to rendezvous at Newcastle; and in the following year, another rendezvous was ordered to be held at the same place, on another expedition against Scotland; but Lancaster and the factious nobles took care that every enterprize should terminate in defeat and disgrace.

In 1317, there was a grievous famine and mortality at Newcastle, insomuch that the quick could hardly bury the dead, and a great corruption of cattle and grass. Some eat the flesh of their own children; and thieves in prison devoured those that were newly brought in, and greedily eat them half alive. (fn. 23)

The king, in 1318, charged the receiver of his victuals at Newcastle with the delivery of forty casks of wine to the inhabitants of Northumberland. This was in compensation for their losses by the incursions of the Scots! A rendezvous of the army was ordered at Newcastle, on the Nativity of John the Baptist, the following year. Five hundred quarters of wheat (in flour) were ordered to be sent by the sheriff of Hampshire to Newcastle, for the use of the army.

In 1321, the king's partiality for the Spencers induced many of the haughty barons to oppose his authority by arms. At this time, the harassed monarch sent commissioners to Newcastle, to treat with those from Scotland on a final peace. They separated without coming to an agreement. The next year, a rendezvous of the king's forces was ordered to be held at Newcastle on the feast of the Holy Trinity, when a dangerous quarrel took place between the English and Welch infantry. Another rendezvous, ordered to be at the same place on the Eve of St. Luke that year, was prevented by an incursion of the Scots, who penetrated into Yorkshire, and nearly took the king of England prisoner. It is said they besieged Newcastle on this occasion, but met with a vigorous repulse.

The English army, in 1323, was ordered to be at Newcastle on the Octaves of St. John the Baptist; but this was happily prevented by the signing of a peace between the two nations. The king, by an order, dated September 3, 1326, for providing against the attacks of the French, commissioned Ralph de Nevill, Thomas de Grey, John de Fenwick, and John de Lilleburn, to superintend that business in the ports of Newcastle upon Tyne, Tynemouth, Donstanburgh, Whiteby, Alemuth, Hertilpool, Werkworth, Newbigging, and Holy Island.

In 1327, the first of Edward III. (fn. 24) the king's military vassals were summoned to attend him at Newcastle, on the Monday before Ascension-day. The king did not attend in person, but deputed his uncle, the Earl of Norfolk, marshal of England. In the June following, a body of Scots made an inroad into England, and passed the Tyne with such celerity as not to be perceived by the garrison of Newcastle. (fn. 25) Com although he missioners from both nations met at Newcastle in December, and concluded a truce until Sunday in Midlent.

The magistrates of Newcastle were ordered, in 1328, to give an honourable reception to a hundred great men and noblemen of Scotland, who were coming to York, where the parliament were assembling to deliberate on the terms of a peace. The king of England, by one of the articles, renounced all title to sovereignty over Scotland; and his sister, by another article, was contracted to David, the son and heir of king Robert Bruce. (fn. 26)

In 1332, the king deputed John Darcy and William Denum to treat with the ambassadors from the guardian of Scotland at Newcastle. On St. George's day, in the following year, the king entered Newcastle at the head of his army, from whence he sent letters to his prelates, requiring their prayers for the success of his expedition. After the battle of Halidon Hill, the young conqueror returned to Newcastle, where he issued the royal pardon to such outlaws as had served him faithfully in the late war.

King Edward kept his Whitsuntide at Newcastle in 1334; soon after which, Edward Baliol, king of Scotland, did him homage in the church of the Black Friars, in that town, as his superior and chief lord of the realm of Scotland. This was performed on the 19th of June, in a public and solemn manner, in the presence of a great number of nobles and gentlemen there assembled. He alienated, at the same time, to the English king, the five Scottish counties next adjoining to the borders of England, to be annexed to that crown for ever.

The king was at Newcastle 3d February, 1335, and again at Midsummer, with his army, attended by Baliol, king of Scots. This year, the mariners of Newcastle, with a division of the king's fleet, entered the river Tay, and burnt part of Dundee. Edward dates from Newcastle, 16th November this year, when he signed a short truce with the Scots. He appears to have continued there till the 31st of December.

The king, in June, 1336, was at Newcastle, on his way to Perth, to support his tool, Baliol. The warlike preparations in France induced Edward to attend his parliament at Nottingham; but he was at Newcastle again in the beginning of November, on his return to Scotland.

In 1337, the king commanded an assembly of the northern barons to be held in Newcastle, to confer on the means of carrying on the war in Scotland. In March the following year, the king appears to have been at Newcastle, though then deeply occupied by his projects against France.

The English army was appointed to rendezvous at Newcastle in the middle of Lent, 1340. In September this year, the Scots were included in the truce made at Tournay between the kings of England and France.

At the end of autumn, 1341, king Edward III. was at Newcastle, and marched against the Scots at the head of 40,000 foot and 6000 horse; but want of provisions obliged him to return to Newcastle, where he granted a truce to the Scots, which was renewed the following year.

In June, 1342, David, king of Scots, arrived in his own kingdom, and invaded England with a numerous army. On his march he burned and destroyed the surrounding country to Newcastle, which he invested all night. In the morning, two hundred gentlemen sallied out, dashed into the Scottish camp, and, taking the Earl of Murray, general of the army, prisoner in his tent, returned with little loss into the town. The enraged Scots assaulted the town with great fury, but were ably repulsed by the garrison, under Sir John Nevil, then captain of the castle. (fn. 27)

In 1345, there was a pestilence at Newcastle, which lasted two years. The king, in a letter dated September 6, 1346, informed the mayor and bailiffs of the town of the victory of Cressy, and requested the merchants to send provisions, bows, arrows, strings, &c. to his army before Calais. King David, taking advantage of the absence of the English army, made a sudden inroad into England; but queen Philippa soon collected a resolute body of troops at Newcastle, consisting of 1200 men at arms, 3000 archers, and 7000 others, with the Welchmen, amounting altogether to 16,000 men. This gallant army marched out of the town to give battle to the Scots at Neville's Cross. The queen, riding along the ranks, exhorted every man to do his duty, and, recommending them to God and St. George, returned to Newcastle during the fight. This memorable battle was fought on the 17th of October. The Scots, it is said, lost 15,000 men, and their king was taken prisoner. (fn. 28)

In September, 1351, king Edward granted letters of safe conduct to the hostages for king David, who was permitted to go to Scotland from Newcastle when his hostages arrived.

David de Bruce, in 1353, was permitted to meet certain English commissioners and the nobles of Scotland at Newcastle, to treat concerning his delivery from imprisonment, and the conclusion of a peace.

In 1355, the king, hearing that the Scots had taken Berwick, hastily returned to England, made a rapid march to Newcastle, where he kept his Christmas, and from whence he issued his summons to all his fighting men to attend him there on the 1st of January.

By an order dated May 20, 1362, it appears that the hostages for king David were kept by the sheriff of Northumberland in the castle of Newcastle upon Tyne. In 1369, king Edward, apprehending a war with Scotland, reinforced the garrison of Newcastle, and other fortresses on the Border.

The English army was ordered by king Richard II. to rendezvous at Newcastle on the 14th of July, 1385, to proceed against Scotland. The Scots with great address avoided a battle, and plundered and wasted the country as far as Newcastle; after which they escaped with their booty into Scotland.

In 1388, all the military persons of the country were ordered to assemble at Newcastle, which was so full of people, that, according to Froissart, "they wist not where to lodge." The Scots, who had as usual commenced the campaign by repine and de struction, penetrated as far as Durham. On their return, they sat down two days before Newcastle, during which they skirmished with the garrison. Sir Henry Percy, the Hotspur of Shakespeare, and his gallant brother, Sir Ralph, were always foremost in these rencounters, in one of which, near the barriers, the Earl of Douglas unhorsed the brave Sir Henry Percy, and threatened to carry the spear by which he had effected this victory into Scotland; in these days of chivalry the highest honour to the conqueror, and disgrace to the vanquished. The fiery Hotspur was pulled into the gates by the spectators; but he vowed revenge, and, pursuing the Scots to Otterburn, a bloody battle was fought between two brave and gallant armies, in which the English "were rather unfortunately, and then dishonourably defeated."

Alexander, archbishop of York, was this year arrested at Shields, near Tynemouth, for high treason, just as he was taking ship to go over sea. Two searchers in the port of Newcastle, John de Refham and Robert de Rypon, discovered him, and delivered him into the custody of the mayor and bailiffs of that town. Thirty pounds in money were found upon him, which, by an order of the king, were granted to the two persons that seized him.

In 1400, Newcastle was made a town and county of itself. In July this year, king Henry IV. was at this town, preparing for an expedition against Scotland. The Scots, in 1402, plundered the country to the gates of Newcastle, but were severely punished at the battle of Homilden Hill. In November this year, nightly watches of one hundred persons were established, for the defence of the walls and parts adjacent; the expense of which was defrayed by the inhabitants. (fn. 29)

The king was at Newcastle June 25, 1405, where his troops, consisting of 37,000 men, had assembled, to proceed against the Duke of Northumberland and other insurgents who were in arms. At the siege of Berwick, which followed, cannon were employed by king Henry, and the effect of which was so terrible as to frighten the garrison into a surrender.

On the 18th of February, 1408, Henry Earl of Northumberland was slain at Bramham Moor, (fn. 30) and one quarter of his body was put up at Newcastle; but in May following, his limbs were collected, and given to his friends to be interred.

In 1410, there was a great plague at Newcastle. (fn. 31)

The able and enterprising king Henry V. in order to forward his projects against France, was extremely anxious to conciliate the Scots, and secure the attachment of the Northumbrians. But in 1415, while preparing to lead his troops into France, he discovered a conspiracy against his life amongst his own privy councillors. The head of one of them, Sir Thomas Grey, of Werk, was sent to Newcastle, and placed upon one of the town-gates.

September 18, 1417, an order was sent by the bishop's official, to the parochial chaplains of St. Nicholas' and All Saints' in Newcastle upon Tyne, to inflict certain penances, which had been enjoined Matilda Burgh and Margaret Usher, servants of Peter Baxter, of that town, for having put on the habits of men, and impiously approached the shrine of St. Cuthbert at Durham. (fn. 32)

The regency of England, during the minority of king Henry VI. in order to secure king James I. of Scotland in their interests, gave him to wife the beautiful Jane of Somerset, their king's own cousin, and whom James passionately loved. After stipulating for the sum of £40,000, as an equivalent for his education and maintenance, he received liberty to depart to his own kingdom. In the beginning of April, 1424, he passed through Newcastle, attended by a numerous train of his own nobility, as well as of the gentlemen of Northumberland, who were ordered to accompany him as far as Scotland in the most honourable manner they were able.

On April 7, 1425, a sentence was fulminated by Thomas Langley, bishop of Durham, against certain persons unknown, who had robbed the house of Robert Clytherow, Esq. of Newcastle upon Tyne, of plate and jewels of considerable value.

King Henry VI. issued an order, dated December 1, 1428, for the safe conduct of the king of Scots, to be escorted as far as Newcastle upon Tyne or Durham by one thousand of his own horse, to a personal conference with Cardinal Beaufort, uncle to the queen of Scotland, in order to prevent hostilities between the two kingdoms.

The Borderers had long been in an agitated state; but the dissensions in England between the Lancasterians and Yorkists, and the rebellions of the Douglas family in Scotland, inclined both kingdoms to peace. Plenipotentiaries from the two kings therefore met in the vestry of St. Nicholas' church, in Newcastle, on August 14, 1451, and signed a treaty of peace.

After the battle of Towton, which happened on March 29, 1461, and in which the Duke of Northumberland and most of his warlike followers were killed, king Henry VI. with his queen and the prince, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, Lord Roos, Sir John Fortescue, and Tailboys, Earl of Kent, fled from York to Newcastle. On the approach of king Edward IV. they removed to Berwick upon Tweed. The Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond was brought a prisoner to Newcastle by the Yorkists, and there beheaded.

In 1462, the active and heroic queen of king Henry VI. landed at Tynemouth, at the head of 500 French soldiers, with an intention of going to Newcastle; but probably being denied admission there, she re-embarked, and reached Berwick upon Tweed in a small vessel. Her followers, having been driven ashore at Bambrough by a storm, burnt their ships, and fled to Holy Island, where near 400 of them were afterwards taken prisoners by the bastard Ogle, John Manners, and other partizans of the house of York.

In 1463, the indefatigable queen Margaret again entered Northumberland, with 2000 men at arms she had procured from France, a numerous train of Scotch adventurers, and a body of resolute Borderers. But this army suffered a total defeat at the Levels near Hexham. Lord Montacute, the general of Edward IV. sent the Earl of Kent, Lord Roos, Lord Molyns, Lord Hungerford, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Sir Thomas Hase, Sir John Finderne, and other persons of distinction, prisoners to Newcastle, where, after a little respite, they were executed. (fn. 33)

On December 12, 1465, the English and Scots plenipotentiaries held a congress at Newcastle. The English now directed their views of conquest to France, and the angry and resentful feelings of the Scots against them had in a great degree subsided. The illustrious negotiators therefore agreed to prolong the existing truce for the long period of forty years.

On April 25, 1472, another great meeting of plenipotentiaries was held at Newcastle, who agreed, that notwithstanding the complaints and infractions on both sides, the long truce between the nations should continue in force.

In 1478, Newcastle seems to have been visited by the plague, of which great numbers died.

In 1482, the Duke of Gloucester, brother to king Edward IV. and afterwards Richard III. was appointed lieutenant-general against the Scots, and warden of the north Marches, together with the castles, towns, lordships, customs, and fee-farms of Carlisle and Newcastle upon Tyne. By an order dated the 30th of June, one hundred pounds was assigned for buying 120 draught horses for conveying the king's ordinance from Newcastle into Scotland, and 200 marks for "beying 2 mill-sheves of arrows." The Duke of Gloucester marched northwards, and, taking advantage of the internal broils that agitated Scotland, obtained a restitution of Berwick, which had been surrendered to the Scots by the weak Henry VI. when flying before the Yorkists. (fn. 34)

At a congress of plenipotentiaries for composing the dissensions between England and Scotland, held at Nottingham in September, 1484, it was agreed that a convention for a marriage between James, Duke of Rothsay, heir-apparent of the king of Scotland, and Ann de la Pole, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, and niece to the English king, should be ratified in December this year, in the church of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. But before this laudable scheme for effecting an union between the two kingdoms could be effected, the life and reign of the guilty Richard were terminated in the field of Bosworth.

In August, 1487, king Henry VII. arrived at Newcastle, where he resided for some time, carrying on a severe inquisition against the persons who had been concerned in Simnel's rebellion. While at this town, he sent Richard Fox, bishop of Exeter, and Sir Richard Edgecombe, comptroller of the household, into Scotland, to treat with king James III. about arranging all differences between the kingdoms.

After a series of strife and animosity, which lasted, with small intervals of breathing, above two hundred years, the basis of an union between the two kingdoms was laid, by affiancing Margaret, eldest daughter of king Henry VII. to James IV. king of Scotland. The princess had not completed her fourteenth year when she was sent to the Scottish court. She was accompanied in her journey by the Earl of Surrey and a splendid retinue of English nobility and gentry. She arrived at Newcastle on the 24th of July, 1503, where she rested till the 26th, and was entertained with great state. (fn. 35)

On the 30th of August, 1513, the king's lieutenant, the Earl of Surrey, entered Newcastle, at the head of a well-appointed army of 26,000 men. He immediately marched forward to Alnwick, with the banner of St. Cuthbert, which he had procured at Durham: and, on the 4th of September, was joined by his son, Thomas Howard, lord admiral, with 5000 excellent troops, which he had brought by sea to Newcastle. The battle of Flodden Field ensued, in which fell the gallant king James IV. and the flower of the Scottish nobility. The royal body, being embalmed at Berwick, was sent to Newcastle, and from thence to Richmond in Surrey.

King Henry VIII. being seriously involved in disputes with the emperor Charles, and the court of Rome felt anxious to conciliate the friendship of king James V. of Scotland. Accepting the mediation of the French king, Henry sent commissioners to Newcastle in the summer of 1533, to meet those appointed by the Scottish court. The negotiations were procrastinated till the 1st of October, when a truce was concluded for one year.

The dissolution of the smaller monastries by the rapacious Henry had excited the deepest indignation in the north of England. This rendered him extremely desirous of securing the friendship of his royal neighbour and nephew, to whom he sent the Order of the Garter. For this purpose, also, the English king proposed a personal interview at York in 1535; but James and his council thought Newcastle a more proper place. The intended meeting did not take place.

In 1541, an interview between the two kings at York was again proposed and agreed upon; and while Henry VIII. was waiting at that city for the king of Scotland, who broke the appointment, the mayor of Newcastle attended his majesty with a present of £100.

Hostilities between the two kingdoms having recommenced in 1542, the Earl Fitzwilliam, who led the van of the English army, died in Newcastle; and his standard, in honour of his memory, was borne in advance throughout the expedition. The Duke of Norfolk, who was general, was instructed by the king's council to leave at Newcastle a reserve of 6000 men, under the Duke of Suffolk, while the main army penetrated into Scotland. (fn. 36)

On the death of James V. of Scotland, king Henry projected a marriage between his son Edward, then but five years old, and Mary, the infant queen of that kingdom. The Earls of Cassils and Glencairn, the Lords Somerville, Maxwell, Gray, Oliphant, Fleming, and Home, Lord of Ayton, with the sons of many noble families, all prisoners of war in England, were deputed into Scotland for effecting this purpose. They arrived at Newcastle early in January, 1543, where they delivered hostages to the Duke of Suffolk, lieutenant of the north, for their return. Faction, however, prevented the execution of this pacific project.

A rendezvous of military forces was ordered at Newcastle on the last day of March, 1544. About the 21st of that month, a fleet of 200 ships and 5000 soldiers and mariners arrived at Tynemouth Haven. The army mustered at a place called "the Shellfelde." About the end of April following, this fleet sailed, with an army of 10,000 men, to chastise the Scots for their perfidy and ingratitude. The land-forces were commanded by the Earl of Hertford, lieutenant-general of the north; and the fleet by Dudley Lord Lisle, admiral of England. About this time, the plague raged at Newcastle. (fn. 37)

On May 2, 1545, there was another array of military forces in the north, under the Earl of Hertford, consisting of 12,000 men, a considerable number of whom were foreign mercenaries. (fn. 38)

In 1547, the Earl of Hertford, now Duke of Somerset, and protector of the kingdom during the minority of Edward VI. assembled a great army against Scotland at Newcastle: (fn. 39) they were mustered at that town by John Dudley, then Earl of Warwick; and waiting three days until the royal fleet arrived, reached Berwick upon Tweed at the end of August. (fn. 40) After this expedition, the protector returned to New castle, where he conferred the honour of knighthood upon Robert Brandling, the mayor.

In July and August, 1552, the Duke of Northumberland (late Earl of Warwick), as Lord Warden of the Marches, carefully surveyed them in person. He held his Warden's Court at Newcastle, on the 12th of August, when Lord Wharton was appointed his deputy. His lordship, in September, held a consultation in this town with his deputy wardens, the captains of the Border fortresses, the sheriff of Northumberland, and about thirty gentlemen of the Marches, reputed for wisdom and experience. At this meeting several articles of discipline were established or revived. (fn. 41)

In 1553, Gateshead was annexed by act of parliament to Newcastle upon Tyne. The next year it was restored to the county of Durham.

Apprehensions were entertained, in 1558, that the French, in the service of Mary queen of Scotland, intended to surprise the town of Newcastle; but immediately after queen Elizabeth mounted the throne, she adopted the most spirited and vigorous measures for securing her northern frontier: and a rendezvous of military forces was appointed to be at Newcastle on the 25th of January the following year.

A treaty of peace was signed between the queens of England and Scotland on the last day of May, 1559; but about the end of the same year, the Duke of Norfolk came to Newcastle, as lord lieutenant-general of the north, to muster an army, which, in conjunction with a fleet of ships of war, were intended to support the new Protestant party in Scotland, under the lords of the congregation. (fn. 42) The English queen, by this step, intended to strengthen the Reformation in her own kingdom, to prevent the establishment of the French power in Scotland, and to punish that court for disputing her title to the crown.

Queen Elizabeth, in a letter to the Duke of Norfolk, dated 30th December that year, desired him to borrow seven or eight hundred pounds of some of the Newcastle merchants, till her own money should arrive, the carriage of which in winter was troublesome and tedious.

By letters from his grace at Newcastle to the privy-council, dated February 16th and 20th, 1560, it appears that six ships of that town were to be well furnished, and set to sea within ten days, carrying four hundred soldiers, besides a sufficient quantity of mariners, for the reinforcement of the royal fleet then lying in Edinburgh Frith. Lord John Grey, in a communication to Secretary Cecil, advised the undermining of Leith, which was garrisoned by the French. He observes, "The coal myners of Newcastell wyll serve to doo this well inoch; therefore I pray you set yt at work." (fn. 43)

In the instructions given by queen Elizabeth to Sir William Cecil, Knight, her principal secretary, and Doctor Wooton, dean of Canterbury and York, her commissioners appointed to meet and treat with those of the French king, dated May 26, 1560, they are ordered to be at Newcastle upon Tyne by the 5th of June following.

In 1561, queen Elizabeth appointed Lord Hunsdon, governor of Berwick upon Tweed, to take the charge and government of the town of Newcastle upon Tyne, and county of Northumberland, under the Earl of Essex.

When Rizzio was slain in the presence of Mary queen of Scots, March 9, 1566, Murray, and the other exiled lords who were lurking at Newcastle, and were in concert with the king and his associates in this enterprize, returned in the evening of the following day to Edinburgh. The principal actors in it, the Earl of Morton, the Lords Ruthven and Lindsay, and Secretary Maitland, fled to Newcastle. Old Ruthven died there in June following; and the Earl of Morton and his son continued lurking near Alnwick, and other places on the Borders, till they obtained their pardon, and were restored. (fn. 44)

In 1569, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland rebelled against queen Elizabeth; but her lieutenant in the north, the Earl of Sussex, acted with uncommon energy and spirit. Lord Hunsdon, by order of her majesty, repaired to Newcastle, from which several excursions were made against the rebels. At length, the royal army, under Sir John Forster and Sir Henry Percy, marched against the rebel army to Chester Dean. Some skirmishing took place, when the earls returned to Durham. They next marched by Hexham into Cumberland, where their troops dispersed. (fn. 45)

In 1575, it was in agitation to unite Gateshead a second time by act of parliament to Newcastle upon Tyne. In the following year, Mr. Thomas Sutton, the founder of the Charter House, London, occurs as master of the queen's ordnance at this town.

The mayor, aldermen, and sheriff of Newcastle, wrote, in 1579, to the bailiffs of Yarmouth, where a grievous plague raged, to forbid their ships to come to this port as usual for coals.

In 1584, the ejected nobles of Scotland were entertained at Newcastle by the politic Elizabeth. They were afterwards removed to Norwich. (fn. 46)

Footnotes

  • 1. For arguments in support of this opinion, see History of Northumberland, vol. i. p. 3. The Belgæ were superior to the ancient inhabitants in the arts of civilized life; but the latter were not such an ignorant, rude, and miserable race as some have supposed. The ancient Britons were tall, handsome, hardy, and active. They were also brave, acute, and imaginative; admirers of liberty, and respectful to the tender sex. They subsisted chiefly on the milk and flesh of their flocks and herds, and their favourite beverage was mead. Their bodies were ingeniously tattooed, and generally covered with skins; but the trews, vest, and mantle of the higher ranks, were manufactured with great labour, and variegated like modern tartan. They handled the sword, dirk, spear, and battle-axe, with great dexterity; and their war-chariots were formidable even to the disciplined legions of Rome. Their towns were skilfully fortified, and connected by roads or tractways, which traversed the whole island. They boldly adventured upon the ocean in canoes, which were succeeded by vessels made of osiers and covered with leather; but their articles of traffic were mostly conveyed by land. The Druids were their only priests, prophets, poets, musicians, physicians, and expounders of the law: they were highly venerated, and excelled those of neighbouring nations in a profound knowledge of their ancient and awful religion. It is not probable that the practice of agriculture, introduced by the Belgic colonies, had been adopted in Northumberland before it was conquered by the Romans. Much information respecting the ancient Britons will be found in Cæs. de Bel. Gal.—Tacil. Agric.—Whitak. Gen. Hist.—Chalw. Caled.— Borlas' Corn.— Rowland's Mona. Antiq.—Davis' Celt. Res. &c.
  • 2. Hadrian's Vallum was nineteen feet broad at the base, and near ten feet high. Sixteen feet north of this was a second mound, ten feet broad at the base, with a ditch on its north side, twelve feet deep and twenty-one feet wide; and twenty-eight feet north of the ditch was a third mound, thirty-three feet broad at its base. This last Mr. Horsley supposes was the military way to Agricola's line of forts. Severus repaired and strengthened this grand military barrier. The erection of the stone Wall, which runs nearly parallel to this earthen rampart, is usually attributed to this Emperor; but others are of opinion that it was built by the Britons, assisted by the legion under Gallio, before the Romans finally quitted the island. For authorities see Hist. of Northumb. vol. i. p. 23.
  • 3. Whoever reflects on the assaults of time and of sordid hands upon the rich monuments of Roman taste during thirteen centuries, will not be surprised at the almost total absence of such interesting vestigia in this town. The ruin produced here by the northern pirates was in itself overwhelming and complete, and is sufficient to account for the disappearance of every remain of Roman magnificence. Some have doubted the existence of elegant Roman structures in Britain; but the vast and wonderful ruins discovered at Borcovicus, or Housesteads, which Dr. Stukeley calls the Tadmor of Britain, clearly shews the splendour that distinguished the Roman stations on the Wall; and it certainly will not be contended that the Romans confined a display of their architectural skill to one station. Besides, there have been discovered at most of the stations, altars, inscriptions, broken columns, curious sculptures, the remains of baths, aqueducts, temples, dwelling houses, &c. Brand conjectures, with great probability, that a rich treasure of Roman antiquities will yet be discovered lurking in the almost impregnable walls of the old keep of the castle.—Archœol. vol. iv. p. 79. Horsley's Brit. Rom. p. 148. Wallis' Northumb. vol. ii. p. 38.
  • 4. The Picts were merely the Caledonians under a new name. The Scots were Gaelic Celts, who had migrated from Britain into Ireland, and who, after making piratical attacks upon Romanized Britain, settled in Kyntire, and terminated a long struggle with the natives by the conquest of their country.—Hist. Northumb vol. i. pp. 24, 29.
  • 5. Ida and his Angles were a branch of the Germans, called the Suevians, whose military valour, as Julius Cæsar was informed, not even the immortal gods could resist.
  • 6. The country north of the Humber was possessed by three sovereigns, who were bards of eminence. Part of the poetry of Aneurin, who was also a Northumbrian prince, is still preserved. "Europe, in that age, could not supply such poets." Had the united skill and gallantry of the northern Britons been displayed at an earlier period, and properly supported by the southern tribes, neither their northern assailants nor their Saxon invaders would have succeeded. The Strathcluyd kingdom, erected at this time by the independent Britons, continued for some time after the extinction of the Pictish power in A. D. 843. The Northumbrians improved in agriculture, arts, science, and manufactures, by about four centuries of Roman instruction, seem to have been a great and flourishing people before the Saxon invasion.— Welch Arch. vol. v. Chalmers' Caledonia, vol. i.
  • 7. Slaves, generally captives taken in war, were a considerable article of trade amongst the Saxons. Some Northumbrian slaves were carried to Rome, and exposed for sale. Their handsome appearance excited the compassion of a monk called Gregory, who, when he became pope, sent Augustine and forty monks to convert their countrymen. But the missionaries, instead of proceeding to Northumberland, landed in Kent, and in 597 took up their residence at Canterbury.— Bede's Eccl. Hist. lib. i. c. 26.
  • 8. Chorographia, p. 12.
  • 9. Camden places Ad Murum at Welton, a village 3 miles north by west from Ovingham; and Dr. Smith fixes it at Walbottle. Brand says, "A similarity of sound in the name has, it seems, occasioned both these errors, for such have our later discoveries clearly enabled us to call them; Ad Murum being unquestionably the present Newcastle upon Tyne, where there are still traditionary and printed accounts that the Saxon kings of Northumberland had their palace." Bede tells us that the royal town Ad Murum was distant 12 miles from the eastern sea. Now, as the Roman measures would probably be retained in Bede's time, if we believe Dr. Gale, who makes 15 English miles answer to 20 Roman, his account of the distance of Newcastle from the sea will be strictly correct.
  • 10. Smith's Bede, p. 126. Strutt's Chron. vol. i. p. 154.
  • 11. Hoveden's Annals, p. 261. Ridpath's Border Hist. p. 65.
  • 12. Dalrymp. Col. p. 175. W. Malm. p. 182. The borough laws in the Scottish statutes were made by king David, and are dated at the New Castell on the water of Tyne.
  • 13. In these ages of ferocity and rapine, sea-ports and frontier towns often carried on hostilities against each other, without the sovereigns of either side being concerned in the quarrel, unless sometimes as mediators or umpires.
  • 14. Bourne, p. 185. "Among the fines in the 6th year of the reign of king John, I found," says Brand, "a singular entry concerning the wife of Hugh de Nevill, who gave the king two hundred hens to lie one night with the said Hugh, at that time probably a state prisoner.—Cotton Libr. Vespas. c. 14, p. 112. Plut, 4 B. fol. 359."
  • 15. The great variation in the assize of bread fixed in the 35th of Henry III. is a proof of bad tillage, and of the little communication between the parts of the kingdom.
  • 16. Chron. of Mailros.
  • 17. M. Paris, p. 647. Rymer, tom. i. p. 429. The English parliament this year refused to grant the king any supply, except a scutage of 20s. on each knight's fee, for the marriage portion of the Princess Margaret,
  • 18. See the article Coins of Newcastle upon Tyne.
  • 19. Brady's Contin. p. 61. Hemingford, vol. i. p. 136. ed. Hearne, quoted by Brand.
  • 20. One thousand stockfish, &c. were purchased at Newcastle for the garrison of Stirling castle during this war.
  • 21. Polydore Virgil, without quoting any authority, says that the Scots were victorious, and pulled down and burnt the town, p. 240.
  • 22. While the king was thus ingloriously amusing himself with his minion, the people of Northumberland, to save themselves from the destructive inroads to which they were continually exposed, paid king Robert Bruce, in 1311, the sum of £2000 for a short truce. In the following year, they purchased a renewal of the truce at the same price.—Rym. ib. 271.
  • 23. Bourne's History of Newcastle, p. 192. The desolations of war, added to a succession of bad seasons, had, according to the Monk of Malmesbury, raised the price of a quarter of wheat in the north of England to 40s. Walsingham says it rose to £6! The wages of the best mechanic, at this period, did not exceed two-pence per day.
  • 24. Hume says, "I have seen a French manuscript, containing accounts of some private disbursements of Edward II. There is an article, among others, of a crown paid to one for making the king laugh. To judge of the events of the reign, this ought not to have been an easy undertaking.
  • 25. Ridpath, in a note, tells us, "It is said in Leland's Collections from Scotch Chron. xi. 551, that the unskilfulness of the English leaders in war hindered them from going forth against Lord Douglas, burnt the country within three miles of Newcastle."—Border Hist. p. 283, cd. 1810. Next month, the king advanced against the Scots, at the head "of the fairest host of Englishmen that ever was seen." But in the midst of this fair host, he had nearly fallen a victim to the intrepid Douglas. The Scots effected their escape from Stanhope Park in spite of all the precautions of the English.—Leland Collect. vol. i. p. 475.
  • 26. For authorities see Fordun, Barbour, Carte, Rymer, with Ridpath's remarks.
  • 27. Froissart relates the particulars of this expedition; but his authority has been questioned. See Ridpath, p. 333, ed. 1810. Bourne also quotes Barns' Hist. Edward III. lib. i. chap. 17.
  • 28. Grafton's Chron. p. 278. Knighton, 2590. Froissart, lib. i. c. 138. Ridpath, p. 337.
  • 29. The following singular narrative, given in Jacob's History of Faversham, shews the curious modes of escaping the severity of the laws at this period:—"It is recorded in the red book of Faversham, that on Wednesday after the feast of St. Alphage, 2 Hen. IV. A. D. 1401, William Clerk, hosier, fled to the church of St. Saviour, of Faversham, for sanctuary, and desired the coroner. On which W. Ledys, mar. and coroner of the Lord the King for that purpose, went to the aforesaid place, and before him, on the day and place abovesaid, he acknowledged himself a felon of the Lord the King, and confessed that, on Sunday, on the feast of St. Stephen in that said year of our Lord the King, he feloniously stole from Agnes Thornton, of Newcastle upon Tyne, one pair of beads, value two shillings, and desired, according to the law and custom of England, he might be delivered from the church; on which being led to the door of the church, he abjured the King of England before the said coroner, who assigned him the port of Dover for his passage out of it."
  • 30. Fordun, 1. 15, c. 19, gives a plain and probable account of this insurrection.
  • 31. A commission of array, dated July 5, 1410, is directed to several knights and gentlemen in Northumberland, to raise, in conjunction with the sheriff, the armed men and archers in that county, in order to repel a threatened invasion from Scotland. In this list are, Sir Robert Umfranville, Sir John Greystock, Sir Thomas Grey of Heaton, Sir Robert Ogle, Sir John Widdrington, Sir Thomas Grey of Horton, Sir Winslow Dorsteyner, Robert Harbottle, William Mitford, Robert Tempest, John Errington, John Fox, and Roger Fulthorpe. March 8, 1410, Thomas Langley, bishop of Durham, granted an indulgence of forty days, to continue in force a year, for any one who should contribute to the ransom of Simon Chandy, of Newcastle upon Tyne, who had been taken prisoner by the French, nor could obtain his liberty, but by the payment of a great sum —Register of Bishop Langley, p. 31.
  • 32. The celebrated St. Cuthbert, who died May 20th, 687, had a strong antipathy to women, who were not allowed to approach the churches where his body rested. Hugh Pudsey, bishop of Durham, began, in 1153, to erect a chapel, for the use of devout females, at the east end of the cathedral; but the saint's displeasure at this innovation was so clearly manifested, that the bishop relinquished his purpose. While Edward III. was at Durham, he lodged in the priory. A few days after his arrival, queen Philippa came from Knaresborough to meet him, and, being unacquainted with the custom of this church, went through the abbey gates to the priory, and, after supping with the king, retired to rest. This alarmed the monks, one of whom went to the king, and informed him that St. Cuthbert had a mortal aversion to the presence of a woman. Unwilling to give any offence to the church, Edward immediately ordered the queen to arise, who, in her under garments only, returned by the gate through which she had entered, and went to the castle, after most devoutly praying that St. Cuthbert would not revenge a fault, which she had, through ignorance, committed.— Hist. of Northumb. vol. i. p. 307.
  • 33. The chronology of these events is much embarrassed by the contradictory accounts of historians. Near eight months after the battle of Hexham, as appears from the following letter, the castles of Bambrough, Dunstanburgh, and Alnwick, held by the friends of Henry VI. were besieged:— "To my ryth worchepfull brodyr John Paston the elder sone of John Paston, Esquyer, be thys delyv'yd in hast. Ryth worchepful brodedyr I recomaunde me to you. Plesyt yow to wet yt as thys day we had tydyngs her that the Scottys wyll come in to Ingland within 8 days after the wrytyng of thys lettyr for to rescue these 3 castellys, Alnewyk, Donsamborowe, and Bameborowe, whych castellys wer besegyd as on yesterdaye and at the sege of Allnewyk lythe my Lord of Kent and ye Lord Scalys and at Donsamborowe castyll lythe the Lord Montague and Lord Ogyll and other dyvers lords and gentlemen that I knowe not and ther is to hem owt of Newe Castyll ordynans I now bothe for the segys and for the feld in cas that ther be ony feld takyn as I trow ther' shall none be not yet for the Scottys kepe no promes My Lord of Warwyk lythe at ye castyll of Warcorthe but 3 myle owt of Alnewyk and he rydyth dayly to all thes castelys for to overse the segys and if they want vatayles or any other thyng he is redy for to pervey it for them to hys power The Kyng comandyd my Lord of Norfolk for to condyth vetayles and the ordynans owt of Newcastyll on to Wacorthe castyll to my Lord of Warwyk and so my Lord of Norfolk comandyd Sir John Howard Syr Willm Peche Syr Robt Chamberleyn Rafe Ascheton and me Calthorp and Gorge and othyr for to go forthe with the vitayles ond ordynans on to my Lord of Warwyk and so we wer with my Lord of Warwyk with the ordynans and vitayles yesterdaye The Kyng lythe at Durham and my Lord of Norfolk at Newcastyll We have pepyll I now her—&c. Wretyn at Newcastyll on Sat. next aftyr ye Consepson of owyr Lady. "Yor. John Paston the yongest." The castles of Bambrough and Dunstanburgh were soon taken; but that of Alnwick being relieved by the Scots, the garrison marched out, probably, by treaty.
  • 34. On the death of king Edward IV. in 1483, Richard Duke of Gloucester was declared Protector of the Kingdom. This cruel and perfidious prince immediately perceived that the fierce, lawless, and hardy Borderers might be made the useful instruments of his ambition. He therefore brought up 5000 men from the north, "poorly apparelled and worse harnessed, to quash any disturbance that might arise at his coronation. They were commanded by Robert of Ridsdale, and mustered in Finsberry fields."—Stowe, p. 458.
  • 35. It would be improper to omit, in a history of this town, the magnificent ceremonies by which the young queen was honoured, as they are illustrative of the manners of these times:— "The XXIIIIth day of the said monneth (July) the qwene departed from Durham, accompanyd of hyr noble company, as she had beene in the dayes past, in fayr manere and good ordre, for to com to the towne of New Castell. Thre mylle fro thens came to her the prior of Tynemouth, well apoynted, and in his company XXX horsys. Hys folks in hys liveray. And ther was in lyk wys Syr Rawff Harbotelle, knyght, richly apoynted, well mounted, and hys folks in his liveray to the numbre of XL horsys.—At the intrynge of the said towne of New Castell, the qwene apoynted hyr, and intred in noble astat. Ich lord and others tuke newe horsys rychly apoynted, in special th' earl of Northumbrelaund, as in the manere of the entrynge of York, and hys folks in lyke wys.—Upon the bryge cam in processyon rychly revested the college of the said towne, and with them the Freres Carmelets and Jacobins with the croseys, the wich was gyffen to the said qwene to kysse, as before, by the archbyschop.—After them was the mayr of the said towne, acompayned of the scheryffe and aldermen, well apoynted, on foot. The wich receyved the said qwene honorably: and after the receyvyng the said mayr monted on horsebak, beryng his masse before hyr.—At the bryge end, apon the gatt, war many children, revested of surpeliz, syngying mellodiously hympnes, and playing on instruments of many sortes.—Within the said towne, by ordre, the bourges and habitants war honnestly apoynted. The streytts war hanged, and the wyndow loupps, topps, and schipps was so full of people, gentylmen and gentylwomen, in so great nombre, that it was a playsur for to se. But they maid non sound of artyllery and ordinance.—In such statt and fayr aray, was the said qwene brought and conveyed to the Freres Austyns, where she was lodged, and honestly receyved by thos revested with the crosse, in the manere as it is rehersed befor. And when she was brought to hyr lodgyng every man drew hym to hys awn.—The next day after, being the XXVth day of the said monneth, Saunt Jamys day, she abode all the day in the said towne, and was at the church masse very nobly accompayned.—That sam day, at even, the erle of Northumbrelaund made to many lords, knyghts, and others, a goodeley baunket, which lasted to mydnyght, for cause of the games, daunces, sports, and songs, with force of ypocras, succres, and other metts of many delicyouses maners.—To the said New Castell cam the lord Dacre of the north, acompayned of many gentylmen, honestly apoynted, and hys folks arayd in his liveray. "The XXVIth day of the said monneth the said qwene departed from the said place, after the custome precedent, varey richly and in fayr array. And the said mayr conveyd her out of the said towne, and after tuke lyve of her.—Haff a mylle owt of the said towne was Syr Humfrey Lysle and the prior of Bryngburn, well ayoynted and well horst, to the nombre of XX horses. Their folks arayd of their liveray. And a mylle from the said towne was in ordre the scheryffe of Northumbrelaund, Syr Rawff Evers, in company of many other gentylmen, varey well apoynted, their folks clothed in their liveray, well monted. And with them wer many honests folks of the countre, with spers and bowes, in jackets, to the nombre of two hondreth horsys.— With the sam fayr company was the said qwene conveyd to Morpath." She was lodged that night in the abbey of Newminster.—Leland's Collect. vol. iv. p. 277.
  • 36. The English army burnt Kelso and its abbey, and a few villages on the Borders, and then marched back, after being but eight days on Scottish ground. In a letter to the lords of the council, from the Earl of Hertford and Sir Ralph Sadler, dated Newcastle, 13th of March, 1543, occurs the following passage:— "There have been seen on this cost thes ten or twelve days seven saile, suspected to be Frenchmen, being tall shippes of two or three toppes, which kepe aloof in the sea aganst Scath Rode, and hover along this cost, by all lyklihood to lye in awayte for such shippes as the merchants of this towne have at this tyme in Flanders, and such other as shall com in theyr way." As also the following:—"Ye knowe the King's Majestie hathe appoynted to have a thousand kerne hacbutiers sent hither out of Ireland, which I trust shall arryve here shortly: there may be now sent hither by see when my lord admiral cometh, one thousand demy hakes for the said kerne; for neyther bring they any with them, nor yet is here any to be gotten."—Burleigh's State Papers, p. 13. They add, "This towne is utterly disfurnished, and unprovided of all maner of grayn for any such purpose as victualling the Kinge's Majesties army when the same shall arrive."
  • 37. Holingshed's Eng. Chron. Burleigh's State Papers, p. 41. Ridpath Bor. Hist. p. 584. Haynes' State Papers, p. 43, &c.
  • 38. The following is quoted by Brand, from a collection of original letters, &c. to the archbishop of York, president of the council in the north, of the date of 1546:— "Able men in Newcastel upon Tyne 1714, whereof—furnished with harnes and hors, archers 27, byllmen 53. Com. Northumbr'—Horsemen 1714—Fotemen 3800. Able men in the byshopryk of Duresme 2402, whereof, furnyshed with horse and hernes, archers 260, speremen 4, byllmen 494."
  • 39. "The story and proces of the journey.—Saterday the 27 of August. My lorde protectour's grace, whom neyther ye length nor werines of the way did any whit let spedely to further that he had deliberately taken in hande, riding all the way from London his own person in post, accompanied with my lorde marshall and and Syr Frauncis Bryan, was met a 6 mile on thys syde Newecastell, by my lorde lieuetenaunt and master treasurer (who for the more spedie dispatch of thinges were cummen to toune there 3 or 4 days before), and all the nobles, knightes and capitaynes of the armye on horsebacke, attending upon them. And commyng thus to toune, my lordes grace was honorably (for the dignitie of the place) with gonshot and presence of the mayer, aldermen and commoners there, aboute 3 of the clocke in the afternone, receyved and welcommed and lay at the house of one Peeter Ryddell. "Sundaye the 28 of August. Thys daye mornyng, in the feldes of the northeast syde of the towne, mouster was made of suche dimie launces and lighte horsemen as were comen, wherat my lordes grace was hymself, my lorde lieutenaunt, and other of the counsail of the army. In the afternone came the Lord of Mangierton with a 40 Scottish gentelmen of the east borders, and presented themselfes to my lorde at his lodgynge, wkome hys grace did gentlye accept. It would not be forgotten and it were but for ensamples sake, how a newe paire of gallowes were set up in the market place, and a souldior hanged for quarellyng and fightyng. "Mondaye the 29 of August. All capitaynes with theyr bandes that had ben moustred, were commaunded forwarde. My lordes grace himself dyd early also then depart the toune, dyned at Morpeth 12 mile on the waye and lay that night in Anwyke-Castell with Syr Robert Bowes, Knight, lord warden of the middle marches, being 12 mile further. Where there neyther lact anye store of geastes or of good chere to welcumme them with. In the provision wherof a man myght note great cost and diligence, and in the spending a liberal hart."—Journal of W. Patten.
  • 40. "The King's fleet consisted of 65 bottoms, whereof one open galley and 34 tall ships were well appointed for fight; the rest served for carriage of ammunition and victuals: of the fleet, Edward Lord Clinton was admiral, and Sir William Wood-house his vice-admiral.—The whole army consisted of between 1200 and and 1300 foot, and 1300 men at arms, 2000 light-horse, being such men for their goodly personages, their ready horses, their brave apparel, their armour and weapons, as never before was an army set forth in all points better appointed." So far Sir John Haywood: but the army here mentioned must refer to those troops only that were sent from the south; for the English army that entered Berwick on this expedition consisted of 18,000 men, all excellent troops, and admirably well equipped.—Ridpath. p. 559.
  • 41. Strype's Mem. vol. iii. p. 358, et seq. Nicholson's Border Laws, p. 196. Ridpath Hist. p. 574.
  • 42. Queen Elizabeth had obtained the restoration of the Reformed religion in England. Amongst 9400 beneficed clergy, only 14 bishops, 12 archdeacons, 15 heads of colleges, and about 80 of the parochial clergy, refused to conform.—Rapin, vol. viii. p. 237, 8vo. ed.
  • 43. Forbes' State Papers, vol. i. p. 495; q. Brand, vol. ii. p. 443.
  • 44. Ridpath, p. 640. Two years before this, a coiner of false money was executed at Newcastle. "This year, 1564, Partage was put downe for coyning false money in the Great Innes in Pilgrim Street."—Carr's MS. quoted by Brand.
  • 45. This rebellion originated, according to some, in queen Elizabeth claiming a mine, belonging to the Earl of Northumberland, as a royal mine. But the real cause arose from the earl's fondness for the ancient faith, and his attachment to queen Mary, whom he proposed to liberate. However, in 1565, the earl had done the Scottish queen a very ill office, in seizing 8000 crowns of gold, which were sent to her by the pope. The money was driven upon the Northumberland coast in a wreck, and the booty was too tempting to be restored. —Hollings. Chron. Strype Mem. Eliz. vol. i. p. 599. Ridpath, p. 631.
  • 46. It appears that, in the year 1583, packets were carried by the post between London and Berwick upon Tweed in 42 hours in summer, and in 60 hours in winter.—MS. Cotton Library, fol. 467. Brand, vol. ii. p. 447.