Elizabeth: March 1566

349. Elizabeth to Mary. [March 3.]

Complaining of her strange and uncourteous usage of Randolph, in ordering him to quit her kingdom without proof of his offence: and will in like manner return Mary's envoy. Seeing she is not inclined to take Murray into favour, she must do so herself: and if the Scottish wardens still refuse justice on the borders, she must order her own to act in like measure.

4½ pp. Draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed.

(2) Another copy of same. Greenwich, 8^th of reign.

2¼ pp. Indorsed (by Randolph's clerk).

350. Bedford and Randolph to Elizabeth. [March 6.]

Both I and M^r Randolph have been "severallie" informed of a matter of no small consequence intended in Scotland. (fn. 1) "What it maye tende to, we knowe not, nor howe to lyke of it, but we truste not evle to your majesties countrie, usinge suche circomspection as we do knowe your majestie dothe." We have written the whole matter and sent copies of some writings to M^r Secretary who can better inform your Majesty than either of us can write. We hope by this means the Earl of Murray shall be brought home without your Majesty's farther suit to the Queen, and therefore have stayed sending your letters in his behalf. We look now daily to hear when this matter shall be put in execution: "Twesdaye nexte (fn. 2) is the laste daye." Almighty God preserve your Majesty's estate, . . . "and gyve us the grace to see the day of some worthie byrthe of your Majesties boddie." Berwick. Signed: F. Bedford, Tho. Randolphe.

2 pp. In Randolph's Court hand, and address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

(2) Copy of same.

1 p. In Randolph's ordinary hand. Indorsed (in his other).

351. Bedford and Randolph to Cecil. [March. 6.]

Knowing how needful it is that her majesty should not be ignorant of anything coming to our knowledge, "whearby ether inconvenientes may be avoided, or good occasions maye be embraced when theie are offered, . . . I have hearde of late of a greate attempte to be made by suche advise as the Lord Darlie hathe gotten of some noble men in Scotlande, whearby he thynkethe to advance hym self unto that, which by other meanes he cane not attayne unto, whearby his credit maye be the more in his countrie, and be hable to do more then to beare the bare name of a kinge, not havinge the due honor pertayninge to suche a dignitie"; by which means also the noblemen now out of their country may be restored. "And nowe at this present I beinge fullye informed by M^r Randolphe of his and their whole intente, the same being nowe at the poynte to be put in execution, I thought good to use M^r Randolphes hande in the wrytinge of this lettre, by cawse I wolde not that anye of myne owne sholde be previe to anye parte of that, which we fynde verie neadefull to be keapte verie secrete, havinge bothe of us promised upon our honors that no other shalbe previe here unto but the Quenes majestie, my lorde of Leicester, and you M^r Secretarie." The matter is this—you have heard of the "dyscordes and jarrers" between this Queen and her husband, partly as she has refused him the crown matrimonial, "partlye for that he hathe assured knowledge of suche usage of herself as all togyther is intollerable to be borne—which yf yt were not overwell knowne, we wolde bothe be verie loothe to thynke that yt coulde be trewe. To tayke awaye this occasion of slaunder, he is hym self determined to be at the apprehension and execution of hym, whome he is is hable manifestlye to charge with the crime, and to have done hym the moste dishonour that cane be to anye man—myche more beinge as he is. We neade not more playnlye to discribe the person—you have hearde of the man whome we meane of." As to the other "thynge" he desires, the crown matrimonial: what is agreed on between him and the noble men, you shall see by the copies of the conditions—"of which M^r Randolphe assurethe me to have seen the principals and taken the coppies wrytten with his owne hande. The tyme of execution and performance of these matters is before the parlement, as neare as yt is." To this are privy in Scotland, "these—Argile, Morton, Boide, Ruthen and Liddingeton—in England, these, Murraye, Rothes, Graynge, myself and the wryter hereof. Yf perswations to cawse the Quene to yelde to these matters do no good, theie purpose to procede we knowe not in what sorte." If she make any power at home, she shall be withstood, and kept from all other counsel than her own nobility: if she seek foreign aid, our sovereign shall be sued to accept "his and their" defence on reasonable offers to her contentment. Knowing the certainty of these things, we thought it our duty to utter the same to you M^r Secretary "to mayke declaration ther of as shall seeme beste to your wysedome." Berwick. Signed: F. Bedford, Tho. Randolphe.

2½ pp. Written and addressed by Randolph. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Inclosed in the same.

(1) (Bond by the lords to Darnley.)

"Certayne articles to be fulfilled by Archbalde earle of Argile, James earle of Murray, Alexander earle of Glancarne, Androwe earle of Rothous, Robert lord Boide, Androwe lord Ocletrie and their complices, to ane noble and myghtie prince Henrie kinge of Scotlande howsebonde to our Sovereigne ladie: which articles the saide persones offerethe with moste humilitie, lowlynes, and service to the said noble prince, for whom to God theie praye with longe lyf and good succession of his boddie."

(1) They bind themselves as true subjects to support him in all his lawfull and juste actions, to be friends to his friends, and enemies to his enemies etc. (2) At the next parliament after their return, they shall consent to his getting the crown matrimonial for life, and take his part against all opposers. (3) They shall maintain his just title to the crown failing the succession of their sovereign lady, and slay or "extirpe" all such as usurp the same. (4) To maintain the religion established by the Queen after her arrival, and assist and maintain the same by help of the said noble prince against all gainsayers. (5) As they are become his true subjects, they shall spare neither life nor death in setting forward his honour accordinge to the worde of God; (6) labour with the Queen of England for relief of his mother and brother; and (7) procure her support for himself against all foreign princes. Subscribed, James, Archibalde etc.

Whatsoever you finde written in Romane (fn. 3) hande is added to thes Articles by the lordes.

4 pp. In Randolph's hand. Indorsed (by him): "Conditions for the Earles to performe to their kynge, etc."

(2) Articles by Darnley.

"Certayne articles to be fulfilled by ane noble and myghtie prince Henrie kinge of Scotlande, howsbonde to our sovereigne ladie, of his majesties meyre mercie and clemencie, to" [the six lords in No. (1)] and their friends in England.

Promising (1) to obtain their remission, (2) stop their forfeiture, (3) restore their lands etc., (4) support them in the exercise of the reformed religion, and (5) maintain them as a good master should.

Subscribed (fn. 4)

Henry R.

3 pp. In Randolph's writing. Indorsed (by him): "Conditions to be parformed by the Kynge of Scottes to the Earles etc." (and by Cecil): "Primo Martij 1565."

352. Randolph to Cecil. [March 6.]

On Thursday last, (fn. 5) the Queen being at Seton, and her Council (viz. Earls Atholl, Huntly, and Bothwell, Lethington, the Treasurer, the Queen's Advocate, and Provost of Edinburgh) in Edinburgh, about 6 p.m. there came to me one Robert Lyslye—of whom you have often heard, but I had rather you had M^r Melvin's opinion of him, than that I should write of his conditions etc.—specially how he has behaved against my lord of Murray, and his own brother the Earl of Rothes. He said the Council sent him to know why I had not left the country after the Queen's and their charge? Knowing the man does not always "byde by that he speakethe," I asked if he had their charge in writing? but he had none. I said, though I credited his message, I could give no answer but to the Queen's self or to her Council, and he departed. In an hour he came back, and said from the lords, that as I gave no reason for my abode, or disobedience to the Queen's command, he charged me in her grace's name to depart next day at my peril. In as good words as I could, I sent him back to the lords with message that I did nothing in contempt of their Sovereign or themselves, and prayed leave to speak with her grace. He shortly returned to me saying the Queen had determined I should "awaye," and neither she nor they would speak with me. When I saw my reasonable request refused, I said I would receive no charge by him "beinge nether counsellor, officer of armes, nor of so greate credit towardes me, that I wolde hazarde onlye upon his worde to leave the place whear I was commanded to serve by my Sovereigne; and albeit his message were trewe, I protested ther, and called to wytnes suche gentlemen as were present, as M^r Alexander Dombarre a lord of the Session, M^r George Londie and other:" that their Sovereign had done my mistress injury (1) in an unjust accusation against me supported only by a traitor to herself (pardoned but an hour before for that purpose), (2) without respite till I could hear from my Sovereign, and (3) of all most unjust, to refuse to hear me,—and therefore I would speak only with her grace, her council, or with one of them, or I would not depart for any peril. With this he left me at 8 p.m., and the news suddenly spread through the town. Some secretly advise me to go, others to abide, for there was nothing intended against me. The next whole day Friday, (fn. 6) "savinge the tyme I was at the sermond," I kept my lodging, and at 4 p.m. the Provost came to me from the Council to demand why I did not depart? I said I was glad to do with an honorable personage of the Queen's Council, rather than one of mean credit, and would deal with him plainly—telling him the cause of my stay was for the Queen's answer to my request for respite till I heard from my Sovereign, as she had promised to give me. He said she had sent me a safe conduct and her letter to the Queen, and wondered why I refused them! I gave my reason—the safe conduct being signed by her husband, an offender to my mistress, and the letter containing matter against myself. 'Well' said he 'I am nowe commanded to will you to departe, and to that effecte my lordes of Counsell have receaved a lettre from the Quenes grace of her expresse will, and therfore let me knowe your will, and what those thynges are which you require?' I said if it pleased her to give me the charges in writing, and a safe conduct from herself, I would (though unwillingly) go my way. He was very courteous, and showed his own mislike of my usage. The murmur in town was great, people looking out of windows to see what became of me etc. The Provost shortly returned again from the Council, with word that neither the Queen nor they would speak with me, and I should have no other safe conduct than that presented to me—and therefore he being of her grace's Council and chief officer in the town, charged me to depart by 10 o'clock next day, or remain at my peril: and if I would not receive the safe conduct, I should have sure convoy out of the country ready at that hour. We reasoned long, and he left me not knowing what I would do, though I had resolved not to tarry, having heard "that a charge sholde be geven to my hoste to let me have no meate in his house, nor logginge after that hower"; and some thought if I did not depart, "I sholde by force have byne put owte of my lodginge and my baggage hurlde into the streates." So to avoid these inconvenients or cause extreme enmity between the sovereigns, I chose to depart. Shortly before 10 o'clock, (fn. 7) the Laird of Ormeston of Teviotdale—not him you know, but a kinsman of Bothwell—and another named Morraye the earl's servant, came to say they were ready to convoy me by the Queen's command. I asked how many? He said himself, "that gentleman and ij or iij moe." I thought the number small, and hazardous to myself, the country broken, and I in the Queen's disfavour. He said I should be in no peril, and we departed in an hour. A quarter of a mile out of town, he said Bothwell had commanded him to learn why the Queen's majesty objected to his being commissioner to meet Bedford? I said I had no will to talk—the things were verified by his own countrymen, and if true, they were unhonourable, if false, he might revenge it on the speakers. He asked if I would hear my lord? and I said I would speak with any who spoke with me. Whereon he sent a gentleman to Seton to my lord, and somewhat beyond Seton we met. He took God to witness as a gentleman born of a noble house, he had never spoken but honourably of the Queen's majesty and would oppose his body to any man that said the contrary—desiring her majesty to be satisfied with this his purgation. I told him I would report his speech, but said the sooner he justified himself and had the matter tried, the more it would be to his honour. I spoke somewhat with him of my departure and strange handling. He said little, but that it was the Queen's will, procured rather by others than by herself—"which I saide I knewe to be trewe (meaninge therby hym self with one other, whome I knowe to be the cheif cawse and advisers therof)." His hope is that occasion may be taken on this and other matters, for the Queen's majesty to move wars, and then he thinks "to wynne his spurres." When we came to Dunbar that night, I had sent me out of the castle wine and meat by the laird of Craigmiller's brother. Ormeston left me there, committing me to the Laird of Whytlawe a "Heborne," an honest and friendly gentleman who convoyed me to the "Bounde Roode" where I met my lord of Bedford "abroode to tayke the aier etc." and so on Sunday (fn. 8) afternoon came to this town. I have not been careless, but left the best means I can to have intelligence of anything that may be in any of their hearts to the Queen's majesty's disadvantage. The special thing I fear out of hand, is the breaking of the Borders, which is already in hand: Bothwell bearing therewith as much as he can, and Cesford unable to make restitution to that for which he has already to answer. Since I came, it pleased my lord to shew me your letter of 27^th ultimo, and the Queen of Scots' declaration in the matter I was charged with, "leavinge owte that speciall poynte which was my answer and cheif defence—which was, that I dyd not denie the lendinge of the monie, but sayde that I ought not to mayke anye accompt but to my Sovereigne. But that your honor dothe consyder howe unlyke this is to be trewe, I wolde willinglye saye more then nowe I wyll wryte, but yf yt shall please the Quenes majestie to gyve me leave, I wyll wryte unto the Quenes self the wordes which then I spake, and call her whole counsell to recorde—who I thinke will not denie a thynge so often spoken, and a defiance geven unto hym that was the reporter, (fn. 9) or anye other yf he were a gentleman, that wolde verifie yt and mayntayne yt—and yet I truste your honor shall knowe that yt was with suche reverence to her grace as becommethe all men to honour those that are in lyke place called by God. I called her self to wytnes, who maynie tymes had inquired of my estate in Englande, and knewe what I spent in her countrie, wheather yt coulde be possible that I sholde have iij^m crownes to lende unto anye man?" As M^r Melvin is there, I am content if the Queen's majesty pleases, that he may be privy to the most of what I have here written, and report it to his Sovereign—and if she find one of credit that can "reprove" any part of it, let me "be defamed for ever and compted a villayne." I am sorry to trouble you thus long, but know how needful it is her majesty know all things at good length. When I left, it was in doubt if parliament should hold, not only for lack of proof against the lords, after great inquisition—"the cheif is by suche as have leafte thother, and soughte redres for themselves:" Glencairn perseveres "honeste hytherto," so well assisted by by his friends, that he thinks not to be forfeited, nor yield to any dishonour. Displeasure is grown towards my lord of Morton—"the seale is taken from hym, and as some saye, shalbe geven to keape to David (fn. 10) as Rubie had yt." The ground of displeasure is that Morton will not give over a piece of ground to Lord Fleming, that thus "David maye com by a peece of lande with a fayer howse called Melvin within iij myles of Edenburg." On this matter Lord Simple is grown to displeasure, and John Simple was committed to ward for speaking against it. Some suspect M. Ramboylet advised the Queen to send me away—which I think not, for he dealt very frankly with me, and after his departure, speaking with the Queen, I found no token of discontentment to me, and herself excused me as now more strange to her than formerly, Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

I am forced to send things in haste, being without time and not "verrie well," and trust to be borne with. It was my lord Bedford's will that in these matters of the "other lettres" we should write jointly. I can add nothing, and let it take what success it will, it is all true.

13 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

353. Bedford and Randolph to Leicester and Cecil. [March 8.]

Touching the attempts and enterprises to be done in Scotland of which we wrote in our last, "we see them nowe growe nere unto that poynte that theie that are the enterprisers intende to bringe them unto. The Earle of Argile and Morton have accorded unto all, and subscribed with thother: Morton is presentlye at Edenbourge and Argile wilbe ther tomorrowe. My lord of Murraye is wrytten for, and his whole compagnie: saulfe conducte sent unto them and commandement to the Lord Hume and his frendes to receave them and convoye them to the kynge, which he hathe accepted. Tomorrowe my lord of Murraye and his wilbe in this towne; upon Sondaye at nyght at Edenbourge: but that which is intended shalbe executed before his commynge ther—we meane upon hym whome you knowe—and so will theie proceede to the reste, as tyme and opportunitie wyll serve." We advertise "your honours" thereof to communicate to her majesty as seems most expedient "to your wysdoms," and more hereafter. Also we have sent her majesty's last letters to that Queen, of her mislike to the sending away "M^r Randolphe," by some fit man as Captain Carew, with whom Drax is also gone to understand better things there—on whose return or "sooner yf occasion serve," you shall have knowledge. Berwick. Signed: F. Bedford, Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph of Randolph. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

354. Randolph to Cecil. [March 8.]

I have received her majesty's letter, accepting of my answers to the Queen of Scotland, and her farther pleasure if I had departed—all which shall be done to her will as near as I can. "I see yet some sparkes of good wyll revived in mens hartes towardes her majestie"—they shall be nourished and kindled daily if I see the flame tend to amity—or "suppressed" as I see the contrary. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

355. Murray to Cecil. [March 8.]

I have received your "ernist" letter, and also understand by Maister Wod the bearer, your care and travail in all my causes. Your friendship has ever been and shall be "ane speciall leyning stok to me" whenever occasions press me. "Thair is ewin nou upon suddantye, requeistis and in ane maneir charges, to me and the rest of my cumpany heir, to fynd ourselfes at home shortly, and that for the weale of the religion and awoyding of great inconvenientis, quhairupon I am departed ewen nou towardis Barwyck," and have directed M^r Wood to you to declare the circumstances, which I doubt not you will declare to her majesty, and therewith render in my name, my most humble and hearty thanks for the great benefits I have received of her from time to time, and assure her that she has not "within Europe ane mair affectionnett serviteur." Newcastle. Signed: James Stewart.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

356. Bedford to Cecil. [March 11.]

Yesterday morning Murray and the other lords "and the rest" entered Scotland and went that night to Edinburgh. They were met not far from hence by Lord Hume and so convoyed thither. Murray at his departing, acknowledged her majesty's great goodness, which he will never forget, but requite as best he may. They count to find great aid, and so things will fall out in more open sort than as yet. So if you there handle things well, "nowe therfore is the tyme to steppe in foote" if it please her majesty.

As John a Wood Murray's man goes up to declare his master's going to Scotland etc., you may use your wisdom "in the taking knowelege therof as from me, but raither to suffer him to make reporte therof himselfe, which he can well do. Since the writing hetherto, certeine advertisement is comme that David is dispatched and dead. That it should so be, you have herde before." The manner and circumstances I hope to report in my next. In the meantime, "sythe so great an ennemie to religion and the amitie of thes two realmes, is now taken awaye," I have greater hope of peace on these borders, and heartily pray that you will be a mean that I be spared from this charge against S^t George's day to come up and do my duty to her majesty. I sent her majesty's letter to Edinburgh, 2 or 3 days since by a captain here, but these broils I think have "letted" the answer. Berwick. Signed: F. Bedford.

2pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

357. Randolph to Cecil. [March 12.]

Before I left Edinburgh, my lord of Bedford advertised me he had stayed one Sheres a Scotsman, and found certain notes about him. I have enquired and learned this about him, that the first cause of his leaving Scotland "was that he stoole awaye the Sheryf of Lythecows wyf, called Hamilton, she beinge the lord Simple dawghter." This was about 7 years past, and about 3 years "agonne," he went to "Allemaignie," and under colour of a man banished for religion, was well received by the Palsgrave, till being espied, he went to the Emperor's Court, recommended to Charles of Austria by the Palsgrave. There offering service by his credit in Scotland, he was sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine, and so returned to Scotland. But not finding himself at ease there, he and some others stole or dishonestly came by, a bark or ship, and purchased their living (as the Queen of England's servants, licensed against the French) till they were taken in Brittany and all condemned to the "gallaies" where they remain, save this man, who by help of his countrymen of the French king's Guard, was delivered (the king being at Marseilles) to be mean for his companions, but made no farther suit for them. Since then he was with the Queen at Glasgow, then in England, at Christmas last in Scotland, and now by my lord's diligence stayed. He says he was once with me in Edinburgh, which I do not remember. He left a book with his wife's sister there, to be delivered to me, which I lately received—"the Answer to the perte of Portugall," but I cannot recall the man's name. As my name is among his notes, belike he has some great thing to say of me, and I wish him straitly examined. He says that I wrote to her majesty's Council in these words—"Sho the fallinge sicknes, he lepre." My lords can remember if any such came to their hands or any others. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

3pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

358. Bedford to Cecil. [March 13.]

"David as I wrote to you in my last lettres, is slayne; and at the same tyme was also slayne by like order, one Frier Blacke a ranke papiste, and a man of evill lief, whos deathe was attempted by another before, and he stricken and sore hurte." Murray was well accompanied to Edinburgh, and well received by "that king"—particulars I know not. Of parliament there is no more talk. Other things I hear likely to be true, but I await the return of my messenger sent with the Queen's majesty's letter, of whom I yet hear nothing. Berwick. Signed: F. Bedford.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

359. Randolph to Cecil. [March 13.]

"Since the laste acte commytted upon David, which nowe I am hable to verifie to be certayne," there is nothing more but that same night one Friar Black was slain in his bed. This is he that was taken in the Castle chapel "with his woman"—your honor knows the time—and since then for two "severall advouteries" in Edinburgh, was banished Scotland. "In which meane tyme by his own confession made to my lord of Bedforde and to me, in this towne, he begotte a ladies woman with chylde, whear he served, not farre from Newecastle." Of late he was admitted for one of the Queen's chief preachers, and gave in a supplication for himself and his brethren to have a place erected for them. About 2 months past he was met late at night "suspicieuslye," and got 2 or 3 blows with a cudgel, and one with a dagger like to have cost him his life. Much trouble insued, and many imprisoned hereon: perchance some of them "the autors" of his end? Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

360. Elizabeth to Mary. [March 15.]

In consequence of her strange usage of Randolph in expelling him, finds it necessary to return Robert Melvyn to her: being sorry thereat, as she finds reasonable disposition in him to make the best of all things.

1 p. Draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed.

361. Mary to Elizabeth. [March 15.]

Did we not know the power of the evil and "wrangous" reports made to you of us by our rebels, "we could nocht think nor almaist bear with the strange divisit lettre quhilk we laitlie have ressavit of yow, be this bearrar your servand; merveling gritlie how ye can be so inclynit rather to belewe and credit the fals speikingis of sic wnvorthy to be callit subjectis, than us, quha ar of your awin bluid, and quha alsua never thocht nor maid yow occasioun to use sic rigour and menassing of us as ye do, throw the persuasioun of thame quhilkis eftirwart ye will knaw assuritlie never to have deservit your favour nor assistance to thair wikkit and mischeifuous interprisis: quha inlikmaner hes offrit me oftentymis to dissave your self gif I wald have acceptit sic conditioun of thame, bot I wald never do it. And mairattour (fn. 11) ye willing us to remitt thair offencis that na prince of the world sould do, bot rather offer help to thair punischement! Quhair as ye wrait to us that we in our formar lettres blamit thame that keipis nocht promissis bot thinkis ane thing, and dois ane uther: we wald ye sould remember the sam—for ye will find us to be handillit sua be thame, quhom to we have alwayis done as we have spokin, and thai to us the contrary, as daillie we have experience"! Last of all, some of our subjects and Council have manifestly shown what men they are—"as first hes takin our houss, slane our maist speciall servand in our awin presence, and thair eftir haldin our propper personis captif tressonneblie, quhair by we war constranit to escaipe straitlie about midnycht out of our palice of Halliruidhouss, to the place quhair we are for the present, in the grittest danger, feir of our lywis, and ewill estate that evir princes on earth stuid in, as your servand can schaw and report yow the haill at lenth." Which handling no Christian prince will allow, nor yourself we believe—desiring you earnestly to let us understand if ye mind to help them against us "as ye boist to do: for we ar assurit, and nocht sua disprovidit, bot utheris princes that will heir of our estate, considdering the samin, will favour us sa meikle as to help and support us (gif neid beis) to defend us and our realme" against our said rebels and their maintainers—were it only for example to their own subjects. Praying you therefore to remember your honour and our nearness of blood, and "the Word of God quhilk commandis that all princes sould favour and defend the just actiouns of uther princes als wele as thair awin." We thought to have written this to you with our own hand, for the better understanding of our meaning—"Bot of trewtht we ar so tyrit and ewill at eass, quhat throw rydding of twenty millis in v houris of the nycht as with the frequent seiknessis and ewill dispositioun, be th'occasioun of our chyld, that we could nocht . . . Off oure castell of Dunbar." Signed: Your richt gud sister and cusignes Marie R.

2 pp. Addressed. Indorsed: " . . . by Capten Carew." Small wafer signet: Scotland only: close crown above.

362. Circular on the murder of Rizzio. [March.] Add. MSS. 33, 531, fol. 35.

"A writting pennit be the Secretar efter the slauhter of Segneour Davie, to have bene send to the nobilitie the yer 1565."

"My lord" . . . we doubt not but ye have "espyit in what caas" this common weal has stood "this lang tyme bygane"—so many nobles in danger and affairs all passing through the hands of "a strangear." We know you misliked and would have been glad to have it redressed, "and ye had sene the moyen." By our proceeding it "may appear gif we intendit ony thing aganis the parsonis of the Quenes majestie or the kyng her husband." We foresaw how necessary it was not to be far from their majesties, "quhill the maters had bene brocht to some good poynt." But seeing the Queen's desire to be otherwise, "we choysed" rather to be in danger than live in suspicion of such a crime. Our intention is clear to you all, as God is witness, neither to "substrak" obedience from our princes, nor harm any in the realm, but quietly to possess our lives in the fear of God. We wish their majesties would suffer the matter to be put in communication among the nobility, and if we be found unreasonable "then let us and our (fn. 12). . . odious to the haill," but if otherwise (fn. 12) . . . As the matter concerns the quiet of the realm, "substrak nowther your presens nor counsale [from] it." We desire no man to take arms against them or refuse their duty, but only to speak freely to them not to "follow ouer mekle thair humour." There was never more need, and we trust for your help.

1p. Copy in a contemporary hand. Title and indorsation in another. Very much damaged. The spelling of the word "caas" indicates that Maitland drew up the original.

363. Randolph to Cecil. [March 21.]

Since M^r Carew's departure this has happened. The Queen to be revenged on the Lords who slew David, is content to remit to the "former" lords with whom she was so grievously offended, all they had done. Who seeing this offer, were all content to leave the other lords that were occasion of their return, and took "severall" appointment as they could get it—the first being Glencairne, next Rothes and Argyll—and so every one after other, saving Murray, with Pattarowe and Graynge, who standing on their honours and promise, will not leave the others. So the lords of this last attempt viz., Morton, Ruthven, Lindsay and Lethington, seeing these men fall away in whom they had trusted so much, and ventured themselves so far, found it best to save themselves in time, and on Sunday last (fn. 13) all four went their ways: Morton to the west Border, Ruthven through Teviotdale to Warke and to this town yesterday—Lindsay to Fife, Lethington to Atholl to be saved by my lord there, or purchase his pardon of the Queen—which is thought will be as hard as may be, so he is looked for shortly here, if he can escape. Besides these principal "takers in hande," there are also the Laird of Ormiston, Hawton his son in law, Cawder his "neveue," Brimston, Whyttinghame, Andrew Carre of Fawlsyde, Justice Clerk's brother, George Douglas, and others. Divers of Edinburgh, so I judge as many like to take hurt as were in the former action. Andrew Carre has come here with Ruthven and his son. On Monday last (fn. 14) the Queen returned to Edinburgh—in her company were Bothwell, Huntly, Marschall, Hume and Seton with all the men they could bring. Where she was wont to be carried in a "chayer" by 4 of her guard, she is yet able to ride on a horse, though by her own account, within 6 weeks of her time. She lodges not in the abbey, but a house in the High Street. Her husband has disclosed all he knew of any man, "and yet hathe geven his hande and subscribed divers bandes and wrytinges testiefinge that to be his owne deade, and done by his commandement." It is said he gave him one blow himself, and to signify the deed was his, his dagger was left standing in the body. Their mind was to have hanged him, but because "busynes rose in the courte betwene the Earle Bothwell and suche as were appoynted to keape the howse, theie went the nexte waye to worke with hym." How Murray stands we know not yet: he went to meet Argyll at Lythecowe, and both we hear are come to the Queen. The Lords of this last "attemptate" have written to him no longer to forbear for their cause to agree with the Queen, "and seinge that the other have lefte bothe them and hym, that he do not further indaynger hymself for their cawse." Lennox remains "sycke" at Dunbar much offended with his son, Tantalon is rendered to the Queen, and all that belonged to Lethington given to Bothwell. The parson of Flyske is sent to Argyll to advise Murray "to stonde no longer in defence of those that committed the laste attemptate, seinge the kynges self dothe repent yt and confessethe that he was abused." Articles are sent to him (fn. 15) —what I know not. If he accept them, I trust there is no further danger—if not, I fear his case will be as hard as ever. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

I write it not "for certayne," but word is even now come that Murray and the Queen are accorded, and he came to Edinburgh yesterday.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Attached to the foregoing:—

(List of the persons implicated.)

"Therle Murton; the Lord Ryven: the Lord Lynnesey; the Secreatory; the Master of Ryven.

"Lerdes:—Ormeston; Brymston; Hawghton; Lowghlynne; Elvingston; Patric Murrey: Patrick Ballentyne; George Duglas; Androe Kar of Fawdonsyde." [On margin opposite the foregoing names]: "All these were at the death of Davy and pryvey therunto, and are nowe in displeasure with the Quene, and their houses taken and spoyled."

[A line lower]: "John Knox, John Crag, preachers."

½ p. In a contemporary official hand. Indorsed (by Cecil's usual clerk): "Martij 1565. Names of such as were consenting to the death of David."

364. Morton and Ruthven to Cecil. [March 27. 1566.]

"Schir . . . albeit the lang delay of meeting of ws together, be ressoun of our dyvers interes in this realme, hes stayit ws from writting to this hour to your honour, yit . . . haif thocht it our dewaty to oppin in few wourdis to your honour the occasions of this last interpryis, for the quhilk presently we suffre banischment and ar lyk to abyd (yf God sall no better provid) all kynd of other extremite at the handis of the Quenes majesty our soveran." Assuring ourselves when you understand the justice of our cause, and urgent occasion moving us to follow "the king our soveranis husband his command and adwyis"; your honour considering the sincerity of our intention, will move your Sovereign to take in good part "the reteyring of our selves under the winges and protection of hir clemency," ever a refuge to noble men "injustly prosecuted, as we ar presently." This is the very truth—the King having conceived a deadly hatred against "ane David Riccio Italian," did a long time ago move his "allya" Lord Ruthven that he could no way endure the misbehaviour and offences of David, and that he might be "fortefeit" by him and other nobles to see him executed according to his demerits. After due deliberation, Lord Ruthven communicated this the King's mind to Earl Mortoun chancellor, and they deeply considering the justice of his desire, "in respect of the manifauld misbehavors and misdedes of the said David Riccio, tending so manifestly to the great prejudice of the King and Quenes majestyes, and the haill estait of that realme and commoun weall, he not ceassing to abuse dayly his great credit, to the subversioun of the religioun, the justice of the realme, and anceant lawes and governamentes therof, as is notoriusly knawin to all Scotland, and mair particulerly to ws, be ressoun of our continewall versing in Court amanges the estates: upon the considerations forsaidis fand guid to fallow the kingis determination anentis the forsaid executioun, and for dyvers considerations wes movit to hast the same—especially considering the approching of the parliament, quhairin determination wes takin to have ruinated the haill nobilitie that then wer banissit in this realme, and lykwyis a great number that then wer resident within the realme": whereon we saw would follow the subversion of religion, and the mutual intelligence and amity. To which enterprise "the mast honest and maist worthy wer easaly inducit to approve and fortefy the kinges deliberacion in the premissis: howbeit in actioun and maner of executioun, mair wes fallowit of the kinges adwyis kendled be an extreme colere, then we diliberated to haif done. And now albeit throw facilitee of youthead he be inducit to dissimul, yit we haif ineuch for ws to verefy quhatsumevir heir we haif mast trewly writtin, and passit in verey dede." We do not fear rigour of law, if justice be uprightly ministered and not "after affectioun." Our consciences bear us record, that in obeying the king's command "(as his hand wreat will verefy)" we have acted for the weal of him and our sovereign, and preservation of the state, safety of religion, "and many noble mannis and innocentis lyves joynit therwith," and doubt not but your honour will not, so far as in you lies, "suffre ws quaill," but on the contrary as beseems a godly minister move her majesty to extend her clemency to us as accustomed. We "myndis be Goddis grace, schortly to derect to your honour, evin be the nixt post," the whole proceedings and manner of execution, and what has ensued since, that we may have your judgement therein. Berwick. Signed: Mortoun, Ruthven.

We pray your honour to give no credit to any that "misreport" of us, as we have written the very truth.

3 pp. In a Scottish hand. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

365. Morton and Ruthven to Bedford. c. [March 27.] Harl. MSS. 289, fol. 96.

Informations to be declared to the Queen of England and others, as his lordship pleases.

(1.) The truth as to the slaughter of "Davye Risuo."

(2.) To credit no unfriendly reports.

(3.) To show that Thorneton is directed to the house of Guise to labour with the King of France and other Papist princes for support to the Queen of Scots.

(4.) To pray for Elizabeth's protection for themselves.

(5.) And her licence that they make their good "cause and action" patent.

(6.) To assure Leicester and Cecil that their meaning was but to establish religion, and amity, and relief of Murray and other friends in trouble.

(7.) Also to let Leicester and Cecil know "that it is come to our knowledge that some Papistes have bruted that theis our procedinges have bene at the instigacion of the mynysters of Scotlande, we assure your lordship, upon our honnour, that there was none of them arte nor part of that deede, nor was participate thereof."

Lastly: to communicate their cause etc. to such of the Council etc. as he thinks expedient.

2 pp. Written by Jenye (?). Indorsed (in Randolph's Court hand): Coppie of instructions to my L. of Bed. from the Lordes of Morton and Ruthen. 1566. 8 Eliz."

366. Elizabeth to Northumberland. [March 28.]

Directing him, in reply to a demand by the Queen of Scots for delivery of a sum of crowns and ducats found in a ship late wrecked—claimed to be the property of Francis Yaxley "an evill subject of ours": to reply, that he has nothing but what was found on a drowned Englishman, and being unclaimed by any person, belongs to the Earl as "just wrack"; advising him to take counsel's opinion if she still demands them. Exonerates him from attending the next Feast of S^t George, as he is so far off, and has never been absent before.

1¼ pp. Draft by Cecil's clerk. Indorsed.