Elizabeth: February 1561

955. Mary to Elizabeth. [Feb. 1.]

Requesting safe conduct for William Henrysoun burgess of Edinburgh to pass and repass with his goods between Scotland and France, through her realm for a year. Under her signet, witnessing the lords of her Privy Council. Edinburgh, 19^th of her reign. Signed: James Hammylton, James Hammylton, Ar^d. Ergyll, Mortoun, James Stewart, Glencarn, Ruthwen.

Broad sheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signet: Scotland (as before). Collar of thistles very distinct.

956. Mary to Elizabeth. [Feb. 4.]

Requesting safe conduct for her "cousin" Lord James Stewart about to come to her person in France on the affairs of Scotland, with 60 companions—and commission if necessary to "list" 20 post horses —to endure for a year. Under her signet, witnessing the lords of her Privy Council. Edinburgh "ferd" February, 19^th of her reign. Signed: James Hammylton, James Hammylton, Mortoun, Glencarn, Ruthwen, Jhone lord Lyndsay, Wcheltre, Jhonne Wyshart, W. Maitland.

Broad sheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signet: Scotland (as before).

957. The Scottish to the English Privy Council. [Feb. 4.]

Requesting the Queen's pardon for Cormok Oconochor gentleman of Ireland, for offences by ignorance in his youth, and restoration of his father and predecessors' lands there, or part thereof. "Thus we wys your lordshipis fairweill in the Lord God." Edinburgh. Signed: James Hammylton, James Hammylton, Mortoun, Glencarn, James Stewart, Ruthwen, Wchiltre.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed.

958. Maitland to Cecil. [Feb. 6.]

Take it not in evil part, that thus long I have delayed to write, for till now I could not make the certain and resolute advertisement you look for. The principal Estates have been here these 15 days, and yet are—things grow to a conclusion. First, in religion many things are determined for the policy of the church, and order taken for establishing religion universally, "some thing more vehement then I for my opinion, at ane other tyme wold have allowed. Mary! as thyngs ar fallen out, this tyme doth require some vehemence, and it will serve to good propos. Ernest embracing off religion will joyne ws straitly togidder, and mak the danger apeare the greatar if the one part sould suarve from the other: and in my jugement, it is convenient for conservation off the intelligence begonne, that we have some what wherwith to exerceiss our selffes; for I feare to great a securite mycht brede in ws some owyrsicht." Next religion, report was heard of the embassies to France and England; for France, God's providence has varied the case and effect, by taking away the king. For England, we have so much declared the Queen's gentleness and good will, that I am sure we have discharged our duties to her highness; and in the principal matter, have so "tempered" the answer, that our men are not altogether out of hope, "nor yet can tak hold upon ony thing hath past our mouthes, wheron to repose them selffes certeinly, but onely left to abyde the working off tyme." My lord of Arran is greatly discouraged, seeing no likelihood, but knowing my humour, makes the best of it before me.

It is resolved, to prevent evil advice to our sovereign, &c., to send an embassy from the Estates; whereof Lord James shall be principal —as meetest for many respects. "He is zelous in religion and one off the precise Protestantes, knowen to be trew and constant, honest and not able to be corrupted; besides that nature must move her hyghnes to beare him some good will, and it is lyke that she will rather trust him then any other." The "somme" of the legation is to know her mind, and if she will repose confidence in her subjects or not? It is wished she come home without force, and through England, where her own subjects will meet her at Dover or elsewhere, and conduct her honourably to her own country—thinking that the meeting of the two Queens "shall breed ws quietnes for theyr tymes." If her highness be counselled by those "that least can juge the best," to bring a force with her by sea, some think she lacks natural love to her country, and in that case we are not bound to receive her with a force, where such a danger may ensue: but before any "resolve to or fro," the matter shall be laid before the Queen's Majesty, whose command what she thinks "rathest," shall be obeyed. For without her advice we dare do nothing great, having sufficient experience of her good will, and aid if need be. Lord James will sue her for a passport, and in passing make her highness "participant" both of what he has in charge, and what he minds to do. "Yow know somewhat off his natour, and I dar ondertake that he is no dissemblar but will deale frankly with her Majesty." We have learned that Bothwell and others are on their way home with some directions from her (fn. 1); it imports little, for whatever their message, nothing will be resolved till Lord James has "fully groped her mynd." To make his legation acceptable, it is moved that he have commission now since dissolution of the marriage, to renew our old league with France. Knowing how prejudicial it is to our amity with England, I have shifted it off thus— "that it is a mater rather to be granted than offred," for France we are sure will make suit for it, and will esteem it more than if we offered it, and we shall thus have better means to make reasonable conditions. I hear Monsieur de Noailles is coming from the French king for this purpose—few yet know this—but I shall be loath that he report any certain answer. Argyll marvels he has yet heard nothing from Ireland: I would be sorry he thought his offer less regarded as matters are quiet there; he is worthy to be entertained.

"The Kinges deathe is commonly taken for a great benefyte off Godes." I dare not rejoice, for the security has "lulled ws aslepe" —the fear of strangers is for the first taken away—but we little more out of danger! We all begin "to enter in some devocion towardes our soverane lady," who must follow her uncles' advice, and so can never forget what has heretofore been done contrary to their pleasure. "I feare many simple men shalbe caryed away with vayne hope, and broght abed with fayre wordes." If Lord James can persuade her to trust her own subjects, I will take courage—if not, "I se the perell large greatar then ever it wes." No man is in worse case than myself unless things fall out better than they look. "I "am taken to be authour off many things, and am hyghly envyed by those at home who wold our caus wer overthrowen—they take me to be a great instrument to nurishe concord amangst some, whear they wold wishe to sowe division—which unity they juge a great hinderance to the Frenshe intentes. I wold to God I wer able to do as moche as they think I can do!" I know, for my friends there have advertised me, that in France I am taken for a better Englishman "then other." It imports me greatly that the intelligence began "betwix ws" may continue, for I see evidently "whenever thamyty shall decay, I must look for ane other duelling place. I made yow some ouverture at Londone how to salve all matiers; I wrote to yow more amply in it from Schir Rauf Sadlars hous. I wold be glad to onderstand what yow think in it, or how the Quenes Majesty can lyke off it, and how it shalbe followed? I know the Quene my sovereyne is so enformed against me, that oneles I be able to do her some service, I cannot long be suffred to lyve in her realme; and will never prease to continew in service longar then thamyty betwixt both realmes shall continew. My meaning from the begynning hath bene honest, and I will so continew to thend. I write something affectionatly to yow in this mater, for it standeth me upon so to do. If I be assured that meaning honestly, we shall not be neglected off her Majesty, a good nombre wilbe found who will not feare to prosequute the mater that is begonne, to thend."

I hear one Tennant a Scottishman delivered a packet of letters to the Queen our sovereign in France, "which wes directed to M^r Throkmorton." I remember not that any letters were delivered to this man, but if it be so, you should do me great pleasure, if at his returning, he might by severe punishment understand that he has played a "lewde" part. I pray you have the Laird of Ormeston's case recommended.

Write to me plainly and amply what you would have done here, and you shall see there is one here that will gladly please you, besides his affection to the Queen's service. I will never forget the favour I have found at her hands, or the opinion her highness is pleased to take of me—nor yet the good will I have received of you. I pray your honour let my good lords of the Council, specially my Lord Penbroke, my lord Admiral and my lord Robert, understand I will be glad to do them service. (fn. 2) Pray send Lord James's conduct with the first post. I pray God send you at length the fruit of your labours. Edinburgh. Signed: W. Maitland.

I received a letter by Randolph, and saw his of the 24^th of January —and for answer I will confer with him.

6 pp. Holograph: also address. Indorsed. The month of the date in text is corrected from "January" to "February."

959. Randolphe to Cecil. [Feb. 6.]

I forbore to write till I could let you know the whole. Though appointed for the 15^th January, it was the 21^st before any number assembled at the Convention—whose names you shall receive herewith. To the intent other actions might better proceed as "founded upon God," it was thought good, "that his cawse sholde be fyrste sett forwarde, wheareupon the self same Booke of Dyscipline (or at the leaste not farre alteryde from that that you sawe wrytten as your honour remembrethe by whome)" was presented by the authors to the lords. Six whole days were spent in examination and reasoning thereon, the matter well debated, divers well satisfied, and in the end approved by common consent. As I cannot come by the copy so soon as I would, I send you the "titles of the whole booke." In uncertain cases it is hard to judge the issue: if things come not otherwise to pass, than yet I find likelihood, we are not yet fit to receive any such burden. "Thoughe Goddes worde, for the tyme that yt hathe byne preachede, hathe had great advancement," yet I cannot assure myself what root it has taken in men's hearts, whereof trial will soon be taken, if this discipline be universally embraced and all points observed.

On the 7^th and 8^th days, the lords gave their whole labour to hearing poor men's causes, and dispatching bills presented. The articles on the borders, sent here by the Governor of Berwick, are answered as your honour shall know from my lord himself, whose servant attends here for the lords' mind thereon. Lord Hume's absence very sick, caused delay, the rest found the demands reasonable and consented to them. Then the ambassadors both to England and France discharged themselves of their commissions. Though Lord S^t Johns did not report till 10^th January, from the lords' absence, he had little to say not already known to them all. All difficulties through the rejection of his commission, were removed by the King's death, which has bred in us here such security, "that were yt not that some tymes M^r Knox in the pulpet, or the lard of Lidingeton in consultation of thaffayres, puttethe us in remembrance wher and in what case, we were not long sens, we sholde growe starke dulle or forget our selves." Though nothing is in the answer from England to discourage any man, or make him think the cause over thrown, yet their earnest desire to enjoy the felicity that might ensue, put them so far in doubt of themselves, that they could neither resolve on a new attempt, nor yet despair after so reasonable an answer. Never at any time, did Lethington show the excellence of his wit, love to his country, or good will to us, more than that day, or could be thought in one man. It came in purpose how either amity might be maintained, or a new league made with us? And much debate there was. In hoc conveniunt omnes—that never had any nation received such good will and love as this, from the Queen's Majesty, and ignominy would redound to their posterity for ever, if they did not show themselves grateful. There lacked no spokesman hereto, specially the authors of the last contract, which many now wish had been of longer continuance. In renewal I know not what difficulty may arise, and France, as your honour is not unmindful, will do daily and has ministers here. You know the force of auri sacra fames. Our Queen is not so unfriended, or her servants so unvigilant, but some thing will be espied "owte of what coste somever the wynde blowe."

On the special point of renewal with France, Lethington I think has written his opinion, and if your advice concur with his, it will greatly advance the matter, at least make us nothing inferior to the French. The words of the Berwick contract are not so absolute but it may be doubted if it be ended after one year of the death of the French king or no? being these— "And the tyme of the continuance of the hostagees to be only duringe the mariage of the Quene Soveraigne of Scotlande with the Frenche kynge, and one yere after the dyssolution of the saide mariage, untyll farther order may be had betwene bothe thir realmes."

Of those who consented and subscribed it, I doubt of none, "but only of hym of whome never man at anye tyme was assured of. (fn. 3) Yf his crafte were not so well known that no man wyll truste hym ether in worde or deade, he were hable for his good mynde to God and his countrie to doe myche myschef." If Lord Ruthven be as open hearted as fair spoken, there is nothing to be doubted in him; I trust his doings are better than the bruit "that goethe on hym."

The last and most difficult point was to find a fit personage to be sent to the Queen their sovereign. No man was found meeter than "her owne brother" Lord James. I am glad our Queen will thus be able to judge the value of such an assured and faithful friend without "note or spotte," as he from the first has shown himself. The Laird of Lethington has written to your honour in this matter. The Lords have written to the Queen for his safe conduct, which I send you presently, trusting shortly for answer. He is not yet resolved how to travel, wherein many desire to accompany him, as well for the "great brute" of the Queen our sovereign, as to see their own Queen. Whoever he takes, one will be the Laird of Patarrow "a man mervileus wyse, discryte, and godly, with owte spotte or wryncle," and not unknown to your honour. Some wish to send with him the Abbot of Kilwinning; I know not how their "complections" will accord abroad, that never liked each other at home!

In these matters "some tyme" has been spent, and many things "moe" yet to be considered, before they come to the "passe" they desire. It was debated at length, whether it were better to reject all Papists that ever had enjoyed "benefyte of the Churche," or admit and restore to their possessions such as willingly will subscribe and accord to the Book of Discipline. After many reasons "to and fro," it was resolved to admit all "of what estate somever theie were," who submitted themselves by the 25^th instant—the edict being published incontinent thereupon—otherwise to be rejected and reputed enemies to "Goddes trothe."

This to my remembrance, is the effect of their conclusions at the Convention, except some private causes.

I am earnestly required by Argyll to write to you in favour of "one Cormok Ochonachar" an Irish gentleman who at other times served King [ (fn. 4) ]. On his humble submission to the Queen our sovereign, the Lords of secret council have written to the Lords of her Majesty's council in his favour. Besides his own promise of faithful service henceforth, Argyll has promised if he shall ever fail, to become enemy to him and his whole house for ever; saying this "in my heringe," he willed me to tell your honour. Being suspected for his being in France: he says he only went to sue for his pension, promised to be paid there, and now coming hither with a signed bill to be paid in this town, there is no money to be had. He refers his service and means thereto, to Sir William Centlowe [S^t Loe] and Sir James Crofte.

Argyll marvels not a little at never hearing from the Lord Deputy of Ireland, seeing "the promysse was," and he prepared himself. It were well he received some word to assure him, being so well disposed to the Queen's "godlie purposes" to his uttermost. He will shortly write to your honour, and I am to meet him soon at Stirling.

The Master of Maxwell desires remembrance, and gave me the inclosed letter for you to consider, and answer as is reasonable. He hears the Queen will place Sir Nicolas Arnolde in Carlisle—he knows him not, but whatever he be, "onlie one excepted," (fn. 5) he will gladly concur with him for justice, and show him all pleasure. He (fn. 6) is among those that "I could never have other thought but as an erneste frende, and well wyller to set forwarde all honest purposes betwene these two realmes."

Glencairn lately conferred with me how he could "do" for payment of 300l. sterling to M^r Hickeman a merchant of London. By the exchange he shall be a very great loser, and would be much bound to you if order might be taken for payment in London, and as much to be disbursed out of hand to the Treasurer at Berwick. His affection to our nation has been shown more of late in discourses of the honour of our country, the majesty and dignity of our "princes and soveraigne."

I sent you copy of the King of Denmark's letter to the lords, and enclose copy of their answer, deferred till now.

There went to France of late the Earl of Eglinton and the Abbot of Dunfermline out of Dunbar.

There are looked for to pass "by you," Earl Bothwell, the Lairds of Finlytter and Cragmillar, in commission from their Queen. Their credit here is "no suche that theie are hable to move mountaynes"! Lord Seton has showed himself hitherto very uprightly, and is like to be as he shall be used. The Clerk of Register seeks credit at all hands, and finds it in few. Huntly craves kindness "at" Lord James; "ther is no good that waye to be done." The familiarity grows great between English and Scottish merchants: much herring, salmon and salt fish is carried this year "from hens to us"; what wares "they bringe to us," I know not. I doubt most conveyance of silver or gold, where their advantage will be "wonderfull," in every pound of silver 3s. sterling, and 9d. in every crown.

There are presently in this town, English murderers, vagabonds and thieves, "above one dosen or xvj." At Lord Westmorland's request, I had one arrested who slew a gentleman of his; he is this day to be delivered to 2 of my lord's gentlemen here for him. I am sorry to be thus long, but am loth to omit anything. I have now but to signify receipt of the Queen's letters, with command that I remain here in her service—a great mark of her Majesty's favour to so poor a servant. So having no choice, I intend to frame myself to her service in all things, trusting for your honour's advice and counsel to direct me in matters of importance. I received copy of her Majesty's warrant for my allowance, but have not yet had occasion to examine the charges following this Court, and only desire to live that I may serve. As need is, or occasion grow of expenses, I shall make your honour privy thereto, so that it shall be seen "that nether gryddie gayne shall leade me from my duetie, nor that I seeke in thys place but so to lyve as I maye serve." Hitherto I have only burdened the Duke with my own meat, my lodging in his house, and one nag in his stable; 2 geldings, one man and a boy, I nourished always abroad wherever I was.

I shall be forced to take another man on leaving the Duke's house (as most convenient), and have devised with Lethington thereon; though indeed "my lord" himself is unwilling thereto. Lethington presumed to make me privy to many of your letters, where your honour's affection to me appears, far beyond my desert. In one, you wrote that the Queen thought my lord of Arran kept me here "to gratifie me with." I doubt not he is pleased with my company—but profit or gain I never sought of him or any Scotsman; assuring you that besides the money I have had of her Majesty, I have spent since I first met with him in his own house, 200 crowns of my own, and never received of his father of him "sens I was borne," one piece of gold—my chain, which your honour knows—excepted. I have always thought it gain enough to live thus with their love and favour. I have presumed to write to her Majesty in answer to her letter, wherein your commendation may supply my want, being unaccustomed to address such personages, and desiring pardon for my long delay.

The Lords have made a very strait law for eating flesh in Lent, and other days "of olde forbeden"; some would have had them changed, some one day augmented. It fell out the old custom remains, saving on Sundays in Lent, any man may eat what he can get—"ther are we afore you!" There come with Lord James, besides Patarrowe, Lord Salton son-in-law to Lord Marshall, Lord Glames or Oglebie. He is resolved to go in post, 24 "horse in trayne," and within a month, as his letter signifies. The Lords are departed, and the most part intend to return on 25^th instant. The Duke goes to Hamilton, whither also I purpose. I send you a cipher, and find some danger in conveying letters, but by my own servant or one of Lord Grey's. I have commended F. Tenant's cause to some of the lords; Lethington is "fartheste in conceate with hym of anye man alyve." George Paris has hurt his leg, desiring it may excuse his longer abode here. There is a "neweu" of his here, William Paris. I know not what he is or his doings. Edinburgh. Signed: Thomas Randolphe.

[Written on a separate half sheet.]

I know his poverty to be so great that in my heart I lament it, for I doubt that either care will shorten his time, and so shall we lack a dear and assured friend; or else he shall be forced many times to absent himself, when need shall require, and thereby some good purpose may have great lack of such a patron as he has been in all our causes. Would God it pleased the Queen in some secret means (otherwise I would not wish it yet for a time) that he might have some relief, which I am sure might be so conveyed, that not one living, saving those it pleased her to make privy, should "wytte" thereof.

Of any other besides this man, Graynge deserveth most, for his earnest affection to the Queen's service; and his credit and means thereto are as good as many of greater name. I thought these few words to be annexed "rather as a cartell" than write largely in my letter. Your honour will please use them according to your wisdom.

11½ pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed. The postscript evidently refers to Lethington and Kirkealdy. Wafer signet (as before).

Inclosed in the same:—

(The Scottish Council to Frederic King of Denmark.)

They acknowledge receipt of the King's letter of 23^d October, but are unable to answer his demand as to the Orkneys, as their Queen is still in France. Edinburgh, pridie Calendas Februarias 1560. James Hamylton, James Hammylton, Ar^d. Ergill, Alex. Glencarn, Mortoune, Rothes, James Stewart, Ruthwen.

Broad sheet. Contemporary copy. Indorsed.

960. Lord James to Cecill. [Feb. 7.]

It having pleased the nobility and council to burden me with going towards our sovereign, to declare our duty and devotion, and having asked the Queen's Majesty for her safe conduct: your honour will please to obtain and send the same to my lord Grey at Berwick shortly. I am greatly addebted for your favours to George Paris at my instance, and pray you continue his good friend. Edinburgh. Signed: James Stewart.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

961. Money, &c., Sold to Scotland. [Feb. 16.]

Note of "paise" and "new" money and plate sold into Scotland by Edward Barwicke, Leonard Stockdale, John Harrison and Thomas Carne all of Kendal, &c. from 16^th June 1560. New money 12d. per pound.

1 p. Contemporary hand. Indorsed (by Cecill's clerk).

962. Mary to Elizabeth. [Feb. 20.]

Thanking her good sister for her kind messages sent by the Earl of Bedford, to console her in the affliction which it has pleased God to send her. Will do her best to preserve their amity. Fontainebleau. Signed: Votre bonne cousine Marie.

Broad sheet. French. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signed: France impaling Scotland— "M. R." at sides of shield.

963. Maitland to Cecill. [Feb. 26.]

Now having spoken with Captain Forbes, and after with the Laird of Cragmellour and his colleagues, I am more able to discourse of our state here and the French intents and their issue. Whereas this realm was before divided in two, viz., in those that hasard all for the liberty of their country, and in the "newtrals—(for so many as durst professe them selffes plane enemyes wer so few, that no accompt wes to be made off them)"—now there begin to be three factions—at least men's judgments are thus divided. The neutrals, as before careless of the common weal, so now "continew ready to receave whatsoever is propounded unto them under the shadowe off the princes commandement, without examination from what counsell it doth proceade, or what end it doth tend to. This poynt onely fynd I amended, that some fynd themselffes desapoynted off that they loked for at the handes off the Frenshe, so that they begyn to lyke theyr owne countrey the better. The other sort is devydit in two, albeit all aggre upon this—that seing it hath not pleased God (our synnes deserving that ponishement) to be so beneficiall to bothe the countreys, that by receaving the ouverture lately propounded by ws, the realmes may be joyned togidder, now we must off necessite, so far as in ws lyeth, procure the Quene our Soverane lady is benevolence towardes ws. In this they do disagre—the Dukes grace, and those which ar particularly affectionat to him, and onely desyr the avancement and wealth off his hous, do thynk that ther is no surety for him, oneles his sone may be joyned in mariage with the Quene our Soverane, seing ther is no lykelyhod off the other—and that the danger is to great for his hous, if she comme in her owne realme before that mariage be assured—for he taketh that to be the onely meane to put his hous in surety." The other, and no small party either in number, degree, or power, think it good policy to persuade her highnes to come in her own realm, and receive her favourably, provided she neither bring force nor counsel of strangers, but trust only in her native subjects; "and then that ther wilbe wayes anew" to induce her to favour "the Religion," overlook the past, and put all things amiss in order, living in concord and unity with her subjects. This party think it hard to propound any other conditions to her, and "not plausible in the world abrood."

I touch the matter shortly—there are many heads "and a great sequele depending on it." It has not yet come in question, but having conferred with the principals and "most speciall" of both opinions, I can judge that in time divers effects must ensue. "All is as yet calme, and shalbe I dout not so long as men can be content to be bridled with reason." The four last come from France, besides the "sede off sedition" in their private letters, have brought a commission to assemble the Estates for two respects—first to have a number of great men chosen to pass to France to advise her Majesty in her affairs, and specially her "home comming," whereto she seems to have a great desire; the other, to renew the league with France, for which M. de Noailles will shortly be here. That head is "difficill"—if it take place, you may judge what must ensue with time, "that which neyther yow nor I lyke." Her Majesty is "ernestly bent" on it: I have conferred with M^r Randolph the best I see for the present. "Although some off the new comme sede is ordeyned to be planted in my gardeyn, yet I change not." This league may by policy be delayed for a season, but at length it must be renewed, "oneles yow loke circumspectly upon the mater." If we altogether refuse ("which I can hardly trust, yea I think it will not be so) then besydes the Quene our soverayne ladyis displesour, we shall have France perpetually to be our ennemyes." Discoursers here say it were a perilous thing to break it, and have no foreign ally, we being joined by a "dry marche" to your puissant realm, and though you are like to be friends for a season, yet seeing "the meane off perpetuall frendship is desperat," in time you may be enemies, and then "wer we a facill pray" without ally! I warn you of these matters beforehand, that you may advise in time; and remind you of "the latter mocion off two I made onto yow, a litle before I came from Londone, and send me word what yow think in it; or if that can not be herd, what other remede yow se or can invent?" For unless our sovereign can be "allured" to friendship with England, intelligence betwixt us cannot long continue. If you hear not so amply or often from me as you would wish, consider my danger in writing, under many men's eyes— my familiarity with England is known and so misliked, that I fear it shall be my undoing unless the Queen be made favourable to England —hard to do. God is judge if I mean anything against her obedience or liberty of my native country, yet men's true meaning is never taken in good part. As this burden is common to me with many others, I bear it more patiently. I will serve my sovereign truly, and do wish the two realms may continue friendly, yet my labours thereto will not be so taken, which makes me so often touch this point. Pray continue your favour to this bearer Archibald Grahame, as heretofore, "in his just caus." Edinburgh. Signed: W. Maitland.

3 pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill).

964. Randolphe to Cecill. [Feb. 26.]

Since my last, I had small matter to write, but to signify receipt of your letters of 4^th instant, with "forknowledge" of the coming of the 4 "lardes commissioners." Either by mouth or writing, I opened to whom I thought expedient, your advice as to receiving them, and bestowing "suche stuffe" as they have brought. Lethington, with all care and diligence, did the like. All that could be then obtained was, that in the lords' absence, they could neither devise nor determine what might be done, but were forced rather to leave it to "Fortune," preparing themselves against all "myscheves," than unadvisedly attempt a matter whereof they knew not the issue. Whereon Lethington and I by two sundry letters, wrote to my lord Grey what we thought most expedient. On 20^th instant all four arrived at Cragmillar, where Lethington of purpose met them, to prevent some matters that he doubted, and understand what he could of their "arrant." Before leaving, "he came so farre within them," that I think most of their "store" was spent. "Theffecte of the whole tended unto no other [but the homecoming of the Queen? (fn. 7) ] thoughe the same be never so well covered or dysguised ether with fayer wordes or large offers, wich so swetly flowe owte of their mouthes, as thoughe their tonges and teethe had byne fyled only to frame falced, and to tell lyes!" Of the "packe," if any better than other, "the moste hope is of Cragmellour." They agree so well among themselves, that not one trusts another; and their tales accord so well, that one is ashamed of the other's lies! They report the Queen intends shortly to be home—all offences here are remitted; the French king has given her 6 great ships, and 2 galleys, and increased her dowry 20,000 francs. The Frenchmen are to be paid their wages, and retired out of Dunbar and the Inch. To show her subjects how she tenders their weal and honour of her country, she will not apply her mind to marriage—though already many sue her, as the King of Spain for his son, the Kings of Sweden and Denmark for themselves—until she be in place to have the advice of her nobles, and assent of her people. If these reporters were of such credit with the world, or if they had the disposal of these things as they would, the matter were of no small weight, for they are very plausible. John of Lumbie "alias Blaneherne," reports that he learned of my lord of Bedford, that he had commission to entreat the Scottish Queen to pass through England, and large offers, if it pleased her to accept them. Another point wherein he was directed, was to require her to give up her title and claim to the crown of England. He forged this to bring us in more "dysdayne" with this nation. (fn. 8) This report he made to Morton, who sharply reproved him, saying Bedford was not the man to make him so privy to his charge.

They have reported largely of your honour's entertainment, which is so well liked of all honest men here, that they think this country much bound to you. Lord Grey handled them "so frendly" at Berwick, that they speak little to his praise. They have brought "well nere" 300 letters, "with credit as theie lyste to frame yt, or as theie fynde a feete moulde to worke myschef in." Also 2 commissions—one to the Duke, the Earls of Argyll, Huntly, Bothwell, Lord James, Earl of Athol and bishop of S^t Andrews, or 4 of them, to summon a parliament against the [ ], (fn. 9) and that Nouales by the [ ] shall be here, from the French king with direction from their Queen, to consider what may be done—"so are the wordes of the commission,"—for the confirmation of the ancient league between France and them. Many well willers here to our sovereign are in great perplexity, for it is thought, and I verily believe, that the French offers shall be such, and appear so reasonable, that he, (fn. 10) having the Queen's consent and command, and using other means, cannot be refused. "In which case, yf Englande be not so provided for, that yt maye at all tymes stande in equall case and termes with France (havinge in thopinion of men all reddie rejected the most assured meanes that coulde be thoughte to have intertayned amitie betwene these two countries)," I neither know what our sovereign's great charges, the loss of so many her grace's subjects as here ended their lives, and the fame of her worthy doings, shall come to, nor what incommodities in process of time may ensue if things here return to their old estate. Though I assure myself that her Majesty's benefits to this nation will never be so clean wiped away, or rooted out of men's hearts for their lives, whereof she may be assured for her time as of her own natural subjects,—"yet I mystrust not but her Magestys care is so farre extended over those whome God hathe appoynted her to raigne over, as maye be thought that the worlde cane indure." Seeing therefore the entry is fair, and difficulty not great, to procure her highness increase of honour, and tranquillity to her people, I would that the next means were embraced and diligently pursued "whyle tyme is," and men's minds so well disposed, as I presently find them. I am well assured your honour and my lords of Council have had some thought hereof. The way to assure amity is either to have the late contract of Berwick renewed if possible, or join with the French "in thys that theie desyer to be confirmed," on such conditions and points as can best be devised, whereto I mistrust not many here are willing. Herein I have as yet conferred but with Morton and Lethington; neither is less careful than myself, and heartily wish something done as your honour knows best; and Lethington desires it be known in time, that men may be "framed" thereto. Morton thinks the confirmation to the French will not be granted till the Queen is here; and that the Duke of Guise "and that sort" will hold up their heads by her, and make such "trafique" of her as best to their advantage. Lethington believes she will not be here so soon as reported: whenever she come "I beleve here wylbe a madde worlde! Our exactenes and singularitie in religion wyll never concurre with her judgemente; I thynke that she wyll hardely be broughte under the rule of our discipline, of the which we cane remytte nothynge to anye estate or persone." Every man is inclined to obedience if she will be content to "imbrace the worde of God" and maintain it—even such as were furthest off and have travailed most earnestly against it!

Touching the other commission, it is only to themselves with instructions to the lords, in receiving and disbursing her revenues—maintaining her houses and disposing of her offices—wherein the French controller is inhibited from making payment to any one, whatever warrant he has from her late husband, or herself since his death, till her farther will is known. She has sent a new commission to the controller to receive. (fn. 11) On the 23^d instant, all four went to Lythcow to signify to the Duke and my lord Arran the Queen's will on these commissions: the Duke answered he could do nothing till the lords assembled, which will be in 8 days of this. It is thought Lord James will now stay till he see what is then done: and though he meant to have gone privately before, as she had no Scotsman to advise her, I think now that one or two others shall be joined with him. The Duke can no way be satisfied but that "some dere frende of his muste be one," yet there can not be one found "sufficient to concurre with those that shalbe sent." It is now said Huntly will shortly be here. Robert Lyslaye is gone to my Lord James, Atholl, and other lords of the north, "to utter some suche ware as he hathe broughte." Cragmillar and Finlytter remain in Lothian, Blaneherne now in his own house. Bothwell is also arrived to work what mischief he can, so far as his credit will extend: I know not how Arran and he will accord, and Seton is also at some difference with him. Those that have arrived make no great vaunt of any great reward or gifts received. Forbes' answer from those he carried letters to, contains as many fair words as anything important. All reasonable requests shall be granted, and they will keep amity "with their ancient allies," and obey their sovereigns. It is thought very "straynge" by many that Arran wrote to France without advice of other lords, "and bruted here that he seekethe some waye aparte"; whereon he sent "Balvanes" and "Forbes" to S^t Andrews, where were Argyll and Atholl, Lords James and Erskine, &c., to report the news he had from France. Glencairn wrote lately to me to know if I had any answer from you on "that poynte" I wrote to you of him. It is bruited in his country that Lennox's son was gone over with the Earl of Bedford; and the Duke heard the same before Forbes's arrival, but I have heard no word of it lately. We are glad that Monsieur de Nemours [Denamours] is "caste" in his cause. Of the hostages, and the Leith ship that took the Spaniards, I can write no answer till the Lords are assembled. "Ther are in thys towne, that intende to travaile with the Portugales to have thys lettre of marque dyscharged" for a sum of money, as it was once agreed for 14,000 "ducates." I wrote to Lord Grey that the lords desired to know what the hostages' charge would "mount unto." Francis Tenant excuses his falsehood with many fair words, but I think will not so escape. He has got two offices for his good service, viz. "conservateur of the chauncelarie, and master of the garde robe to the Quene." Edinburgh. Signed: Thomas Randolphe.

I intend to-morrow to ride to the Duke, who in 4 days will be in this town. The worthiness I know in the "R (fn. 12) " and his deserts in the Queen's service, causes one oftener to remind your honour of him. He serves for many more purposes "then to weare a jacke."

7 pp. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill's clerk). Many words re-written on erasure. Attached is a slip of paper with 4 lines of ciphers, also holograph.

965. Maitland To Cecill. [Feb. 28.]

I wrote of late on M. de Noailles coming here to renew the league with France. I pray you let means be found that the "Quene our sovereyn" may be in friendship with England, "otherwyse the intelligence betwixt ws can for no tyme indure." You may easily judge what subjects professing obedience can do, when the prince is bent a contrary way! If she could be induced to make an equal league, the subjects of both should long live in ease. "Let me heare from yow some ouverture, if that which I made unto yow can not be receaved." Please to show the bearer William Henderson reasonable favour for a passport to France. Edinburgh. Signed: W. Maitland.

1 p. Holograph; also address. Indorsed (by Cecill's clerk).