Elizabeth: February 1564

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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'Elizabeth: February 1564', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69, (London, 1900) pp. 39-49. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol2/pp39-49 [accessed 24 April 2024]

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In this section

51. Maitland to Cecil. [Feb. 4.]

Divers noblemen and others, Bothwell's friends, having at last obtained the Queens majesty's favourable letters to the Queen's highness your sovereign "for his releiff furtht of that realme to pass to the partis beyond sea," have required me to write to you in his favour, which I cannot refuse. Therefore I pray you that he may find your friendly assistance, "and have some experience that he hath a litle the more favour for my cause anent his liberty, quhairin yow will do me singular plesour, and oblis the more him who is ynough oblissed already." Signed: W. Maitland.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

52. Mary to Elizabeth. [Feb. 5.]

Bothwell's friends, at whose desire we wrote to you lately for his leave to go beyond seas, having made new suit to us to remind you thereof at his now repairing to your Court, we pray you to command that the said earl may have freedom to depart your realm for such countries beyond sea "as sall seame to him maist convenient." Under our signet. Palace of Holyrood house, 22nd of our reign. Signed: Your richt gud and affectionat sister and cusignes, Marie R.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed.

53. Randolph to Cecil. [Feb. 7.]

Your honour's favour towards all noblemen is known to be such, in special to those whose cases are to be lamented, that I doubt the less to write to your honour in favour of this bearer the Earl Bothwell. His case is sufficiently known to you, and he will declare his suit, as others have written. At their request "with the goodwyll I have myself that his lordship were well," I trouble you with my desire that by your means he may find favour at the Queens majesty's hands. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

½ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

54. The Superintendent of Lothian, Etc., to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York. [Feb. 10.]

"Maister John Spottiswodde superintendant of the Lowthean, M. John Knox and John Craig ministers of Edinburgh, to the moste reverend fathers in God the Archebusshops of Canterbury and York, desyre the perpetuall increase of the holie Spirit etc."

Because in the general assembly of the Church of Scotland begun at Edinburgh 25th December last, our brother John Baroune "minister of Christe Jesus his Evangile," complained upon Anne Goodacre "sometymes his wyfe, that she aftre great rebellion shewen unto him," and divers admonitions both by himself and others in his name, "that she should in no wyse departe frome this realme nor frome his house without his licence, haeth not the les stubbornelie and rebelliouslie seperated her self frome his societie, left his house and withdrawen herself frome this realme," as his complaint proports: the whole assembly commanded us humbly to request and pray you, whom God has erected as principals in ecclesiastical jurisdiction in England, that it would please you and either of you by public edict or personal service to summon the foresaid Anne to appear before the said Superintendant, ministers, and session of Edinburgh in their "consistorie" within 60 days after your summonds. "We therefore in the name of the Eternall God, of his sonne Jesus Christe, and as ye desyre synne to be punisshed and us your fellow servantes in Christe Jesus to serve you or any of you in the like case, moste humblie requyre you to caus your edictes to be published in all suche places as you know them to be expedient, chargeing the said Anne to compere before the session of Edinburgh in the accustomed place of their assemblie the xxvth day of May next to cum, to answer by herself and not by her procurator, to suche crymes as shalbe layd to her charge by her said husband and by us for her rebellious departing and other crymes that may be suspected to have ensewed thereupon; with certification to her that if she compere not the said day and place, we will procede and minister justice at the said Johns instance according to Gods worde." Further we most humbly desire you to remit to us at the expense of said John complainer, "this our act of the generall assemblie togither with your edictes or summondes duelie executed and indorsed in auctentike forme; whiche doing, as we doubt not you shall pleas the Eternall God and discharge that part of youre godlie office, so shall you binde us to the like or greater service whensoever it shall pleas you or any pastour within that realme to charge any of us. And thus we desyre the Lorde Jesus that great and onelie pastour of the shepe, so to ruell your heartes and ours, that we with one mynde and one mowthe may unfeynedlie seke the advancement of his name, the comfort of his troubled flocke, the mainteyning of vertue, and suppressing of vice, that it will so please him to blesse our common laubouris in this his last harvest, by the power of his holie Spirit, that in the same his glorie may be illustrate, his chosen edified and our consciences discharged, Amen!" Edinburgh. Signed: M. Jo. Spottiswod superintendent of Lotheane, John Knox minister of Christ Jesus his holie Evangill, Johne Craig, minister of Cristis Evangil, J. Gray. We understand "the wicked and rebellious woman" after her unlawful departing from her husband, remained for a season at York.

pp. Written by Gray the clerk. Addressed (by him): (To the Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate etc.,) "or in his absence, to his chancelor, officiall commissarie, or vicegerent in the jurisdiction ecclesiasticall of the province of Cantorbury." Indorsed: "xiiij of February 1563. Mr Knox and others to the Archbishop of Caunterbury."

55. Elizabeth to Randolph. [Feb. 11].

Signifying that on receipt of the letter from the Queen of Scots of 20th ult. in behalf of certain of her subjects of Dundee, and their complaint as to their ship stayed at Harwich, she commanded the Judge of her Admiralty and his colleagues to instruct themselves in the truth of the case without delay. Which they have done, and the copy of their answer to her Council, now sent, with copies of the Queen of Scots' letter and her own reply, will show him how clear the matter is on the English part, by all law and reason. Instructing him how to proceed further with the Queen, and sending her own proclamation for order.

2 pp. Draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed.

56. Randolph to Cecil. [Feb. 17.]

Since my last letters, this time has evil served to enter into any "grave" purpose with the Queen; for so soon as she recovered her health, she determined to pass her time in mirth and pastimes most agreeable for that time "approchynge nere unto Shroftyde." Her grace sent for most of her nobility to be here against Sunday last, (fn. 1) and made them so solemn a banquet as in the remembrance of man here, except at the marriage of a prince, "the lyke was not seen," and both days following were little inferior. How my sovereign was honoured, and what words I had of her grace's self in the hearing of divers nobles, your honour must pardon me deferring to write for a day or two, at her request, for perchance she will write herself. I have answered my lords of the Council's letters as truly as I can, I trust to the "veritie"—if otherwise, many more are deceived than myself. Hitherto you have found few of my advertisements false. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

57. Randolph to the Privy Council. [Feb. 17.]

Yesterday 16th, I received your lordships' letters of the 10th instant, of the advertisements you had of ships arriving here with artillery. For answer, more than 12 days past I was warned by Mr Secretary thereof, and replied that none such were then come—but for more assurance I sent an English merchant along the "coaste syde" under colour to buy herrings, as far as Aberdeen, who assures me no such ship is come nor any artillery between Berwick and Aberdeen. For the West seas, Lords Glencairn and Boyd assure me on their honours, there are none such arrived there. The bruit arose thus: when Lethington was in France he sued the Queen mother for certain elm timber, whereof there is none in this country, to stock this Queen's dismounted artillery, and some shot for great pieces. They were promised but not sent, and are now promised again "unrequired," but not looked for. For any Frenchmen arriving, it is neither the Queen's mind, nor will of her Council, and I believe they should be evil welcome to the people. My chief care being "to knowe the bottom of thys Queens mynde" towards my Sovereign, I never heard better words or saw greater tokens of good will in her. I trust not so much to these, as that I see no act done by her causing suspicion. Some times I complain for lack of justice to my countrymen, which I know to proceed rather of the tediousness of the suits, and "perversenes" of the people, than want of good will in herself. Some have sped well, and somewhat I trust will be done for the rest—not many. For the reports of lack of justice on the borders: I assure your lordships only the East Marches can complain, and that rather for want of a fit man to receive, and an upright man to minister, justice, than lack of good will in her grace and council. Your honours will consider how needful it is that Berwick have a governor, whereon you should hear as few complaints of the East, as now of the Middle and West Marches. "As God helpe me," I fear rather troubles among themselves, than any evil purpose against us.

Though your lordships hear from all places and carefully provide for all events, yet as I lately heard the Queen say, "that yt were wysedome for the Quene Majestie to tayke heede to the Iles of Wighte, Gernesaye or Gornesaye" (sic) I thought to notify it, though doubtless provided for.

It is thankfully taken here by some, that your honours do not yet cast off your cares from this nation, to whom by your advice, her majesty has been so good.

The oftener that it pleases you to advise me how to deal with these men, or behave myself in "these suspicius and dayngerus tymes," the better shall I be able to serve her majesty. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

58. Randolph to Dudley. [Feb. 17.]

I trust your lordship will pardon me this short letter, as in 4 days you shall assuredly hear again of other matters and at more length. I received yours of the 10th and have replied to my lords as I find the matter—trusting I am not deceived in this Queen or her Council. If both these failed, I should see much ado here before England and it became enemies as in past times. I assure you no further in any thing that I may see with my eyes or "tayke full grype of" with my hands. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

½ p. Holograph, also address: "To . . . the Lorde Roberte Duddelie master of the Quens majestes horses and one of her hyghenes previe consell." Indorsed: (by Cecil's clerk).

59. Mary to Elizabeth. [Feb. 20.]

Asking safe conduct for her "traist consalour" Henry bishop of Ross, whom she has licenced to go to France to seek cure and remedy of his maladies, with 24 companions, and as many horses "mulettes" or geldings, to pass and repass through her realm beyond seas, for a year. Under her signet. Palace of Holyroodhouse, 22d of her reign. Signed: Your richt gud sister and cusignes, Marie R.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Wafer signet (Scotland).

60. Randolph to Cecil. [Feb. 21.]

I wrote to your honour a word or two on 17th instant, and leave the judgement of my whole doings rather to your wisdom, than assuring what I write "as a thynge owte of all dowte."

My chiefest charge is to maintain these two realmes in amity, and so to travail with this Queen that by way of marriage the same may be continued to our posterity. Your honour knows how I am commanded to work, and after employing my whole wits to the uttermost, so many difficulties occur that at times I despair of any good effect. There is no lack of good will either in her or the wisest about her—but how to assure us "of the reste which we desier, ther is the payne"! The reasons against me are these:—"The Quens noble stomacke cane never imbase ytself so lowe as to marrie in place inferiour to her self": and to move a prince thus, is neither friendly of any, nor attempted without suspicion, but specially most dangerous for a subject to advise in. So it is thought here the surest way for councillors always to take the prince's part. Therefore to persuade the Queen of Scotland to marry any man under the degree of a prince, "and that the greateste (be he of Englande or els whear)," can neither be honourable to her that is born a queen, and has married a king, nor wisdom for any man her subject, to give advice in.

Were I able, to answer all this, and if her grace would yield to me therein, yet there is a greater difficulty than that, wherein this Queen can not be satisfied. The chief commodity for England, and my Sovereign's chief desire is, that in England there might be found a fit personage to match with this Queen. She doubts not, if she accord, but whosoever is greatest and worthiest there, should be offered to her; "and our Soveregne havinge over thys princesse, the dignetie and autoritie of a mother, wolde not prefer unto her but the beste. Of all those that are in England, yt ys knowne whoe is moste worthie! but howe evle wyllinge the Quens majestie wolde be her self to departe from hyme, and howe hardelye hys mynde coulde be divorced, or drawne from that worthie rowme whear yt ys placede, let anye man see; whear yt cane not be thoughte, but yt ys so fyxed for ever, that the worlde wolde judge worce of hym then of anye livinge man, yf he sholde not rather yeld his lyf then alter hys thoughte! Whearfore thys theie conclude. as well for her majesties parte, as for hym that ys so happie to be so farre in her graces favour, that yf thys Quene wolde whollye put her self into my soveregns will, that ether she sholde not have the beste, or choice of the whole, or at the leaste mache herself with hym that hathe hys mynde placed all reddie els wheare; or yf yt cane be withdrawne from thence, she shall tayke a man unworthie for his disleautie and inconstancie, to marrie with anye, myche lesse with a Quene! Whear upon theie knowinge bothe their affections and judginge them inseperable, thynke rather that no suche thynge is mente of my Soveregns parte, and that all these offers beare a greater shewe and face of good will then anye good meaninge"! Though I have enough to say, and left nothing unspoken, both of my Sovereign's mind to "the partie self," and her good meaning and dealing therein, yet your honour knows how hard it is when such impressions have entered "princes hartes, to weede them owte"!

I have liberty to speak my mind freely to this Queen, but with so many things against me, I doubt how I can persuade her. Good will I have of many, assistance of none, nor dare they adventure to maintain "my quarrell."

Among other things, this has been cast in: "Suppose the Quene wold yelde unto your mestres divotion—she is contente to marrie at her will—her title and righte is proven and publysshed ther upon—the person whome she shall have is hablede and honored with princelie dignitie, and some what els: whear in for all thys, is hir estate advanced? A howse bonde she hathe well qualefied etc., maynie the lyke are in the worlde, possible in her reaulme some one"! It may be said her right this way is more assured, when confirmed by public authority. But no such assurance can be—for things authorised by parliament, have "by lyke power" been dissolved. "And, for hym self, maynie mo thynges maye be taken from hym at the princes wyll, than ever were geven hym"! But the thing "of greateste momente" consists in her majesty's own person, who is as fit, as apt to marry and have succession, as this Queen's self, and likelier than any to match with the greatest; whereby this Queen marrying with a subject, both loses the honour, commodity and profit that might ensue by matching "in hyghe rowme," accepting the great alliance offered, whereby she will be better able "to sticke by her owne, and come by her righte, yf the same were refused." To this I have said more than I perceive takes effect with her.

It has been farther demanded, that seeing the Queen my mistress requires that this Queen shall abstain from the marriage in the house of Austria, "whie her majestie wyll not so francklye deale with her, as in speciall name whome she wolde that she sholde marrie, but rather signefie her mynde by circumstances and discriptions then playnelye to name the person? Yt is thoughte reason that seinge ye tayke awaye the choyce of a cupple, at the leaste you name unto her one." To this I could answer sufficiently under my instructions, though I could not satisfy her. "But yt had byne better so to have done, that she myghte withowte delaye have geven a directe answer." Otherwise I shall hardly come by her mind.

Thus your honour sees how "our wyttes are occupied, howe we tomble and turmoyle" in debates to no effect, but either to drive time or gain advantage, or (as she says herself) she can find none to advise her in such difficult matters.

On Thursday last (fn. 2) "I thoughte I wolde attempte her somme what nere"—being now recovered of her sickness, and the banquets ended—to put her in mind of her majesty's desire to hear from her, and how needful it was she took some resolution. We had long reasoning, and she said in 2 or 3 days she would confer with Murray and Lethington, and then say farther to me. I conferred with these lords—they want no good will, but I find them more doubtful than I like. The Queen said to me, and Lethington confirms it, that the last message I brought was to less effect than the former, and no answer to what was chiefly desired, making her more in doubt what to answer. To make things clear, I have signified as much of my sovereign's mind "as my instructions wolde beare me to do," rather desiring they should gather by my words my sovereign's mind, than that I should "adventeur" beyond my warrant. However well they take my meaning, they will acknowledge nothing but difficulties and doubts. They press me to show my private instructions, and how I may farther assure them than I have spoken—but I adhere to what I have said. They gather thus much, that my sovereign desires most that this Queen marry in England, and I acknowledge it, and "styflye stonde" that it is this Queen's most profit. They desire to know the person—but I say her majesty will not take from her "that choyce." They cast in Lord "Darlie" (though they mean nothing, nor find in him any great thing). I disallow no man, but wish to her the fittest. They seek to bring me to name another—I as "warilye" keep from it, as they press it. "For whome the Queen's majestie by her instructions licensythe me not to name, of hym yt shall not all moste become me to have one thoughte." Yet I have gone thus far with Murray and Lethington, that they doubt not the Queen's majesty's mind, nor "cane not perceave by them but ther is good likynge enoughe in thys Quene bothe of the person and his qualities. Women are commenlye willinglie drawne to that, with maynie refusales, which theie lyke beste." Sometimes I seem willing to take some of her words as answer, but "I see them so drawne backe agayne from me as thoughe theie had not byne spoken." Sometimes she likes well to hear of marriage—many times "the weddows lyf is beste, honorable, quiet etc." Sometimes she may marry where she will, sometimes she is sought of nobody. I "pyttie" to her her state and ease, the loss of her time, the hurt to her country—commending the felicity of marriage, the joy and pleasure of such children as God may send her, and that at least she will take compassion on her four Maries, "her worthie daughters and mignions, that for her sake have vouede them selves never to marrie yf she be not the fyrste."

I assure your honour there is no such man as she looks for, that looks this way. She, and more besides, are deceived, that thought the greatest scarce an equal party to her. The people greatly desire she were married; and those that favour us wish it were earnestly applied, while she is in doubt, and no other man in view. Divers suspect that overtures have been made by me from my sovereign in behalf of some English man—as Darnley—few think of the other, as I wrote before, "but I am assured wolde be contente with ether, and rather with thys then thother, for the greate combers he shall brynge with hym as your honour knowethe, bothe his father and mothers tytles here." If that reasonably offered be refused to bring in a stranger, I believe the authors will find themselves beguiled.

Lethington was of mind she might have the choice of Christendom, and be free to bring in whom she would. "Wyse men sometymes as well as meaner wyttes, wyll alter their myndes—Tempora mutantur"! He now avouches to me he finds no man in the world so fit to match with his Sovereign, "as he whome we desier." He has said to me it is only that "which can preserve her estate and mayntayne her grandeur! He hathe wyshed yt with the losse of two of his fyngers, ea [yea] with the losse of his whole hande"! I have pressed him to work stoutly and courageously, but he alleges the danger, burden, and difficulty—as your honour knows how well he can say to save himself "from that which he wolde not be at." Murray is true, honest, plain, and faithful, and his desire at one with Lethington. Argyll finds it good, and wishes it were plainly so said to her. The Duke may suspect more than he can know by anything yet said to him. Your honour knows how dangerous dealing it is with "so unassured man " as he is. I know he doubts the coming of Lord "Darlie." I care not what the rest think, " for these are theie that will rule the rooste, when yt commethe to stirringe of coles." To show her affection to my Sovereign and her people, I know she said of late to one who thought to please her in speaking of England, to the advantage of France—'I am bounde to France, but France and England shall never be marrows in my harte.'

I have written thus at length to show your honour that I can neither assure her majesty of any good to insue of my labours, nor am I willing to put her out of hope. So leaving this to your judgment, I shall now more earnestly press the promised answer, which you shall rather look for (I believe) in writing, than by me. The cause you may partly conjecture by what follows:—

There has been unkindness for a good space between the Queen and Murray, beginning through his "defence of John Knox," augmented by "a lyttle and verie humble requeste, made by the lordes, that she wolde leave the masse,"—confirmed by his refusal to accept the government. He got leave to Fife for 8 days, but tarried 21, and returned "not unsente for." Meanwhile he met Argyll at Castle "Cammell," whereon a mischievous rumour arose that he was gone by sea from Penttinwyme to England, and was over hastily believed of her, without occasion. This of all her faults is greatest—that she conceives oft much evil where none is thought. After his return, her usage of him was "mervilous" good, only the quarrel made that he refused the honour she thought him worthy of, and might take care from her, being weak and sickly. "The banquete insuethe here upon; what divelyshe devises are imagined upon that, yt passethe all moste the wytte of man to thynke! lyttle good some saye is intended to some or other." The banquets made by her mother a little before she went about to suppress "Godes worde," are called to mind, viz. the Shrovetide before "the trobles." A bruit that many ships were coming here from France, "had all moste spylte the whole pottage," confirming no good to the "poore Protestantes," nor amity with us. To what end are all our banquets for 12 or 14 days together? every noble man "his daye abowte," and Lethington's excelling all but the Queen's; while we "pype and dance" our enemies shall land, and cut our throats! I let this rumour run so far, that no suspicion could be gathered of my moving it; letters from Flanders to her self imported it. Would your honour believe there were any at this Shrove tide feast, that thought they should have kept their Lent in Edinburgh Castle? What they suspected to find among so many "sweete banquettinge dysshes," I say not, or what men remembered of the like, it skills not, for on my conscience, no such thing was thought of. So suspicious are we that we credit no man alive. The banquet continued with joy and mirth, marvellous sights and shows, singular devices; nothing left undone either to fill our bellies, feed our eyes, or content our minds: with no small honour to my Sovereign. The Queen dined privately with the chief lords and ladies, willing me to be so placed "at the lordes table," that she might speak with me, as she did much of the dinner time. The four Maries served her grace, the lords were attended by the rest of her own gentlewomen "maydens," apparelled as herself and the other four "all in whyte and blacke." The solemnities of the "supper" too long to describe, but I remember three divers courses brought in, the "straynge order I lette passe," but the last was served by gentlemen apparelled all in white and black, divers amongst them sang the verses, which herewith I send your honour. My Sovereign was drunk unto openly, not one of 300 persons or more, but heard the words spoken and saw the cups pass between. I gave her Majesty thanks in my Sovereign's name, in as good words as I could. She answered me it was more in heart than outer show, as these verses shall testify, which she gave me in my hand, "(the self same that were songe)" and willed me to do with them as I liked. I trust your honour will present them to the Queen's majesty, with my most humble suit for pardon that I write not, trusting to your report.

I still persist that no French ships with artillery "mean" hitherward. Her grace denies it, and the "whole table" of councillors take on their honours, no such thing is known to them. On a new bruit thereof, on Friday last I desired to speak with their lordships together, but "thaie saye alwayes one." I complain for lack of justice on the Borders only against Cesford, and other injuries done at sea. This people holds so fast whatever they get, "that the Divle cane wrynge nothynge owte of their handes"! The Basque is gone, nothing done against him. A "Londiner," a merchant Harrie Browne, has been a great hinderer to the rest of my countrymen, by bargains with the Basque, and support at his hands. I have had him stayed at Newcastle. He also sold his horse here without licence, for 30l. Scots. Mr Colwiehe has been here with new complaints against Cesford, which I have set forth "(as theie saye as frowardlye as I cane)." Within 8 days this Queen will to St. Johnstons. This day Monday, she took a sudden purpose, with not 20 in her company, to ride to Dunbar, where the "worthie" laird of Cragmillour is captain. Of this men already speak their "fantasies," for Murray was not privy, but followed after with a man or two.

Touching the coiners of money: I now understand that Rowland Foster is of that company. This Scot the accuser, is condemned, but reserved, I know not to what end.

"Suche as have wrytten, and I amonge the reste, in the favour of my lord Bothewell (savinge the Quene and Marie Flemenge) repente their haste." It is found out it is purposed thus to bring him home. I may not write to the contrary, but wish him out of the country; where if he remain in beggary, my sovereign for pity must supply his necessity—"for all is solde here to the uttermoste pennie." The Queen shall soon be sued for a passport for the Bishop of Ross to go to France to be "cutte of the stone." My lord of Arbroath has licence to Italy for 2 years. He is great in Court, well favoured of the Queen, much marvelled at of many. The Bishop his uncle gave ashes on Ash Wednesday. May it please you to remember the licence for 3 geldings for my lord of Argyll—they are well deserved—also to advise my lord Robert to send 3 or 4 geldings to this Queen. Her store is so small, she now rides in the "coiche." I have also written to his lordship "as a thynge not in vayne whatsomever insue." Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

11½ pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil), and (in another hand) "Best letter, to wrytt out Knox lettre."

61. Elizabeth to Mary. [Feb. 26.]

Signifying that she has seen her letter of 20th January, and her own special commissioners, after hearing the complaint of her merchants of Dundee, have made due report thereon, which she has amply signified to her servant Thomas Randolph, and commanded him to declare the same to her. Windsor. 6th of her reign.

pp. Draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed.

62. Randolph to Cecil. [Feb. 28.]

I know not the cause of these delays, nor find any alteration in this Queen's good mind to my Sovereign. I look daily to have her answer, either to bring it myself, or most likely, send it in writing, as I hear this Queen is unwilling I return, till matters grow to "an nerrer poynte then yet theie are at."

Touching her going last Monday to Dunbar only to pass her time: immediately this bruit arose, that 2 ships arrived there that night, either with some noble man from France, or that the Queen taking a despite against this country, would again to France, and Martigues had come to Calais to receive her. To augment this suspicion, it was said that in the night 4 great chests were conveyed out of the abbey, and her grace then on horseback, said to my lord Morton, 'God be with you my lord of Morton, I wyll bringe you other novelles when I come agayne.' Next day comes this news, that one of the two ships laden with artillery for Scotland was arrived at Dunbar, and the other was taken by the English. That night, Wednesday, sudden warning was given to all Murray's servants and friends here to ride out and lodge in towns and houses about Dunbar, for Bothwell was come secretly to speak with the Queen, with many horses, and Murray being without any company, might perchance have fallen into danger. The last news of all was that Murray was commanded to ward there. One was ready to have ridden with these news to my lord of Argyle, of whose stay I think I myself was occasion. If I had been as hasty to believe, as I was earnestly required by wise men to write to you, I should have by this time put you in great doubt, and showed myself more hasty than wise. But by diligent inquiry, finding not one of these bruits true, I thought best to seem as though I never had heard of them, and where I thought good, reproved the hasty judgement "(I saye no worce, of the sowers of suche sedicieus rumours)," of those that enlarge their tongues so to speak of their princes.

I fear more dangers among themselves than from any foreign power, and the liberty they have to speak and write as they list, may cause greater mischief that I trust to see. I heard Raulet was stayed at Tynemouth: I answered to the contrary, wishing it had been otherwise.

I send you this Queen's letter for a safe conduct to the Bishop of Ross to go to France. He truly deserves well; better willing I must say to help in our country men's suits, than some that have had better cause to do them good. "Of that sorte of men, he is the beste in Scotlande." I pray you it may be sent with all diligence by the post, for he would depart about 20th or 25th March. It is said the Basque has taken 3 English merchants, since he sailed; and that the French have taken a couple of the Queen's majesty's ships: but I believe neither. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

Footnotes

  • 1. 13th.
  • 2. Feb. 17.