Elizabeth: June 1566

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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'Elizabeth: June 1566', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69, (London, 1900) pp. 282-292. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol2/pp282-292 [accessed 24 March 2024]

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In this section

392. Randolph to Cecil. [June 2.]

Of late I hear little from Scotland, "but attende daylye answer of that which I laste wrote concerninge Shan Onel." I enclose my lord Morton's letter to me, and another to the Lord Warden of the Middle Marches. They request the Queen's safe conduct, for more surety, and to make it known that "theie will awaye." He was minded to have sent one to sue for it at Court, but I stayed it, not finding good to have any of his there at present—as also a letter he would have written to her majesty to intercede for his and his friends' restitution. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

1 p. Addressed (by Jenye ?). Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Inclosed in the same:—

(Morton to Randolph.)

Acknowledging receipt by Sir John Forster, of the Queen's answer for their departure furth of England, which they will obey: but have asked the said Lord Warden to procure her safe conduct, in which he hopes Randolph who has always been their friend will aid, and also in moving her majesty to procure relief at their own Sovereign's hands. Has summoned the gentlemen in Berwick to join him before they depart. Newcastle, the last of May 1566. Signed: Mortoun.

1 p. Addressed: "to . . . Master Randolphe in Bervik." Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

393. Randolph to Cecil. [June 7.]

Though I cannot yet fully "resolve" your honour what Argyll will do for Shan O'Neill, yet Murray assures me "that he will do what he cane" to stay any comfort "from thens," if it be not too far past to be called back: but in any case " that I sholde beleve that yt commethe not of Argile self." He is an earnest suitor for Morton and his company, but prevails not. It is harder with Lethington than it was—his licence to Flanders is recalled, and he is commanded to ward in Caithness. The Clerk Register charged to remain beyond the water of Taye; others that had leave to live out of the country—as Lord Livingston, Argyll's brother, and others—are stayed as I hear, till it be known what becomes of the Queen in time "of her travaile." She has assembled against Sunday next, (fn. 1) her whole nobility; it is thought 3 regents shall be appointed. She has also made her will "thryse wrytten"—one part sent to France, the other she keeps herself, the third she will leave to those in charge. On Monday last, (fn. 2) she took her chamber, but sometimes takes air in the castle. Her husband is recovered, and "as I heare theie two reconsiled, but what is contayned in the Testament he is ignorante." Argyll and Murray lodge in the castle "and keape howse togyther whear I lodged in the towne." Huntly and Bothwell would also have lodged there but were refused. Bothwell has the whole inheritance of Dunbar given him, the castle reserved to the Queen. The parson of Oune, (fn. 3) now bishop of Ross, has chief management of affairs, and the parson of Flyske not so far in credit as he was. This is what I received yesterday from one that understands enough and wishes things much better and quieter than he finds likely.

Yesterday I received your letter of the 3rd and most humbly thank you—especially "for the wrytinge of that Fantasie or Dreame called by my name, that I am thought fawltles, as in deade I am." If Mr Melvin thinks me clear, I trust he will perform what he promised, that the reporter being in this town shall be known, if not to me, and your honour warned of such.

I most humbly thank her majesty that I shall shortly be called home. and the good hope by your honour that she will be good to me in my suit. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

pp. Holograph. Addressed (by Jenye). Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

394. Elizabeth to Mary. [June 13.]

Having read the letters brought by Melvin, has received good content in part. But on reading her "fascherye" caused by the "Songe de Randolph," if she finds it brought home to him, even if but a dream and not written, she will not think him worthy of living in her realm—for she will not have her subjects speak, much less think, evil of princes—especially of Mary: and his punishment shall be worthy of the crime. Has banished under her hand the evil subjects of whom Mary writes. It displeases her to learn that her public rebel is so well received in Scotland. Begs her to remove bushes, lest a thorn prick her heel. Such occasions touch the quick, and this is not the road whereby to arrive at her designs: these are paths for wanderers from the highway. "Car la pierre souvent tombe sur la teste du jetteur." If her subjects see Mary's words so honeyed, while her acts are envenomed, what can they think? She can but touch the stay of Melvin which seemed very strange, and has well admonished the Marshal at length. Prays God to send her "aussy courte paine et aussy heureuse heur que vous mesmes en pouvez soubhaiter." Is herself "grosse du desir" for the good news. Greenwich.

pp. French. Contemporary official copy. Indorsed.

395. Randolph to Cecil. [June 13.]

I trust shortly to send you a "resulute" answer what shall be done in Scotland for O'Neill; of whose force I hear more by report, than I trust of verity, that he is himself above 5000 and has 600 or 700 Scots to assist him. "Carlebois" (fn. 4) is at liberty, and serves him with his friends. James MacConnel's wife is very desirous of revenge for her husband's death, and will accept no conditions. Her son (fn. 5) 18 years of age not unlike his father, desires the same. He is with Argyll, which I think will be a great stay that his lordship take not open part with O'Neill; yet I am informed the assistance he gets comes by other than Argyll, who yet has power to stay the whole. Murray is unwilling he be supported, yet not so sound in credit that he dare oppose it. I have received your honour's of the 6th with Morton's safe conduct, who without fail if the wind serve, embarks to-morrow or Friday (fn. 6) for Flanders—the rest of the gentlemen are also departed. I have written your commendations to Sir John Forster, somewhat recovered, but not like long to endure, whereof is great pity for good service sake. Rokeby's being "younder" is much misliked and more feared than I trust his power is. I send his man's confession before Sir John Forster. Of all borderers hostile to England, Sir Andrew Car has most to do. Some think if he were called to his country, conveyance of men, letters and intelligences would be stopped.

"For the secrete handelinge of the convoiance of my lorde of Morton: hytherto yt is well, and I truste not to heare of worce—theie have had waringe [cursing ?] inoughe." Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed (by Jenye ?). Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Inclosed in the above.

(Anderson's examination)

Touching the conveyance of Christofer Rokeby into Scotland—taken before the Lord Warden of the Middle March 4th June 1566.

The said Humfraye Anderson says that on the Sunday after "Sancte Tillinge day" Christofer Rokeby came to his house at Actoune, and remained a certain space, as he was absent—leaving word he should follow him to Alnwick: which he did, but found Rokeby departed from Agnes Clark's house there: with whom he left word commanding said Humfraye to follow him to Belford; where he left a servant with his gere to be brought to him to Kelso at one Riche Palmer's house: where they remained one night. On the morrow the said Christofer Rokeby departed for Edinburgh, and Anderson returned to his own house bringing a horse of Rokeby's home with him. Signed: John Forster.

1 p. Written by his clerk.

396. Randolph to Cecil. [June 14.]

I have now full answer of Argyll's determination touching O'Nel, "by suche a frende (unto whome he hathe communicated his whole mynde) as is willinge to do the best he cane, that rather my lorde of Argile myghte be broughte to be his ennemie, thene in this case to shewe hym the frendshipe that he maye." First:—he assures me that Argyll has liberty of the Queen to let as many of his country as will, pass to Oneill—wherein he stood somewhat at first, for the private quarrel between MacConnel's friends and Oneill. Since then the offers made to him have been great, both in present commodity of cattle and other, "as here after to injoye anye portion of lande that maye be commodieus or proffitable unto hym in the same Ile." Wherefore he finds it better, "by mariage or other wayes" to reconcile MacConnel's friends and Oneill, than to let slip this opportunity to do himself good, whereto also he has certainly the leave of his Sovereign. He has conferred hereon with Murray and Gray[nge] whose advice I am sure he will follow, rather than any others. They find his determination "not all togyther so godlye, nor so myche to his honour," as they wish, and have been earnest with him rather to be his open enemy, than to take such an "ungodlye" part—reminding him of the benefits their country received not many years since against the French. These and other reasons moved him much, "but the mynde of his present commoditie" prevented him yielding to what duty, conscience and friendship should have led him. "He is nowe brought unto this passe," and consents to Murray and Graynge, that as it pleases her majesty our Sovereign to deal for the banished lords' restoration, and the religion, he will not only become Shan Oneill's open enemy with all his force at no cost to her (except of good will and liberality) and hinder all the practises now in hand between his Sovereign and the English papists to his uttermost. Hereto Murray gives consent, and I am willed to advertise their resolution, written by Mr John Wood his secretary, and return to them her majesty's answer within 14 days; which requires it, in my opinion. I have done all I can to learn the "bottom" of Rokeby's practises, but he deals so circumspectly and closely with Sir Andrew Carre and the parson of Oune, that it is hard to come by anything. There is great talk of Frenchmen to arrive in Scotland under Monsieur "Denamours," (fn. 7) to embark at "Newehavin." A merchant there sues to this Queen for license for 8 ships to take herring in "Loughebrone": they are preparing and this causes the bruit.

I trusted to have given the first news of the Queen's delivery, but am informed that strait order is taken it "shall not owte" of the Castle till James Melvin is past Berwick to her majesty with the same. "He maye be beguyled, yf my frendes do well serve my torne," and then your honour shall have it in writing before any haste he can make, ride he never so fast. I leave troubling you, who must be as weary reading my letters, as I am writing them. Berwick. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

pp. Holograph. addressed (by Jenye ?), Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

397. Instructions to Henry Killigrew. [June 13–15.]

"A memoryall for Henry Killigrew being sent from the Quenes majesty in messadg to the Quene of Scottes, for the thynges following:—

[Under three principal heads.] After conferring on the way with Randolph, he is to present the Queen's letters to the Queen of Scots. Thereafter (1) complain of the secret aid given to a "disordred subject" of hers in Ireland "naming hym self Oneyle," who is "of naturall education, savage and ignorant both of Gods law and mans law, as by his fowle lyf is manifest": with whom her majesty's ministers could easily deal by ordinary justice if such support was withheld; (2) that one Christofer Rokesby her subject, has by his follies and rash devices entered into some favour with that Queen. Whereat her majesty wonders that a queen so trained and acquainted with affairs of State, should give ear to "such kynd of persons as Rooksbye or his mates ar"—which must in the end breed evil effects. He shall also complain that Robert Melvyn (though otherwise in her majesty's opinion well chosen to nourish concord) seems to make it part of his service to solicit her subjects to determine the Queen of Scots' title, "without orderly disquisition," and if his mistress means him to spend his time in England thus, her majesty cannot allow it. But Killigrew shall affirm that if Mary commands Melvyn to deal with her majesty, "she shall most proffitt hirself therby." He is (3) to complain of the negligence, "and as it semeth a wilfull canteloossnes" of the Wardens of the East Marches, as the Earl of Bedford is prepared to specify, and do justice when he sees it offered—also of the lamentable private complaints of 2 merchants, one named Clerk of Norfolk, the other Bigges of Radnor in Wales, robbed by pirates: but is not to molest her with particulars but move her Council to take order therein, as well also of other merchants' grievances. Requiring however from the Queen direct answers to these "first three greeves," that her majesty may be satisfied of their truth, or if they are mere reports.

Where the Queen of Scots has complained (1) of a book lately made here against her title, (2) another against her honour named "Randolphes Dreame," and (3) of the opening of letters at Berwick brought to her from France by a Frenchman, and taking away a "parrott" from the same man, and lastly the staying of Robert Melvyn there on his mission from her: all which she has heard by and answered to Melvyn—Killigrew shall reiterate the same, and that her majesty will do all in reason to satisfy her good sister. (1) The only book on her title she knows of was written secretly 3 years past "by on of the Parlement house" who was, without Mary's solicitation, "punished, and therby hath so dearly payd by long imprisonment not without evident danger of his liff, for his audacity used therin, as it is hard to thynk that any other dare presume the lyke." (2) Randolph so earnestly denies his knowledge, (as Melvyn knows) that he makes earnest suit that the Queen of Scots may be entreated to cause trial to be made to the uttermost, and if culpable submits himself to all extremity. (3) For the letters: the Marshal denies opening them, but the Frenchman "wold nedes of himself" open the packet, when at Alnwick with Sir John Forster, who denies any blame therein, as Killigrew will do well to take in Sir John's handwriting. For the parrott: it was bought of the carrier offering it for sale, as the Marshal shall declare by his writing, as also make report therein to that Queen of his staying Melvyn, wherein there was no intention to offend her, but only to keep order in a frontier town, in the Governor's absence. As for the motion renewed by Melvyn for a meeting of the Queens this summer: he is to say if the Queen renews it, that he lately heard some talk in Court, when the officers of the household alleged it was impossible on such short warning to make provision meet for the honour of both Queens—that her majesty desired to have gone in progress as far as Nottingham—midway to the north—but it was found so difficult to conduct such train as usually follows her, that she herself cut off a good part of that journey—the rather as she could not return to London in time for the Michaelmas Parliament—and he had heard say she was very sorry the interview was stayed.

Besides his dealing with the Queen, he shall take care to understand truly, what Shan Oneyle has done with the Earl of Argyll or MacClayne, or any other of the Irish Scots for his support: and this knowledge gathered, shall devise with the Earl of Murray how such aid intended for Shan may be stayed. Among the persuasions which he sees meet to use, "none ought more to move the sayd Erle, or any other being indede relligios, than the sayd Shan Oneyle is an oppen rebell, having no pretence, but only to mayntean hym self lyke a barbar and tyrann, and aydeth hym self principally by such as uphold the Popes authorite in that realm, for which purpoose he letteth not to kepe frears and pardonnars, which by stelth have recourss to Rome, and therby fortefyeth hym self to trouble the common quiett of the realm." Murray is also to think how unkindly her majesty might take it, "to see such a barbaross rebel fearyng nother God nor man" aided in rebellion by "such faythfull persons in Scotland" as have been by her means and no small cost, preserved in liberty of their country and also of their "consciencees": and herein Killigrew shall do all his endeavour to stay aid, yet not to make Shane's power appear so great, but that her majesty, if she please to deal with him, has any cause to intreat any in Scotland to forbear aiding him.

As soon as he can finish his message, and procure the Queen's answer, he shall return with speed.

13 pp. Draft in Cecil's hand. Indorsed (by him): "13 Junij 1566. Instructions for Henry Killigrew."

398. Remembrances for Killigrew. [June 15.]

Touching the East and Middle Marches of England to the Queen and Secret Council of Scotland:—

That there has been no meeting since St Andrew's day last past: and that Thomas Kar lies yet in Berwick for performance of an indent at Rydingburne on 7th August 1565, not released as he ought to have been. The 102 bills for which he lies are yet unanswered to the Earl of Bedford (besides other grievances). To conclude: he shall declare, when the nights "encrease of their length" unless the Queen and Council take speedy order: things will be worse. Signed: John Forster.

pp. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "June 1566. Remembrances geven to Mr Killigrew" &c.

399. Murray to Cecil. [June 19].

"Seing it hayth pleased the Quene my souverayne upon thoccasion of this happy succession (quhairwith it hayth pleased God to blis hir) to direct this gentleman Mr Melwill my verray freind, towardis the Quenes majeste your souverayne," I thought good to send these few words with him to remind your honour of the weighty matters between our sovereigns, and the great need that you will look with care on the choice of the person whom it pleases your Sovereign to direct here. Referring you to the bearer whom credit as myself. Edinburgh [ ] of Junii 1566. Signed: James Stewart.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

400. H. Kyllygrew to Cecil. [June 24. recté 23.]

As the Queen commanded, I made all haste and arrived at Berwick three days after leaving London. I remained a whole day to receive Mr Randall's and the Marshal's instructions, as I had done at Alnwick from the Lord warden of the Middle Marches. As it was certainly known of the Queen's delivery, I made less haste to this town, where I arrived yesterday (fn. 8) afternoon and found means to let her highness know, after the best means I could—which she took in good part, and sent me word by one of the Melvyns, that I was welcome from my Sovereign, and should have audience "as sone as she might have any ease of the payne in her brestes; which I am borne in hand wylbe about Twysday or Wensday next." (fn. 9) Meantime her grace commanded a bed of her own of "crymsin vellett" to be set up in my chamber, and, as I guess, willed my lord of Morray to call me to dine with him this day "being Sonday," (fn. 10) for I had determined to keep my chamber till I had audience of her. He sent me word to come to "the sermon," where I found the Earls of Huntly, Argyll, Moray, Mar and Crawford, and dined with Argyll and Moray, "which kepe howse together." After dinner I delivered my lord of Leicester's and your letters to his lordship, which he received thankfully, and returned to the castle, saying he would let me know when her majesty was in state to give me audience.

Abiding which, I write as follows. The birth has bred much joy here—the Queen is in good state for a woman in her case, and the prynce "a veary goodlye chyld." For ought I can see, Oneill is not like to have great aid from Argyll or MacLane, or that Rokesby has yet spoken with the Queen—though in secret in this town, as also others, one Thwattes a Norfolk man, another called Roggers somtyme servant to Mr. Aschley, besides Guyn, Yaxley's man, and arrived of late with letters and tokens out of Flanders. James Melvin now in England, can best declare of any other (if he would) the devices both of Rooksby, Onell and others.

I find here an uncertain and disquiet sort of men—especially the nobility divided in factions whereof I will write more again. Argyll, Morray, Mar and Athole presently in Court, "be lynked" together, and Huntly and Bothwell with their friends on the other side. Bothwell and the Master of Maxwell are both on the Borders, bearing the Queen in hand that there is a practise to bring in Morton during her "chyld bed": but the truth is that Bothwell would not "gladly" be in the danger of the 4 above named that lie in the castle. Yet it is thought and said, that his credit with the Queen is more than all the rest together. The Queen's husband lies also in the castle, but his father in the town. "Methinkes for all the yong prince, ther is small account made of them." Lennox sent me "even now" a man of his with offers of courtesy for my sovereign's sake, and benefits received. I said I would make report, and wished "my lord wold indevour hem selfe in dead to deserve her majestie favour agayne. This messenger pressed me so importunatly as I cold not shift me of hem." Standen also offered to speak with me, but I excused myself till I had spoken with her grace—and this I did "for a good cause." Grange is gone home to his house, and Lethington being ready for Flanders, and warned that Bothwell laid wait for him at sea, has gone into Argyll, with little hope to return to Court. "Bafoore" credit decays and the bishop of Ross called Mr John Leslye, manages all her affairs of state. Edinburgh. Signed: H. Kyllygrew.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

401. Kyllygrew to Cecil. Elizabeth. [June 24. 1566.]

At 3 o'clock this afternoon, Murray sent a gentleman and took me from his "logging" to the castle, where the Earl of Mar, captain, met us, and by both without "pause" I was brought to the Queen's "bedsyde," where her highness received thankfully her Majesty's letters and commendations, desiring me to excuse her proceeding farther, and as soon as she could get strength, I should have access again. I took leave and was brought to the young prince, "sucking of his nouryce," afterwards saw him "as good as naked, I meane his headd, feett and handes, all to my jugment well proporsioned, and lyke to prove a goodly prince." Her Majesty was "so bolde" immediately after delivery, as she has not yet recovered. The few words she spoke were "fayntly with a hollow cough." The 2 earls brought me to the castle gate, and on taking leave, I told Murray that part of my instructions were to be weighed by some of her "godly" council before communicating to her grace, as I prayed him to do at a convenient time. He said his credit was yet but small, and his state not much better than when he looked for nought but banishment. I am told that Henry Guyn brought from Flanders 2 great chests and 8 or 10 letters to the Queen and her husband. Rooksby has taken a chamber here for 3 months and keeps secret. Thus I take leave as one that if he were home again, would make no suit to return hither. Edinburgh. Signed: H. Kyllygrew.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "23 Junij" &c.

402. Kyllygrew to Cecil. [June 28.]

This day Murray sent for me to dine with the Council, appointed by her Majesty to hear me on the border matters and merchants' causes. These were the Earls of Huntly chancellor, Argyll, Atholl, Murray and Mar, the bishops of Ross and Galloway, Lord Seton and Mr James Bafoore clerk of register; by whom I was answered with these words or nigh like—'The demandes you have made we dowbt not the Quene our souverayne shall aunswer to your mestres contentation.' I now depend on her grace's health, daily increasing but not yet able for audience, which she has promised when "in case for hyt." The Earl of Argyll and "Maconelles heire" have sent to Ireland 1000 or 1200 of their men, to a "parley" with O'Neill about MacConnel's lands, but though he grant their requests have no commission to join with him till Argyll is advertised of their proceedings. They are already there, as it was told me the Earl took order, before he left his country. I learn he minds himself to ask leave beyond sea "not into Irland," the cause whereof I shall better instruct myself of before my return, which I think "over long." There has been some "adoe" about the government of the prince and country, in case the Queen had "myscaried": whose husband and his friends made claim to it according to the custom of marriage in like cases here—"howbeyt by ought I can gesse, his part shold not have bin the greatest."

At present the whole clergy of the country are assembled "(according to ther custum of twyse in the yere)" who "pretend" to exhibit a supplication to her majesty, as well to confirm their religion, as for the relief of the ministers; meaning to remind her of her solemn promises made at Stirling for their consent to her marriage—the sequel I think to see before my return. Many here are troubled about baptizing the young prince, not knowing how it shall be done, and wish earnestly that our Sovereign would use her credit therein; to whose desire they think thair Sovereign would more incline than to any other. Edinburgh. Signed: H. Kyllygrew.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

403. Petition to the King and Queen. [June]

"The nobilite gentillmen barons with superintendantes, ministers and others professinge the Evangell of Jesus Christ within this realme, to the Kinge and Quenes majestes and the thre estatis of this realme presentlie convenit into parliament, wishethe the fear of God with the sprit of rightuous judgment."

The preamble recites the dispatch by the Convention of the Kirk, held at Edinburgh on 25th June last, of certain gentlemen to her majesty, with articles touching religion, which her grace partly answered: remitting further answer to this present parliament. This they now crave, and they also refer her to the parliament of 10 July 1560, abolishing papistry, and various proclamations by her, specially on 15th September last at Dundee, by the King and herself with advice of their privy council, promising to establish the religion as she found it. Desiring them to consider the premisses, with the articles, the Queen's answers, and the Kirk's reply as follows:—

[Here follow the articles, 6 in number as in N° 203, with the Queen's answer as in N° 217.]

The Kirk's reply to her majesty's answers:—First: where her majesty finds no impiety in the mass, but that the same is well grounded "etc.": this is no small grief to the Christian hearts of her "godlye subjectis, considering that the trompet of Chrystis evangell hes ben sa lange blawin in this countre, and His mercy sa playnely offerit in the same, that hir majeste yet remaynes unperswadit of the trewthe of this our religion; for our religion is not ells but the same religion quhilke Christ in the last daies revelit fra the bossome of his Father: quhairof he made his apostles messengers, and quhilke tha preachit and establysht amongst his faithfull, to contynew till the gayne cuminge of the Lord Jesus: quhilk differs from the impiete of the Turkes, the blasphemye of the Jews, and vayne superstition of the Papystes, in this—that onlie his holy spryt speking in his prophetes and apostles for authors therof, and thair doctrine and practyse for ground of the same—the quhilk assurance no uther religion upon the face of the earth can justlie alleadge or playnelye prove—yea quhatsoever assurance the papystes hes for thair religion, the same hes the Turkes for maynetenance of thair Alcarone, and the Jewis fer gretter for the defence of thiere ceremonies, quhidder it be antiquyte of tyme, consent of people, authoryte of prynces, great nomber or multitude consenting togyther, or any uther sike like clokes that thai can pretend." And as they are "dolorous" that her highness is not persuaded, they humbly offer the means, which is chiefly preaching God's word to her, or public disputation against the adversaries, whenever her grace finds it convenient. In the meantime they are bold to affirm that the mass is "nathinge ells but a mess of impiete fra the beginning to the ending," as they offered to prove. For the second answer:—They mean to defraud neither her majesty nor any other, of their lawful patronage, but that the presentees be collated by the Kirk after trial of their qualifications: also that the "teyndis" are the patrimony of the Kirk, and her majesty's offer of assignations for the ministers' sustentation, is too general to be put in practice without more special "condiscendinge" on particulars—and they still pray performance of these reasonable articles.

pp. Contemporary hand. Indorsation (very faint). The word "Scottishe" seems in Randolph's hand, "10 July 1560" in another.

Footnotes

  • 1. 9th.
  • 2. 3rd.
  • 3. John Lesly.
  • 4. Sorleboy MacConnel.
  • 5. Angus MacConnel.
  • 6. Friday was 14th June.
  • 7. De Nemours.
  • 8. "Yesterday" was Saturday 22nd.
  • 9. 25th or 26th.
  • 10. 23rd.